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The World Through the TV Screen. Everyday Life Under Communism on the Western Romanian Border

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The World Through the TV Screen. Everyday Life Under Communism on the Western Romanian Border The World through the TV Screen. Everyday Life under Communism on the Western Romanian Border The World through the TV Screen. 1) This paper originates Everyday Life under Communism on from a project of the In- stitute for Balkan Stud- 1 the Western Romanian Border ies, Language, Folklore, Migrations in the Balkans (no. 178010), funded by the Ministry of Education and Sci- Annemarie Sorescu-Marinković ence of the Republic of Serbia. Annemarie Sorescu-Marinković is a research associate at the Serbian Academy's In- stitute for Balkan Studies, Belgrade. ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper focuses on the narratives of various people from Timișoara (a city in Serbian-Romanian border, commu- the Banat region of Romania) who were regular and heavy watchers of Yugoslav nism, everyday life, television, Yu- TV during the 1980s. These narratives represent fragments of oral history that gonostalgia picturesquely illustrate everyday life in the western border region of communist Romania, a region strongly influenced by the proximity of Yugoslavia. Together with a strong critical attitude towards the Romanian communist regime, all the re- spondents share a positive view of communist Yugoslavia and its system of values; in other words, they are Yugonostalgic. broadly defined as “nostalgia for the fantasies Introduction associated with a country, the SFRY, which ex- isted from 1945 to 1991”, where “no necessary The present study is based on an analysis of relationship exists between the temporally and several interviews with Romanian citizens spatially fragmented memories of a Yugoslav from Timişoara (a city in the Banat region of past and the present desires, expressed by and the country) initially conducted with the aim through Yugonostalgic representations of this of investigating the circumstances in which past” (Lindstron 2006: 233). Yugonostalgia is they were able to learn the Serbian language, known to be strongest among ex-Yugoslav em- predominantly by watching Yugoslav TV dur- igrants and Diaspora communities, many of ing the 1980s. Beside their significance in whom left the ex-Yugoslav region after the terms of clarifying the context of foreign lan- break-up of the federation at the beginning of guage learning, the narratives of these people the 1990s (see Marković 2009: 205). Paradox- contain fragments of oral history that offer a ically, many Banat Romanians are also Yu- picturesque view of everyday life on the west- gonostalgic, in a positive sense: they are ern border of communist Romania, a region nostalgically and emotionally attached to the which in the 1980s was strongly influenced by liberal and permissive communist Yugoslav the proximity of the neighbouring communist, regime, to the idealised desirable aspects of the albeit far more permissive, Federal Republic of former Yugoslavia, before its collapse, among Yugoslavia. which counted economic security, multicul- When the respondents speak of learning turalism and a more rewarding way of life. As Serbian by watching Yugoslav TV during the initial research was designed to look only childhood and adolescence, their critical atti- at a specific period and at the circumstances tude towards the Romanian communist of the people’s language learning, the respon- regime is counterbalanced by an admiration dents’ narratives can only offer fragments of for communist Yugoslavia and its system of oral history that are clearly delimited in time values, an attitude more recently given the and do not tackle the Yugoslav civil wars of the name of Yugonostalgia. Yugonostalgia can be 1990s. 173 Annemarie Sorescu-Marinković The nature of everyday life during the final years of Romanian communism The installation of the communist regime in Romania, on March 1945, when the first Com- munist Government came to power, undoubt- edly marked the beginning of a new era in the history of the country, an era characterised both by political, economic and social trans- formation at a national level and, in particu- lar, profound changes experienced on an individual level. In the second half of the 20th century, communism became “the over- whelming fact of life for Romanians” (Hitchins 1992: 1080), serving, for over forty years, as the ideological cover for a political and eco- nomic system that turned Romania away from Western Europe and towards the East (idem). In 1965, Nicolae Ceauşescu became the head of the Communist Party; two years later he be- came head of state, assuming the newly-estab- lished role of President of the Socialist Republic of Romania in 1974. The rapid eco- nomic growth at the beginning of the 1970s, photo©Vlad Columbeanu fuelled by foreign loans, gave way to austerity The interviews conducted in Timişoara and political repression that ultimately led to the fall of the communist government in De- 2) As the history of the acted as a form of therapeutic confession that 2 Romanian communist helped the respondents come to terms with cember 1989 . regime is not our main Towards the end of Ceauşescu’s reign the concern here, the inter- their collective past, with a large swathe of his- ested reader will find situation had become catastrophic in Roma- more on this subject in tory, by reconsidering and analysing their own Cioroianu 2005, Dele- smaller pasts. All were eager to talk about the nia: “A widespread atmosphere of fin-de-règne tant 1997, Tism\neanu was imbued with hopelessness, corruption and 2005, Verdery 1991. period in question, and our conversations were frequently marked by the respondents’ universal fear. Discontent was rampant, but in laughter and exclamations, indicating a high general, however, it seemed that Ceauşescu level of implication and the active process of managed to keep strict control over the coun- remembering. The Others (the Yugoslavs) be- try, nipping in the bud any form of dissent and came part of an identity autoscopy, and the re- resistance. His cult was unique in its absurdity spondents’ relations with them were looked and pompousness” (Tismăneanu 1999: 159). upon as enriching exercises in which diversity Since assuming power in 1965, Ceauşescu proved an important real and symbolic re- sought to personalise his power, while leader- source. Needless to say memory is subjective ship of the party and government became a and fragmentary, and our respondents pre- family affair. sented only one of many possible versions of Everyday life was marked by fear, intimi- the past, providing a dynamic insight into the dation, suspicion that the person next to you period in question and “activating” it. might be an informer and extremely violent political repression. As in most communist states, propaganda was viewed as the largest 174 The World through the TV Screen. Everyday Life under Communism on the Western Romanian Border and most effective device for spreading the 3) For more on everyday communist ideology. During the final decades Romanian state television life in communist Ro- mania, see Budeanc\ of the communist regime it became a natural and Olteanu 2010, part of the everyday environment in which The poverty of consumer goods and entertain- Dragomir 2008, Necu- lau 2004. people lived; simultaneously serving as a ment commonly available to Western Euro- means of regime legitimation and of mass ed- peans was compounded by a drastic reduction ucation, the propaganda apparatus resembled in the duration of television broadcasts. As a 4) The July Theses is the military in its organisation (Kligman 2000: result of the “energy saving programme” im- the name by which 108-112). posed by Ceauşescu between 1985 and 1989, Nicolae Ceauşescu’s speech to the Executive For ordinary people living in communist the Romanian television schedule was cut Committee of the Ro- manian Communist Romania, a large part of everyday life con- back to a broadcast of around two hours, be- Party (PCR) on July 6th sisted in searching and queuing for basic ma- tween 8 and 10 pm, most of which was used 1971 is known. Its full title was Proposals of terial goods, including food. Stories of people for official and state-censored programming. Measures for the Im- spending hours in long queues to buy meat provement of the Politi- The programmes were meant to reinforce cal-Ideological Activity and potatoes abound, as do tales of the chronic communist party views and were mainly ded- and the Marxist-Leninist Education of Party shortages of personal hygiene and health icated to the cults of personality surrounding Members and all Work- products. Young people spent their days in Nicolae Ceauşescu and his wife, Elena. ing People. The Theses contained 17 “propos- school, where they were routinely given les- In addition to this severe restriction, radio als” for discussion by sons peppered with Marxist-Leninist ideology the Central Committee and TV, together with films, theatre and other of the PCR in the au- and praise for the Soviet Union. forms of artistic creation, also had to follow tumn of 1971. The speech marked the be- 4 Few people could afford cars, so most re- the guidelines presented in the July Theses , ginning of a “mini cul- lied on crowded public transport or went to tural revolution” the aim being that their educational and ideo- (Verdery 1991: 107) in school or work on foot. A common sight to logical role should prevail over their aesthetic communist Romania: competence and aes- which the people awoke each morning and re- value, thus rendering them more accessible to thetics were to be re- tired each evening was that of a small apart- the masses, especially the workers and peas- placed by ideology; the professionals in various fields were to be re- placed by agitators; and culture was to become an instrument of politi- cal-ideological propa- ganda (Bozóki 1991: 57). The Theses marked the end of a period of relative cultural “relax- ation” and the begin- ning of severe restrictions and totalitar- ian measures.
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