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ASSYRIOLOGIE love song for Šu-Sîn (Jacobsen, 88f.; Sefati 353-9) (K. Volk), three texts about the school: a riddle (UET 6 340-341), VOLK, K. (Hrsg.) — Erzählungen aus dem Land Sumer. “Schooldays”, and A supervisor’s advice to a young scribe Illustriert von Karl-Heinz Bohny. Verlag Otto Harras- (K. Volk), the temple hymns of Gudea (W. Heimpel), sowitz, Wiesbaden, 2015. (24 cm, XV, 467). ISBN: 978- Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (C. Mittermayer), the 3-447-10413-5, € 38,-. Lugalbanda songs (C. Wilcke), Gilgamesh and Agga (H. Waetzoldt), Gilgamesh and Huwawa (D.O. Edzard), Gil- This book presents the most important Sumerian literary gamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld (P. Attinger), the Curse compositions in German translations. Competent German- of Agade (A. Cavigneaux), Enḫeduana’s “Ninmešarra” speaking Sumerologists all over the world (Germany, Swit- (A. Zgoll), Inanna and Ebiḫ (P. Attinger), Enki’s Journey to zerland, the United States of America) took care of the Nippur (J. Bauer), Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld translations which are presented, with short summaries in (H. Waetzoldt; with a long introduction and many remarks the margin; the model in Th. Jacobsen, TheHarpsthat at the end of the book), Dumuzi’s Dream (P. Attinger, Once… (1987), J. Bottéro, S.N. Kramer, Lorsquelesdieux J. Matuszak). faisaientl’homme(1989),Bottéro’s translation of the Gil- It is a miracle that some translations appeared in this same gamesh epic (1992). Most helpful. It is a beautiful book, year in another anthology, B. Janowski, D. Schwemer, with illustrations, primarily meant for the general public. Weisheitstexte,Mythen,Epen (= TUAT NF 8) (2015). They Every translation is preceded by a short introduction and at are: Attinger, Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, the end of the book bibliographies (including editions on p. 297-316 = TUAT NF 8 p. 24-37; Zgoll, Ninmešarra, 339- the internet) and remarks on details are given. Sumerian is 350 = 55-67; Attinger, Ebiḫ, 353-369 = 37-45; Mittermayer, not an easy language and in several instances the translators Aratta, 169-201 = 3-24. The introductions to the translations avow that they are more or less at a loss (p. 3, 84, 321, 353, are almost identical in Attinger’s work and differing in those 376, 434, 437). by Mittermayer and Zgoll. Exceptional is the contribution by C. Wilcke on the Lugal- In the bibliography of Heimpel, the temple hymns of banda Epic: a lengthy introduction, with thoughtful summa- Gudea, one misses the edition by W.H.Ph. Römer, AOAT ries (p. 203-225), the translations, and elaborate excursuses 376 (2010). in the rear (p. 421-434). They are the results of a lifetime of We are grateful for the new translations of these fascinat- reflection on this epic, since Wilcke’s edition of 1969 (Das ing texts. Lugalbandaepos), and his “Lugalbanda” in the Reallexikon derAssyriologie (1987), and the insiderwill be grateful for Leiden, October 2015 M. STOL his observations. In fact, Wilcke presents here his discovery of the role played by Inanna as the planet Venus. She disap- * pears in the evening as the Evening Star, she is inaccessible * * to Enmerkar during three nights, being “blue” like lapis lazuli (nachtblau), and emerges as the Morning Star, all this in an interplay with constellations in the Zodiac (of that ZIEGLER, N. and CANCIK-KIRSCHBAUM, E. (eds) — period) and the Sun. Lugalbanda in his illness was revived Entre les fleuves — II. D’Aššur à Mari et au-delà. (Ber- by astral gods (p. 209-211, 225). The translations given are liner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient, 24). PeWe Verlag, those of (1) the marriage of Lugalbanda and Nin-sumun, dat- Gladbeck, 2014. (24,5 cm, 354). ISBN 978-3-935012- ing the Fara period (p. 226 f.; summary: 203 f.); (2) the 13-3. € 29,80. Neo-Sumerian/Old Babylonian Lugalbanda I and II (p. 227- This book is the second volume in the series Entreles 251, 254-272; summary: 208-225), (3) an Ur III document fleuves, the first was published in 2009. It is the result of the (6N-T638) looking back at Lugalbanda I in flash-backs, in French-German collaborative project HIGEOMES (“HIs- order to remind the public of what had happened before toire GÉOgraphique de la Haute MÉSopotamie). Its goal is (p. 251-4; summary: 205-7) (his full exposition appeared in to integrate philology, archaeology, and geo-information to A. Archi, CRRAI 57 [2015] 41-48); (4) the late bilingual study the geographical history of Upper Mesopotamia in the version in the library of Ashurbanipal, duplicating II 1-20 second millennium BCE. The book contains seventeen arti- (p. 205, 427 f.). Here and in the variants or in extra verses cles related to this topic, divided over four main parts: the he discovers the oral tradition as written down by the various first has five articles on Upper Mesopotamia in the Old Bab- scribes (p. 206 f.). The epic wishes to show how Lugalbanda ylonian period; the second is a philological overview (in six developed to be a wise king (p. 220 f.). articles) of the city of Akkad throughout Mesopotamian his- The texts translated in this book are: the early Sumerian tory; the third has three articles dealing with the two cunei- creation myth Cros, Tello 180 (AO 4153), edited by form texts found at Tell Sakka (near Damascus); and the Å.W. Sjöberg in StudiesinMemoryofThorkildJacobsen, fourth part contains three articles on ancient geography and 229-247 (by J. Bauer) (not Presargonic according to ideology. V. Meyer-Laurin, FestschriftPascalAttinger [2012] 228-30), The contributions from the first part show that the infor- Enki and Ninḫursag (P. Attinger), Enlil and Ninlil, “the myth mation from the Old Babylonian Mari archives (ca. 1810- about engendering the moon god” (H. Steible), Lugal-e, 1761 BCE) remains our main source on ancient Upper Meso- “how Ninurta created more water for the Tigris” (W. Heimpel, potamia. In addition to this there were several excavations E. Salgues), the Song of the Hoe (al) (G. Farber), the duet of (Tell Leilan, Tell Mozan etc.) and archeological surveys that King Šu-Sîn and Kubātum (K. Volk), a lullaby (K. Volk), the supplement the Mari material. C.J. Nicolle’s article combines love songs “Let him come, let him come” (Jacobsen, The these data for an interdisciplinary approach to the history of Harps16-18; Y. Sefati, LoveSongs 132-150) and the second the Habur triangle. He proposes a five-tiered periodization

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linking archeological ceramic types (Isin-Larsa and Habur The book has been edited very well by Ziegler and Cancik- ware) to historical events. Kirschbaum, with summaries in four(!) languages of all the That the many unpublished Mari texts still hold new sur- contributions (French, German, English, and Arabic), two prises is proven by the contributions of Ziegler/Durand, tables of contents (one in German at the beginning, and one Charpin, and Guichard. M. Guichard’s article is about the in French at the end), as well indices. In addition, this hard- small kingdom of Zalluhān in the Habur triangle in northern cover book is available atr a very modest price. Syria. Guichard is a prolific writer on the fascinating and complex history of this region (see for example his 2014 Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Rients DE BOER book on the epic of Zimri-Lim), which has received little to October 2015 no attention from scholars not specializing in the Mari archives. The small kingdoms in the Habur triangle were * subject to the king of Mari, but they often quarreled among * * themselves. In addition, due to major events like the bid for power by Ešnunna and Elam in this region, we see that alli- SALAH, S. — Die mittelassyrischen Personen- und Rationen- ances and kings changed often. There is a rich correspond- listen aus all Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu. (Berichte der ence between these long-lasting and ephemeral kings. A lot Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu, 18 Texte of these letters were published by Kupper (in 28) and ARM 6). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2014. (35 cm, Guichard over the years, but Guichard still holds the key to LXXIV, 454). ISBN 978-3-447-10243-8. € 118,-. the region’s history with the (largely unpublished) corre- spondence of Itūr-ašdu. This man was the local representa- This vast study is the third text publication of the Middle tive of the king of Mari and governor of the town of Naḫur Assyrian archives from Tell Šēḫ Ḥamaḍ, ancient Dūr- in the middle of the Habur triangle. His letters sent to Zimri- Katlimmu. The first volume, BATSH 4, comprising of let- Lim are crucial in understanding this dynamic region. ters, was written by Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, who will pub- The article by A. Jacquet provides a case study on the lish the fourth and final volume with Middle Assyrian texts, usage of the database that the HIGEOMES project has pro- comprising a number of administrative documents. The texts duced. It concerns the still unknown location of the city published here are closer to BATSH 9, written by Wolfgang Eluḫut. The HIGEOMES database has divided northern Mes- Röllig, which deals with the flocks and harvests of the envi- opotamia into specific geographical zones and adds for each ronment of the settlement. The book contains 81 texts in toponym extra information concerning administration, popu- various states of preservation, provided with copies and regu- lation etc. Using the database Jacquet studies all the occur- lar text editions. In addition, we are provided with extensive rences of Eluhut in OB texts and tests the several hypotheses indices, containing a glossary and lists of proper names, on its exact location. In the end he arrives at a localization where it is indicated when multiple individuals carried iden- different from the scholarly consensus: Eluhut should not be tical names but can be distinguished by a different patro- located to the south of the Tur Abdin, but more to the north nymic. A helpful sign list is included, as well as photos of in the western part of the upper Tigris valley. all the available tablets. The availability of these photos is Very interesting in this book are the contributions sur- important since it is not likely that there will be an opportu- rounding the publication of two tablets from Tell Sakka, near nity to study the original tablets again following the current Damascus, found by a Syrian team led by Taraqdji. They events in Syria. The texts themselves consist of (ration) lists, provide welcome information on the Levant in the Middle which for the large part deal with the lower social class of and Late Bronze Age. One tablet is a letter sent by one people. While the cuneiform texts provided here are rather Kaštiliašu to a local ruler called Zimri-Lim. The other tablet, uniform, they amply supply material for the Middle Assyrian dated by its editors a few centuries later, contains a new onomasticon. However, the main interest of this text corpus royal name (Ammi-kulluḫ) and perhaps the ancient name of is a rare look at the demographic structure of a Middle Assyr- Tell Sakka: Ugulsat or Dur-Idda-Addu. The repercussions ian settlement. The lists allow us to reconstruct a large num- of the Tell Sakka finds for Hittite history are studied by ber of households from the lower social strata of the town, B. Alexandrov because Ugulsat features in the Syrian cam- providing us with information about their professions and paigns of Suppiluliuma. occupations. It is therefore commendable that the author The last section of the book concerns topography. I. Arkhipov went to the furthest possible extent to make the content of writes about Mesopotamian place names and how and why these texts more accessible by adding the information in vari- they change over time. In addition to D. Charpin’s discovery ous tables and graphs. that Šubat-Enlil and Šeḫna refer to the same town, Arkhipov As for the organisation of this study, the content is divided equates Šubat-Šamaš with Ḫanzat and Ṣubat-Ištar with into 10 different chapters (I-X). There are a few introductory Tupḫam. N. Ziegler is not only one of the editors, but also chapters on various aspects of the archive (I-IV). The texts the most prolific writer in this book, (co)-writing three arti- deal for a large part with the šiluḫlu-people, who were part cles. Her third article deals with the term libbimātim. In the of the lower strata of Middle Assyrian society. This term of time of Samsi-Addu this referred to the center of his king- Hurrian origin, refers to dependent labourers (see Fincke dom (the Habur triangle and Sindjar). Interestingly, libbi 1994 in AoF 21/2; Postgate 2013 in BronzeAgeBureau- mātim was used to designate the same general geographical cracy, 19). The second demographically most significant entity even after his death and the disintegration of his king- group consists of ‘free farmers’. The many personal names dom. E. Cancik-Kirschbaum’s article is in the same vein, allow us to analyse the demographics of Dūr-Katlimmu, who but she concentrates on the administrative structure of the carry mostly Akkadian names. However, a number of Hur- Middle Assyrian empire with special attention to Assur and rians are attested as well. Other people are indicated as being the libbiāli. Sutean, such as the woman Zabibâ (connection with Modern

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.raisin’?). While a thorough analysis of Neo-Assyrian (always Šibanibe), see also de Ridder N.A.B.U‘ زبيبة Arabic zabība the origin of the PN’s remains absent, family ties including 2015/2 no. 39. a family tree are provided. Interesting is Salah’s approach to — A case is made for a sound change /k/ > /ḫ-q/ in a the number of inhabitants of the city, which he tries to esti- newly attested D-stemḫ/qabbudu of the verb kabādu, pre- mate based on the assumption that every male in the lists sumably referring to eye problems. However, as none of the represents a household of about 7 people. When adding peo- attestations are actually written with , I prefer the other ple of classes not mentioned in this list, he estimated a popu- etymology Salah suggested: ḫappudu ‘to blind’. This would lation of 1,200 people, which is about half of the earlier allow us to make a link with a similar alternation of /ḫ-q/ in archaeological estimations (2,250 people). šuḫ/qru and (ḫ/q)abātu, see Köcher in AfO 18, 311. In fact, V-VII) Middle Assyrian ration lists indicate the age cate- further examples occur in the Tell Šēḫ Ḥamad onomasticon, gory of the people mentioned, varying between šairte ‘of the where we find the PN Ḫ/Qabbūtu. breast’ up to šēbum ‘old’. Adults are distinguished between — Contra Salah, the spelling Ni-na-a for Ninu’a (Nin- the male ikkǎru ‘ploughman’ and the feminine ša šipre eveh) is no case of Assyrian vowel-harmony but an unex- ‘worker’, even though the latter term is not restricted to pected case of contraction. females in MA. Despite the fact that Salah lists the chrono- — The remark that instead of lúENGAR we sometimes logical attestations for a number of the more frequently find lú.gišAPIN (MPR, 65a) is somewhat confusing. Both attested people, none of them are attested for all phases ENGAR as well as APIN are the same sign (MZL no. 90). of life. A woman like Aḫāt-ṭābat is attested for a period of This issue concerns confusion with the logogram for a 48 years, beginning with the phase šairte until šašipre, at ‘plough’ gišAPIN (epinnu). This led to the determinative GIŠ which time the archive more or less ends. We cannot imagine being added erroneously to the profession, thus lú.gišENGAR a woman like Aḫāt-ṭābat becoming much older than 50 years. (= lú.gišAPIN). The lack of attestations for old people makes it likely that — It is true that is always attested in the element only people too old to work belong to this category. For Qibi- of PNs. In fact, this is a fixed spelling as the imperative instance, we may note a phrase like fPN šēbatiškārelā qibinever uses (KIN) in any Middle Assyrian archive. teppašaklalātakkal ‘PN, an old woman, she does not fulfil VIII) A few remarks on different texts: (her) workassignment and does not eat rations’ no. 3:14-16. no. 61) The museum numbers of two fragments (DeZ It is also interesting to note that there are only two attesta- 3307+3316) are identical to what appears to be a totally dif- tions of an old man against 19 for old women. The archive ferent text, edited by Röllig in FS Dietrich (no. 12). Instead, of Tell Šēḫ Ḥamad covers a period of 54 years. Based on the this text is found under the museum-numbers DeZ 3295+3319 attested eponyms, the dossier of Salah is chronologically (no. 47). only slighter shorter, with 50 years. In comparison, the dated no 74) The spelling uš-pu ‘slinger’ (l. 37’) is correctly letters of BATSH 4 all feature the same year eponym (Ina- transliterated in the edition, yet found as ušbu in the index. Aššur-šumī-aṣbat), except one (Bēr-šumu-lēšir). We may This noun is always written with UŠ, even though the noun estimate that the average (adult) Assyrian had a life expec- probably derives from the etymologic root √wsp (see Postgate tancy of roughly 40 years, which is interesting because the 2008, The Organization of the Middle Assyrian Army, 87 archive covers a longer period. Indeed, Salah points out that n12). If this is true, we may read <ús> instead of in the frequently attested people are suddenly ‘missing’. In this different spellings of ušpu, which is in fact permitted accord- case, it is likely that they died, though people fleeing was ing to Middle Assyrian orthography (e.g., passim ir-ku-ús). also not unheard of. IX (Indices)) Wordlist: For šiābu„altsein/werden“the VII) In this short chapter, Salah discusses the palaeo- reading še-ib should be corrected to še-eb of the nominal graphic, orthographic and grammatical features of his corpus. pattern šēb, as is transliterated in the actual text editions. This is laudable, as most text editions make no effort to do Additionally, the entries of the nomen šēbu and verb šiābu so. As the lists are devoid of many peculiarities (outside per- should be merged together. They are probably all cases of a haps of the onomasticon itself), Salah falls back to some fea- statusabsolutus as a simple quoted form in lists. For this tures that are not special but common for Middle Assyrians. reason, the spelling še-bi (no. 42:65) has an epenthetic For instance, he superfluously lists the common sound vowel, since a genitive case ending would be false (cf. Sub- change /š/ > /l/ before dentals or the exclusive use of <ù> for artu 14 no. 10 l. 17: [G]U4 laše-bi). The use of ṭeṭ in tuppu the conjunction. The last remark is not entirely correct, as ‘tablet’ and tupšarru ‘scribe’ should be abolished following <ù> is also used for the conjunction ū ‘or’, though admittedly the discussion by Streck (2009, ZA 99 pp. 136ff.). It would this conjunction is absent in this archive. Moreover, it would of course be interesting to find a spelling of the nouns tuppu/ have been more interesting to note, for example, that in some tupšarru in Middle Assyrian without the sign DUB, but foreign PNs the shift /š/ > /l/ does not seem to take place, instead with <ṭu>, which would explain the Hebrew/Aramaic e.g., mIš-ta-ie-eno. 7:4; mIš-ta-re-e-ninos. 2:34; 12:38; spelling ṭpšr as a direct loan from Assyrian. This is however, 18:32. There are a few remarks that should be made on the to my knowledge, not attested and thus we should maintain various features commented on by Salah: tuppu. — Of interest are the examples of interchangeability X (Zeichenliste)) For no. 357, the syllabic value between orthographic , and stops, which is caused misses its index number . It is probably better to avoid by the common orthographic representation of etymologic the value, since Middle Assyrian clearly does not distinguish /w/ as and the sound change /m/ > /w/. As such, Salah between /i/ and /e/ through and . presents a PN where /m/ is written and the other way The study under review presents us with a large number around. His reference of Šabanibe (Tell Billā) being some- of lists of personnel. Despite the fact that the contents of the times written Šimanibe in MA actually reflects the difference individual tablets may seem less interesting, combined they between the Middle Assyrian period (always Šimanibe) and provide us with invaluable information of the composition of

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the medium-sized settlement of Dūr-Katlimmu. We may vated at or certainly originate from the site of Kumidi. Their wonder if a similar study would be possible of similar ration find contexts, textual contents, and connections with other lists from Aššur and Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta. Salah is to be con- corpora, insofar as these kinds of information exist, permit a gratulated on the results of his effort. We hope that the final preliminary determination of the dates and thus the historical volume of Middle Assyrian texts from Tell Šēḫ Ḥamad will contexts of both the tablets and the structures from which be published in the near future. they derive. These are the tablets and their contexts, in chronological order: Leipzig, September 2015 J. J. DE RIDDER KL 69:277 and 279 are two letters from “the king” (of Egypt) that share the same content, one addressed to Zalaya, * man of Damascus, and one to Abdi-Milki, man of Ša-za- * * e-na; this town must be Šasḫimi, seat of the ruler Abdi-milki who sends EA 203, notwithstanding the name’s differing HACHMANN, R., mit einem Beitrag von G. Wilhelm. — form.4) Both letters reiterate an earlier order to send ḫabirū Kāmid el-Lōz 20. Die Keilschriftbriefe und der Horizont for resettlement in towns of Kush that Pharaoh has depopu- von el-Amarna. (Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertums- lated. The closing lines, assuring the addressee that the king kunde, Band 87.) Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn, 2012. is hale like the sun, his troops and chariots are many, and all (30 cm, 288). ISBN 978-3-7749-3746-8. € 89,-. is in good order, are a formula found in the Amarna letters addressed by Pharaoh to vassals (attestations are listed by R. Hachmann† produced this book, intended as the penul- Edzard, p. 24, n. 2), which affirms the general setting of timate volume of the series publishing the excavations at these two Kumidi tablets. They were found in the burnt col- Kāmid el-Lōz (ancient Kumidi) that he directed between lapse of Palace P4c, the second phase of this palace, where 1963 and 1981,1) in order to address one question (as put they must have been kept on an upper storey (Hachmann, most plainly on pp. 207 and 214): Who burned Palace P4c pp. 34-41). when? Hachmann considers his study to yield a definitive KL 69:278, found together with the foregoing two tablets, answer: it was Šuppiluliuma I who invaded and sacked is a fragment of a letter from a correspondent who has arrived Kumidi, the principal city of Abina, a.k.a. Amqi, capturing in the presence of the king (of Egypt) and whose scribe uses the local ruler Arawana, who gives his name as Ara[šš]a in Akkadian according to Canaanite conventions, as do the his letter EA 198 to Akhenaten. writers of the remaining letters from Kumidi. The volume consists of four parts. The first two parts KL 78:200 is a fragment of indeterminate content5) that reproduce previous publications and supply them with com- was found in the construction fill of Palace P4a, the latest mentary. Part I reproduces the primary publications of every phase of this palace, and it accordingly originates from some tablet and fragment excavated at Kāmid el-Lōz, one authored earlier period, perhaps as late as the preceding phase P4b by G. Wilhelm and the others by D. O. Edzard, each of (see Hachmann, pp. 69-70). which Hachmann supplements with detailed discussions KL 72:600 is “page two” of a letter concerning the dis- of the tablets’ find contexts. Part II reproduces the publica- position of the weapons and ornaments of one Biridiya, who, tions of two tablets that surfaced on the antiquities market Wilhelm conjectures, must have died in the vicinity of and that surely originate from Kāmid el-Lōz, one apiece by Kumidi, and who may be identified with Biridiya of Megiddo, D. Arnaud and J. Huehnergard, prefaced by Hachmann’s dis- known from several Amarna letters.6) Since the latter out- quisition about the excavation project’s history and the cir- lived Lab’aya of Shechem, whose death Wilhelm placed in cumstances under which objects came to be pilfered from the the last year of Amenhotep III’s reign at the time of editing site. Lurking in the background is the question why only a KL 72:600, this letter would date to the reign of Akhenaten few tablets have been found at a site that should reasonably (Wilhelm, p. 50). It was found broken in two on a staircase have been expected to yield many. Part III, in seven chapters, in the burnt destruction of P4a, the last phase of Palace 4 presents Hachmann’s effort to conduct a historical inquiry in (Hachmann, p. 51). order to ascertain when these few tablets were written and KL 74:300 is a letter addressed to “the great (man)” sent, by and to whom, why, and what happened to them, at (LÚGAL) by Ilī-rapi’, who says that the men of Gubla (Byb- whose hands. Part IV is Wilhelm’s contribution to the vol- los) will go into the field (?) and requests instruction and ume, in which he discusses the chronology of the Amarna salvation. The correct readings of the correspondent’s name period, within which framework the Kumidi tablets belong.2) and the toponym (I -ŠI- and URU in Edzard’s edi- The information presented in Parts I and II may be dis- E ra-bi Maḫ-la tio princeps, pp. 54ff.; / and <- / > tilled as follows.3) Nine tablets or fragments have been exca- E-lì-ra-bi pí Zu-la bi pa according to Arnaud, p. 79, n. 2) were worked out by Hueh- nergard based on another letter to “the great (man)” from 1) A twenty-first volume is promised (p. 11 and elsewhere), to enlarge Ilī-rapi’, which turned up on the antiquities market (below). further upon the chronology of the palace, but fortune seems to have KL 74:300 was incorporated into a wall contemporaneous granted that it not appear. with Palace 3, so it most likely originates from the last phase 2) References herein to the book under review specify author and page number within the volume, since it contains the work of several authors; 4 URU the original publications of works reproduced in it are not separately cited. ) Belmonte Marín (2001: 266) reads Ša-sa3-i15-na in KL 69:279, Although the ancient name of the site is properly vocalized Kōmidu, the trying to assimilate the spelling to that in EA 203, and normalizes the topo- form Kumidi is used here in conformity with the work reviewed. nym as Šas‘īmu, but he also adduces Neo-Assyrian Sazana (in the Beqa‘), 3) Cf. the summary by R. Pruzsinszky (2008), which unfortunately a form far closer to the one Pharaoh’s letter uses. uses inaccurate information (such as the misreading of Ara[šš]a in EA 198 5) Due to a suggestion by Arnaud (p. 79, n. 2) it has become an as Araḫattu) as well as unsupported assumptions (such as the attribution of “incantation” (so Pruzsinszky 2008: 80). KL 277 and 279 to Amenhotep III; the statement that these two letters were 6) Attestations are listed by Wilhelm (p. 50); see also Moran 1992: “addressed to the Pharaoh,” p. 80, is surely a typographical error). 297, EA 242, n. 1.

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of Palace 4, P4a (Hachmann, p. 63). Because Ilī-rapi’ was in publication roughly four decades ago and the appearance of power at Gubla during the latter years of Akhenaten’s reign, the present volume. this letter provides a date for Palace P4a. In sum: a sound historical framework is evident from the Huehnergard published a tablet originating with near cer- information given in Parts I and II about the nine extant tainty from Kāmid el-Lōz, in 1996. It is a letter to “the great Kumidi tablets and the structures from which they originate. (man)” from Ilī-rapi’, discussing Aziru, among other people, They belong to two distinct, brief periods, one following and his crimes against Gubla; the tablet shares palaeographic, closely upon the other. The later period, that of Palace P4ab, linguistic, and discourse features with the Amarna letters KL 72:600, 74:300, and the tablets published by Huehner- from Byblos (Huehnergard, pp. 88-102). Aziru is surely the gard and Arnaud, encompasses the later years of Akhen- man of Amurru and Ilī-rapi’ is surely Rīb-Hadda’s successor aten’s reign and may extend some years beyond. The earlier at Byblos; both were in power during Akhenaten’s later period, that of Palace P4c and KL 69:277-279, immediately years. preceded the later one; it may encompass the early years of Arnaud published a tablet fragment, also originating with Akhenaten’s reign as well as some years preceding. The let- near certainty from Kāmid el-Lōz, in 1991. It is the right side ters from Pharaoh requesting that local rulers send ḫabirū for of a letter addressed (probably) to the [man of Am]urru by resettlement in Kush (KL 69: 277 and 279) have usually “the great (man),” discussing the matter of the Suteans and been attributed to Amenhotep III, but not on the basis of related issues. If correctly restored, the “man of Amurru” is actual evidence; it could have been Akhenaten who sent presumably Aziru. them.8) Meanwhile, the LÚGAL (rabû), “great (man),” KL 69:100, the first tablet fragment to turn up at Kāmid addressee of KL 74:300 and the Huehnergard letter and el-Lōz, was found in the fill composing the glacis, where it author of the Arnaud letter, must surely be Pa-ḫur(a/u), who could have arrived amid debris from Level 4 of the palace appears in the later Amarna vassal correspondence with the (Hachmann, p. 34). It is a fragment of a letter the surviving same honorific (EA 189) and with responsibility for Kumidi contents of which mention the land of Amqi. (EA 132). Thus the historical context is reliably ascertained. All of the information above was already available in What the evidence leaves uncertain is the moment of transi- print, except for some of the detail Hachmann adds about the tion from the earlier to the later period, when phase P4c find contexts of each tablet. And he adds detail to excess. He ended and P4b began. elaborates on how the interpretation and identification of It is to fix that moment in time and to find the perpetrator buildings and phases developed over the years and character- of that transition that Hachmann has produced the present izes the excavated earth, debris, and fabric of structural work. In pursuit of his objective Hachmann unspools a spec- remains, etc., generating a superabundance of data unmatched ulative reconstruction of events affecting Kumidi over the by the modest conclusions drawn therefrom. One appreciates 117 pages that constitute Part III. In the course of these the precision while wondering whether a reliable understand- pages, dense with repetition, he winds to and fro between the ing of so little material could not have been reached over beginning of Egyptian domination at Kumidi, when (he says) fewer years and fewer publications. Having nothing to say Thutmose III installed Ra-woser there as ḫꜢty-῾, and the late about the archaeological context of the tablets published by Amarna period, when Akhenaten appointed Pa-ḫur (Puḫuru) Arnaud and Huehnergard, Hachmann describes the history there as rābiṣu. and socio-cultural situation of his excavations at Kāmid Ra-woser, according to Hachmann, built Palace P5, as el-Lōz, seeking to explain why marketable objects disap- well as his own tomb, which a successor used for the burial peared from the site onto the market as the project pro- of his daughters and which Puḫuru eventually replaced with gressed, then narrates what happened to the site after the a storehouse (pp. 69-70, 110, 187). Thutmose intended to project was halted, when Israeli forces occupied this part of give Kumidi the same status as Byblos, also ruled by a ḫꜢty-῾, Lebanon and later withdrew. This is interesting in that it with his appointment of Ra-woser, who inaugurated a line of offers a perspective on the living context of archaeological rulers bearing this title that concluded with Ara[šš]a, author work, but the entire chapter gives the impression of trying to of EA 198 (see, e.g., pp. 110, 114, 124, 189-90, 193-94). exonerate the project in some way while lamenting the dep- That Ara[šš]a was ḫꜢty-῾ is evident from EA 180, which must redations the site suffered subsequently. Curiously, nowhere be a letter of Ara[šš]a given its similarities to EA 198 does Hachmann mention that excavations at Kāmid el-Lōz (pp. 125-27, 195). This Ara[šš]a conspired against Pharaoh have resumed, starting in 1997, under the direction of Marlies and had the messenger who bore KL 69:277 and 279 mur- Heinz, nor does he make any use of the results from the new dered and robbed of his tablets; that is how these two letters, excavations.7) addressed to Damascus and Šazaena (Šasḫimi), ended up in Part II concludes by reproducing an article by Arnaud Palace P4c at Kumidi (pp. 112, 119-122, 221). When Phar- commenting on the tablet published by Huehnergard. Why aoh called him to account, he sent his son to Egypt in his this article was included, alone among treatments of Kumidi stead, because he lacked horse and chariot (so he says in EA tablets that followed their original publication, is not clear. 198) therefore could not travel himself; the fragment KL More useful would have been an annotated bibliography of 69:278 attests Ara[šš]a’s son’s stay at the Egyptian court such literature, which would enable readers to follow the (pp. 122-25). This must have happened during the reign of development of scholarship on the tablets between their Akhenaten, for reasons that include Ara[šš]a’s salutation of the king as his god (p. 124). Yet this traitorous suppliant escaped punishment for his crime against his deity when along came Šuppiluliuma on the Syrian campaign described 7) The volume’s bibliography of publications about excavations at Kāmid el-Lōz (pp. 275-86) lists a single article by Heinz. Recent publica- tions of material from the new excavations include Heinz, et al. 2010, with references to literature on both the former and the current project. 8) Cf. Pruzsinszky 2008: 80.

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in the prologue to his treaty with Šattiwaza (pp. 162-64, 173- Arašša’s son’s sojourn in Egypt are plausible conjectures, not 75, 181), which must have happened during the first five facts on which to base further hypotheses. In the effort to years of Akhenaten’s reign, more specifically year 3 (pp. 180, make these texts all tell a single story, Hachmann seems 184). This date follows from Rib-Hadda’s letters EA 74, in to have forgotten that several vassal rulers are accused of which he urges the king to inspect the tablets of his father’s treachery, protest their loyalty, send sons to Egypt, and plead house; EA 75, in which he calls Pharaoh “my sun” and for chariots. In over-interpreting Arašša’s claim to lack horse reports the Hittite king’s seizure of lands subject to Mittani; and chariot, he fails to consider whether a horse-drawn char- and EA 95, in which he invokes Amun’s blessings upon the iot would be the normal conveyance for overland transport magnate to whom he reports that the king of Mittani has (rather than equipment for combat). And this ill-equipped visited Amurru (p. 175). For Rib-Hadda could only have ruler, so poorly known to Pharaoh that he had to identify expected Akhenaten to consult his father’s archives while he himself as “man of Kumidi” (EA 198:5), launched a plot to still resided in Thebes, not after he moved to Akhetaten in counter Pharaoh’s plans and reduce his empire (p. 121)? his year 5 (pp. 148-49, 152, 175). The naming of deities Many explanations less lurid than the scenario of murdering reflects the date of the correspondence, for these matters and robbing Pharaoh’s messengers could account for the were surely regulated by pharaonic decree: Akhenaten presence of KL 69:277 and 279 at Kumidi. allowed mention of Amun in letters to Egyptian officials, As to Pa-ḫur the commissioner (Hachmann’s Puḫuru), while prohibiting mention of Amun in letters to himself, until whose name means “the Syrian” in Egyptian, the idea that he proclaimed his new religion in year 5 and banned mention he must have been educated in Egypt, so he had Egyptian of Amun altogether (pp. 153, 174, 217-18). Correspondents ideas about administration, and therefore must have had an would invoke the god of the addressee (p. 135), and Akhen- archive in Palace P4ab, which must lie in the part of the aten required vassals to use the name Shamash, which “was palace that could not be excavated (pp. 116, 195), is at best a kind of epithet for Baal or Hadad” (p. 218). wishful thinking. Hachmann makes as much of Pa-ḫur’s title In the ensuing years Rib-Hadda lost Pharaoh’s favor and rābiṣu as he does of Ra-woser’s title ḫꜢty-῾, with equally little was demoted from his former position as ḫꜢty-῾, as shown by regard for the evidence before him. Contrary to what he EA 125 (pp. 152, 190-92). Meanwhile, in lieu of his unreli- writes (p. 195), none of the nine Amarna letters that men- able ḫꜢty-῾ at Byblos and Kumidi, Akhenaten appointed tions Pa-ḫur calls him rābiṣu, “commissioner”; that he bore Puḫuru, a Syrian educated in Egypt, as rābiṣu with respon- this title is actually an inference, too, though surely a correct sibility for all of Egypt’s Syrian possessions (pp. 199ff.) … one.11) When Pa-ḫur is given a title it is the honorific rabû By this point the reader may wonder not only what (LÚGAL), “the great (man),” same as the Kumidi letters use. Hachmann is talking about, but what version of the Amarna Probably it was indeed Pa-ḫur who appears in KL 74:300 letters he is reading. No source gives Rib-Hadda the title and the letters published by Arnaud and Huehnergard, but he ḫꜢty-῾ (unless one equates it with ḫazannu; see below, with is called rabû, not rābiṣu as Hachmann repeatedly says n. 12). Shamash was not an epithet of the storm god. The (pp. 116-118, etc.). If only he would look at his sources … idea that Rib-Hadda had precise knowledge of Egyptian but he compounds his error when he does. Pa-ḫur’s name, in archival practices is as absurd as the idea that Hachmann can its various spellings, gives Hachmann occasion for a second guess correctly what these were, proceeding only on his pre- excursus on the rendering of Egyptian names in cuneiform conceptions; he would have done well to consult scholarship (p. 196), as uninformed as the first one (pp. 157-61) and on the subject. He ought also to have consulted the texts he featuring blatant nonsense into the bargain, notably his unac- discusses, for his notions about norms for invoking deities in countable statements equating the name Pa-wur(a/u) with the letters and about pharaonic decrees regulating the form of office of rābiṣu and claiming that EA 287 “contains the writ- correspondence are his own invention. So is the succession ing Puḫuru for Pawara” (p. 196 with n. 171). Other than his of ḫꜢty-῾ from Ra-woser to Arašša.9) The sole piece of evi- misguided assertion about Pa-wur, whose name means “the dence for Ra-woser’s existence, as it turns out, is a bowl great (man),” Hachmann seems never to have inquired into inscribed with his name and title found in the tomb at Kumidi the meaning or usage of the titles that so fascinate him. At (p. 111, Pl. 41), a bowl that is actually an imported antiquity one point (p. 189) he asserts that ḫꜢty-῾ meant something like in a tomb that actually belonged to local rulers.10) Even if it “mayor,” without citing a source for this information and were the tomb of Ra-woser the ḫꜢty-῾, the proposition that without noticing that this is the same as the meaning of Thutmose III installed him at Kumidi would be an inference ḫazannu, the title accorded to Egypt’s vassal rulers in Canaan and no more, no matter how many times Hachmann repeats (which he never mentions).12) One would expect a scholar it. That Arašša bore the title ḫꜢty-῾ does not even qualify as obsessed with titles to pay closer attention to them, and one an inference. Whoever sent EA 180, the lines that request would expect a scholar who emphasizes the importance of chariots to “guard the cities of the king” and promise to “tell the empirical (p. 19) to pay closer attention to the evidence what has been done against the lands” in no wise indicate altogether. But it gets worse. that the author had the responsibilities Hachmann supposes Hachmann brings Šuppiluliuma I to Kumidi by means of a ḫꜢty-῾ had (pp. 127, 195, 198) — for which he also cites no an idiosyncratic interpretation of a brief passage in the treaty evidence. His attribution of EA 180 to Arašša, based on com- Šuppiluliuma concluded with Šattiwazza (whom he once parison with EA 198, and his proposal that KL 69:278 attests

11) These nine letters are EA 57, 117, 122, 123, 132, 189, 190, 207, 9) A. F. Rainey’s posthumous edition of the Amarna letters confirms and 208. A tenth letter, EA 116, refers to the “commissioner from the reading IA-ra-[aš]-⌜ša⌝ in EA 198:4 (Rainey 2015, vol. II: 1536). Kumidu,” who, given the rest of the evidence, must be Pa-ḫur. Rainey 10) I owe this information to Alexander Ahrens (personal communica- (2015: 886) restores ⌜Pu⌝-ḫu-ri ⌜LÚ⌝ M[ÁŠKIM-ka] in EA 190:2’. tion, August 2015); see his review of Hachmann’s volume (Ahrens in 12) The equivalence between Egyptian ḫꜢty-῾ and Akkadian ḫazannu has press), to appear presently in OrientalistischeLiteraturzeitung. been pointed out by Na’aman (1997: 601).

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calls Mattiwazza, p. 163). According to the treaty prologue, Philologen … der deshalb seine Beweisführung durch his- on his way to the land of Abina Šuppiluliuma encountered torische Argumente zu stützen versuchte, ohne dafür die Šutatarra and Aitakkama of Qadesh, and defeated them. He Ausbildung als Historiker zu haben” (p. 219). Pedagogically, then proceeded to Abina, whose king Ariwana, together with Part III would make a fine example of what history is not. his noblemen, offered him battle, so Šuppiluliuma (victori- Rather than spending their time on it, however, readers are ous) took them with their lands and possessions to Ḫatti (ll. advised to consult the scholarly literature its author neglected. 43-45). Reasoning that the city Arawana ruled must have To mention only a few articles published prior to the close been Kumidi, so Abina cannot have been Abi (= Ube), and of work on this volume (October 2009, according to the fore- that Šuppiluliuma must have marched south, so Abina cannot word, p. 15), relevant recent scholarship includes Abrahami have lain east or west of Qadesh, Hachmann concludes that and Coulon 2008 on Egyptian archival practices during the Abina must be Amqi and Arawana must be Ara[šš]a, there- Amarna period; Miller 2007 and 2008 on the chronology of fore the unnamed city Šuppiluliuma conquered must have the Amarna period and events involving Ḫatti with Egypt; been Kumidi (pp. 163-72) — putting an end to Palace P4c! and on the succession of Akhenaten, besides Krauss 2007 But the passage in question mentions no city. Geographical (which Hachmann did read), the many references in Allen reasoning alone cannot produce an equation of Abina with (2009) … Or simply skip to Part IV and read Wilhelm’s Amqi. The idea that Arašša and Arawana could represent the contribution discussing many of the same sources and sub- same name (p. 165) is as ridiculous as the proposition that a jects touched by Hachmann, and then some. Here there is no ruler who supposedly lacks horse and chariot (EA 198) could more verbigerating, conjecture does not masquerade as fact, offer battle to the Hittite army. And if only Hachmann had and no unexplained assumptions or incorrect data trip the read the text more carefully, he might have noticed that the reader up. Wilhelm develops a complex argument in spare name of Šuppiluliuma’s valiant challenger was written Ari- prose that features (mostly) transparent logic, laying out clear wana. If, moreover, he had consulted a knowledgeable col- pathways from questions to evidence to interpretation and league — say, Gernot Wilhelm, who discusses the very same conclusions. text in Part IV — he might have spared himself and the Wilhelm begins by setting forth the problem, the sources, reader such mistaken argumentation. But Hachmann and the questions to be addressed in order to resolve the neglected either to check his data or to consult relevant chronology of the Amarna vassal correspondence (pp. 226- scholarship, even that which he reproduces in this very vol- 27). He points out that it is Hittite narrative sources, espe- ume. For example, of KL 74:300 (mistyped 72:300) he cially the Deeds of Šuppiluliuma I (DS) and the prologue to writes that its sender “E-ši-ra-BI” speaks of the people of the treaty with Šattiwazza, that provide a chronological Maḫla [Gubla] (p. 201), and that “the city of the sender, framework for situating events in relation to the reigns of whose name Edzard could not read” — but which Arnaud Egypt’s rulers. Two key questions are A) whether the vassal read as “Zu-la\\bi/pa>” (n. 174) — lay north of the Lebanon, correspondence reaches back to the reign of Amenhotep III and “it did not however belong to the narrow realm of Rib- or not, and B) when Šuppiluliuma undertook his (so-called) Addi” (p. 202). The city in question is Gubla itself, as Hueh- “One-year Campaign,” to which Rib-Hadda refers in EA 75, nergard showed in the article reproduced on pp. 87-102. a letter written while Abdi-Aširta ruled Amurru. To answer To top that (so to speak), Hachmann writes of EA 279 that these two questions requires addressing a cluster of interre- it arrived at Akhetaten while Akhenaten was still alive, so it lated ones about Šuppiluliuma’s reign: 1) Was his “One-year was inscribed “Year 17,” then Akhenaten died and the year Campaign” preceded by an earlier encounter with Mittani as date was corrected to “Year 1” (pp. 143-44). This informa- well as lengthy campaigns in Anatolia? 2) Which events tion, for which he gives no reference, prompts him to expati- belong to the “One-year Campaign”? 3) How much time ate further on the question of regnal year numbering and elapsed from this event to the end of the Amarna archive? 4) Smenkhkare’s succession. But the information is a phantom. Did Šuppiluliuma come to the throne during the reign of Hachmann has misread a reference given by Krauss (2007: Amenhotep III or IV? 5) When did the daḫamunzu affair, in 296, with n. 20) to a year-date thus corrected on a wine jar. which a pharaoh’s widow requested of Šuppiluliuma that he Krauss cites “CoA [= TheCityofAkhenaten] III 279” for send her a son to be her husband, take place? the wine jar with Year 17 corrected to Year 1, and Hachmann To answer questions 1 and 4, Wilhelm considers Tušratta’s has turned it into an Amarna letter.13) report to Amenhotep III of a military engagement with Ḫatti, This meandering disquisition, rife with ungrounded in EA 17, in light of Hittite texts describing events during the assumptions and slipshod logic, negligent of scholarship and reigns of Šuppiluliuma I and his father Tutḫaliya II (pp. 229- careless with evidence, full of speculative scenarios — what 33). The evidence of DS indicates that Šuppiluliuma had not is outlined above is but a sample — this Hachmann proffers been king for many years, or waged war in Anatolia for as “history.” Periodically he indulges in side comments and many years, prior to his “One-year Campaign” (notwith- mini-lectures in which he makes invidious comparisons standing the impression scholars have derived from a text of between the philologist and the historian (p. 119), dignifies Ḫattušili III). Meanwhile this source and others, including his work as representing “historical” understanding while the tablet recently discovered at Kayalıpınar, do indicate that deprecating scholars who are not historians (pp. 127, 132), hostilities with Mittani occurred already under Tutḫaliya II. poses as a historian (pp. 173, 180) who engages in “histori- EA 17 may therefore refer to an encounter between Tušratta cal thinking” (p. 215), and scorns the “altorientalischen and Tutḫaliya (not Šuppiluliuma), and these sources provide no basis for positing that Šuppiluliuma became king some years before Amenhotep III’s death. Regarding question 2, 13) I am grateful to Jared Miller (personal correspondence, August 2015) for helping solve the puzzle of what Hachmann could be talking analysis of the historical prologue to the treaty with about, when of course an inquiry into hieratic dockets on the Amarna cor- Šattiwazza in conjunction with other sources pertaining to respondence came to a dead end. the same or related events (including the letters recently

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discovered at Qaṭna) shows that the narrative of the treaty (2008) that Arma’a was not yet king in the narrative of col- prologue incorporates events that actually transpired after the umn I, and he argues that it was Arma’a whose accession is “One-year Campaign” (pp. 233-40). What this campaign mentioned in the crucial broken passage, against previous achieved, after Šuppiluliuma invaded Mittani without getting proposals to find Arnuwanda or Aya there (pp. 246-47). The the opportunity to do battle with Tušratta, was the conquest mention of Arnuwanda’s accession would make no sense in of Ḫalab and Mukiš, followed unexpectedly by that of Qadeš the context, and no spelling of Aya or his throne name fits as well; the narrative of conquest draws in certain subse- the preserved trace, while IA[r-ma-a fits both the trace and quent events by association (pp. 238-39). In framing his the context perfectly. Counting backward from the resulting analysis, Wilhelm explains how the agenda and composi- synchronism between Horemheb’s accession and Mursili’s tional strategy of the treaty prologue determine its content 8th (or possibly 9th) regnal year yields a further series of syn- and form (pp. 233-34). The prologue is designed to show, by chronisms, including the determination that Tutankhamun legalistic fiction when necessary, that Šuppiluliuma had not died in Mursili’s 4th regnal year and Akhenaten died 10 years violated the treaty with Artatama II and that Tušratta had before Šuppiluliuma. Thus the pharaoh whose widow wrote provoked his attack, which corrected a wrong done by to Šuppiluliuma was most likely Smenkhkare. This reviewer Mittani in his father’s time and then, as it turned out, resulted finds no flaw in Wilhelm’s argument, which he develops in his conquest of all of Mittani’s subjects west of the in more detail elsewhere (Wilhelm 2009), except for Euphrates — all “within one year” — thus extending Hittite the acknowledged uncertainty about how many years dominion all the way to the Lebanon. The composition “fol- Šuppiluliuma reigned after the daḫamunzu affair. His analy- lows a pattern that first gives a summary of the central issue sis also delimits the answer to question 3, how much time which will then be presented in detail,” so it mentions the elapsed from Šuppiluliuma’s “One-year Campaign” to the conquest of lands from the Euphrates to the Lebanon at end of the Amarna archive. the beginning and then returns to it in concluding; this pat- In the next sections Wilhelm turns to the matter of inte- tern has not always been recognized, and older literature mis- grating the Amarna letters that mention Hittite activities with took the narrative for a linear progression of events (p. 234). the Hittite historiographic sources (pp. 248-55). The point of After having conflated events pertaining to a later phase of departure is EA 75, in which Rib-Hadda reports that “the rebellion against Hittite rule into the initial phase of con- king of Ḫatti has seized all the countries that were vassals of quest, the prologue circles back to Tušratta’s provoking arro- the king of Mittani” and complains of Abdi-Aširta, and the gance in order to pivot to his assassination (p. 240). initial question is whether this letter was written before Answering question 5 — when did the daḫamunzu affair Amenhotep III’s death. Answering that question draws in a take place? — requires approaching it from two directions: series of others: when was Abdi-Aširta killed (EA 101), forward through the story of Šuppiluliuma’s career in DS, when did Mittani threaten Amurru (EA 60) and then take and backwards from the synchronism between Mursili II and control of it (EA 85, 86, 90, 95, and 101),15) so that Horemheb provided by the join KUB 19.15+ KBo 50.24, Šuppiluliuma could take Amurru from Mittani, not from recently discovered by Jared Miller. Because the analysis of Egypt (KUB 19.15+KBo 50.24); did Tušratta’s intervention DS published almost three decades ago by Wilhelm and in Amurru take place consequent on Šuppiluliuma’s “One- Boese (1987) has often been misunderstood, Wilhelm repro- year Campaign”; and when did this occur in relation to the duces several paragraphs of that article here (pp. 241-43), in sequence of Abdi-Aširta’s conquests as reported by Rib- the service of explaining their method of reckoning the rela- Hadda (EA 71, 74, 76, etc.)? Given Tušratta’s eager and tion of years to tablets in the incompletely-preserved text of costly efforts to maintain good relations with Egypt, he can this composition.14) They developed a model of narrative hardly have invaded Amurru during Amenhotep III’s reign, length to tablet space for the extant manuscripts of DS in or any time before Akhenaten’s sixth regnal year, when rela- order to establish reliable parameters delimiting how much tions had broken off (p. 253). From this and many other time could have elapsed from one passage to another across interlocking considerations derive the conclusions that EA missing parts of the text (not to posit an exact ratio of text to 75, Šuppiluliuma’s “One-year Campaign,” and Abdi-Aširta’s time). The point was to demonstrate the improbability of the death all date to Akhenaten’s reign, indeed, several years into assumption that 20 years elapsed from Šuppiluliuma’s acces- it. Thus the two questions (A and B) posed at the outset are sion to the daḫamunzu affair (p. 244). Wilhelm addresses answered, and Wilhelm proceeds to the later phase of the recent arguments by Miller (2007) against elements of their Amarna archive (pp. 254-55). Though the logic is largely method and results, then proceeds to discuss KUB 19.15+KBo persuasive, within his tight reconstruction of the sequence of 50.24. events and sources there remain spaces open for reinterpreta- This text, reconstituted of several fragments that together tion. In a recent examination of the same material, Cordani preserve parts of columns I, II, and a bit of III, relates inter- (2011) develops a reconstruction that differs substantially, actions between Horemheb and Mursili II in the course of especially in reinterpreting Šuppiluliuma’s “One-year Cam- events that took place during the latter’s 7th-9th regnal years. paign” as a five-year war. For the purpose of establishing the synchronism, the ques- Wilhelm closes with an inconclusive discussion of how tions are whether Horemheb, spelt Arma’a in the Hittite text, the relative chronology ascertained from the evidence was general or king at the time of these events, and whose accession to the throne is mentioned at the broken beginning of what remains of column II. Wilhelm agrees with Miller 15) EA 95 will have to be dropped from this list if Rainey’s new read- ing of ll. 26-30 is correct: according to Rainey, rather than the king of Mittani visiting Amurru and admiring the breadth of the land, Rib-Hadda 14) Regrettably, page references are not given for the reproduced seg- asks whether he should go to the king of Mittani or to Amurru, then sug- ments, nor are their boundaries marked. They are snipped discontinuously gests that the addressee (?) come have a look and say to him “… Your land from Wilhelm and Boese 1987: 79-84 and 88-90. is extensive” (Rainey 2015: 534-35).

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discussed in this chapter may be fixed to absolute chronol- basedonCollationsofallExtantTablets. Edited by William ogy, counting backwards from the solar omen in the tenth M. Schniedewind. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill. year of Mursili II — which was probably a total solar eclipse, Wilhelm, G. 2009. Mursilis II. Konflikt mit Ägypten und Harem- and probably the one observable from Ḫatti on 24 June 1312 habs Thronbesteigung. WeltdesOrients 39: 108-116. Wilhelm, G., and J. Boese. 1987. Absolute Chronologie und die (pp. 256-57). One would hope that given these data all our hethitische Geschichte des 15. und 14. Jahrhunderte v. Chr. problems with Amarna-age chronology would be solved, but Pp. 74-116 in High,MiddleorLow?ActsofanInternational with the recent reduction of Horemheb’s reign, ongoing ColloquiumonAbsoluteChronologyHeldattheUniversityof adjustments to the Middle Assyrian calendar and chronology, Gothenburg20th-22ndAugust1987, Part 1, ed. Paul Åström. commensurate revision of synchronisms with Babylonia and Gothenburg: Paul Åströms Förlag. Egypt, and so forth (see, e.g., Devecchi and Miller 2011), that hope proves vain. University of Minnesota, Eva VON DASSOW 1 September 2015

References * Abrahami, P., and L. Coulon. 2008. De l’usage et de l’archivage * * des tablettes cunéiformes d’Amarna. Pp. 1-26 in Lalettre d’archive:communicationadministrativeetpersonnelledans KALIMI, I. and S. RICHARDSON (eds), Sennacherib at the l’Antiquitéproche-orientaleetégyptienne, ed. Laure Panta- Gates of Jerusalem: Story, History, and Historiography lacci. Topoi, Orient-Occident, suppl. 9. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. (Culture & History of the Ancient Near East, 71). Brill, Ahrens, A. In press. Review of R. Hachmann, Kāmidel-Lōz20.Die Leiden, 2014. (24 cm, XII, 548). ISBN 978-90-04- KeilschriftbriefeundderHorizontvonel-Amarna(miteinem 26561-5. ISSN 1566-2055. € 181,-. BeitragvonGernotWilhelm), Bonn: Habelt, 2012; Oriental- Reading the thirteen essays of this interesting volume I istischeLiteraturzeitung. Allen, J. P. 2009. The Amarna Succession. Pp. 9-20 in Causinghis was reminded to a course in Assyriology I took as an under- NametoLive:StudiesinEgyptianEpigraphyandHistoryin graduate. Under the more than able guidance of Rintje Frank- MemoryofWilliamJ.Murnane, ed. Peter J. Brand and Louise ena we worked our way through the text of Sennacherib’s Cooper. Leiden: Brill. third campaign. That course started a twofold curiosity. Belmonte Marín, J. A. 2001. DieOrts-undGewässernamender (1) Can we (re)construct what happened by the end of the TexteausSyrienim2.Jt.v.Chr. RGTC 12/2. Wiesbaden: eighth century? (2) What ideologies are expressed by Ludwig Reichert. the various and in detail varying reports in Kings, Chroni- Cordani, V. 2011. One-year or Five-year War? A Reappraisal of cles, Herodotus, and the Assyrian inscriptions? Despite a Šuppiluliuma’s First Syrian Campaign. Altorientalische multitude of studies on the topic, these questions have never Forschungen 38: 240-53. Devecchi, E. and J. Miller. 2011. Hittite-Egyptian Synchronisms satisfactorily been answered. This volume edited by Kalimi and their Consequences for Ancient Near Eastern Chronology. and Richardson approaches the problem(s) from a variety of Pp. 139-76 in Jana Mynářová, ed., EgyptandtheNearEast– perspectives and with a multitude of methods. The volume is TheCrossroads.ProceedingsofanInternationalConference built up in three blocks. The first section scrutinizes the early ontheRelationsofEgyptandtheNearEastintheBronze sources in the Bible, from Egypt, and displays the archaeo- Age. Prague Charles University. logical evidence. The second section focuses on the Assyrian Heinz, M., et al. 2010. Kamidel-Loz,IntermediarybetweenCul- material with a keen eye for the persona of Sennacherib. tures:Morethan10YearsofArchaeologicalResearchin In the third section the Nachleben of Sennacherib in later Kamid el-Loz (1997 to 2007). Bulletin d’Archéologie et traditions is displayed. Although I read the essays with great d’ArchitectureLibanaises, Hors-Série VII. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction Générale des Antiquités. interest, even this volume leaves some questions open and by Knudtzon, J. A. 1915. DieEl-Amarna-Tafeln. Leipzig: Hinrichs. solving some questions produces new ones. Krauss, R. 2007. Eine Regentin, ein König und eine Königin zwis- After the introduction, the first section is opened by Isaac chen dem Tod von Achenaten und der Thronbesteigung von Kalimi, ‘Sennacherib’s Campaign to Judah; The Chroni- Tutanchaten. AltorientalischeForschungen 34: 294-318. cler’s View Compared with His ‘Biblical’ Sources’ (11-50). Miller, J. L. 2007. Amarna Age Chronology and the Identity of He remarks that when approaching the historical puzzle Nibḫururiya in the Light of a Newly Reconstructed Hittite scholars generally avoid the report in II Chronicles. He Text. AltorientalischeForschungen 34: 252-93. rightly argues that before applying II Chron. in a (re)con- —. 2008. The rebellion of Ḫatti’s Syrian vassals and Egypt’s med- struction of the event, the ideology and historiography of the dling in Amurru. Studimiceneiedegeo-anatolici 49-50: 533- 54. chronicler needs to be clarified. In quoting recent works by Moran, W. L. 1992. TheAmarnaLetters. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Kalimi, he arrives at the conclusion that in II Chronicles the University Press. emphasis is laid on the city of Jerusalem, and its temple, and Na’aman, Nadav. 1997. The Network of Canaanite Late Bronze not so much on the Davidic dynasty. Which elements in Age Kingdoms and the City of Ashdod. Ugarit-Forschungen II Chronicles are historically trustworthy does not become 29: 599-625. clear from his analysis. I missed a reference to the work of Pruzsinszky, R., with notes by M. Heinz. 2008. The Texts from P.C. Beentjes on the Chronicler. Kāmid el-Lōz and their Chronological Implications. Pp. 79-85 M. Cogan, ‘Cross-examining the Assyrian Witnesses to in TheBronzeAgeintheLebanon:StudiesontheArchaeol- Sennacherib’s Third Campaign: Assessing the Limits of His- ogy and Chronology of Lebanon, Syria and Egypt, ed. M. Bietak and E. Czerny. Vienna: Österreichischen Akademie torical Reconstruction’ (51-74), applies Collingwood’s meta- der Wissenschaften. phor of the historian as an inspector-detective. His careful Rainey, A. F. 2015. TheEl-AmarnaCorrespondence:aNewEdi- listening to the Assyrian sources brings him to the view that tionoftheCuneiformLettersfromtheSiteofEl-Amarna the Biblical and the Mesopotamian data mainly concur.

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I agree, but I have a problem. These concurring data are not The section on the Nachleben of Sennacherib opens with much more than a skeleton. The route to a re-enactment Tawny L. Holm, ‘Memories of Sennacherib in Aramaic of the event (Collingwood) still is long and difficult. In Texts’ (295-323). She follows the trail of the king through an appendix, Cogan discusses the possibility of a ‘second the ages. In early texts he is remembered as a powerful, but campaign’ as proposed by several scholars, a proposal he wise king (Aḥiqar; 4Q196 [Aramaic Tobith]). In Syriac texts rejects. Unfortunately, he does not review the position of of Christian origin, however, he is presented as a bad king A.K. Jenkins, ‘Hezekiah’s Fourteenth Year’, VT 26 (1976), whose fate — murdered in a family feud — was therefore 284-98, who dates this ‘other campaign’ a dozen years before predictable. In Armenia, legend has it that the progeny of 701. Sennacherib converted to Christianity to become an impor- David Ussishkin, ‘Sennacherib’s Campaign to Judah: The tant group among Armenian Christians. Archaeological Perspective with an Emphasis on Lachish Gerbern S. Oegema, ‘Sennacherib’s Campaign and its and Jerusalem’ (75-103), discusses the archaeological evi- Reception in the Time of the Second Temple’ (325-45), dence from Late Iron Age Judah. The case of Lachish is partly overlaps Holm’s contribution, since Oegema too pays clear: the available data make clear that the heavily fortified attention to the Aḥiqar-story. His scope, however, is broader city was laid under siege and conquered by the Assyrians. including texts like Herodotus, Demetrius the Chronographer The case of Jerusalem is less straightforward. The evidence on the one hand and pseudepigrapha such as Ascension of hints at the construction of a military camp on a hill opposite Isaiah and Joseph and Aseneth. He makes clear that the more the city. Traces of a siege or an assault as such have not been historiographic approach slowly made way for apocalyptic found. schemes in which Sennacherib became a ‘bad prince’ Jeremy Pope, ‘Beyond the Broken Reed: Kushite Inter- (2 Bar.; 4 Ezra; 3 Macc.). As a reader, I was wondering why vention and the Limits of l’histoireévénementielle’ (105-60), Oegema did not pay attention to the role of Sennacherib in offers an analysis from an interesting point of view. Both the Sirach 48. Assyrian inscriptions and the Hebrew Bible mention the Rivka Ulmer, ‘Sennacherib in Midrashic and Later Litera- intervention of a Kushite Pharaoh leading to the battle near ture: Inscribing History in Midrash’ (347-87), offers a cul- Eltekeh. It is a remarkable fact that in the otherwise abundant tural-historical analysis of the references to Sennacherib in documents from the 25th (Kushite) dynasty this event is never Rabbinic texts. Along the lines of the apocalyptic reading referred to. Pope’s thorough analysis of the available Kushite mentioned above, Sennacherib is portrayed as the anti-type documents makes clear that these rulers were not interested of the almost Messianic Hezekiah: he is cast in the role of in Asiatic affairs beyond the Philistine buffer-zone. Their the leader of the armies of Gog and Magog. main interest was to safeguard the flow of luxury goods from Joseph Verheyden, ‘The Devil in Person, the Devil in Dis- the Levant into Egypt. In sum, the intervention at Eltekeh guise: Looking for King Sennacherib in Early Christian Lit- can be seen as an Egyptian defensive act. erature’ (389-431), makes two points. Firstly, he argues that The second section opens with an essay by Eckart Frahm, the narrative on the siege by Sennacherib stands at the back- ‘Family Matters: Psychohistorical Reflections on Sennach- ground of the references of the fall of the city of Jerusalem erib and His Times’ (163-222), in which the famous king is in the Gospel of Luke 21. Secondly, Sennacherib is remem- laid as an absent patient on the couch of a shrink. Contrasting bered in the patristic writings, mainly as a wicked king. Her- an approach of the past as merely steered by social and eco- meneutically, he is part of a process of demonizing Roman nomic factors, Frahm asks whether fissures in Sennacherib’s and other rulers. youth might have influenced the deeds and doings of the This section ends with a lengthy contribution by Seth king. He hints at the upbringing outside the family home, Richardson, ‘The First “World Event”: Sennacherib at Jeru- the unclear identity of his mother, and the traumatic end salem’ (433-505). He offers a summarizing (!) retrospective of the life of his father Sargon II — on battlefield, without a of the present volume. He revisits the written evidence dis- proper burial. cussed — adding a few examples of the memory on Mario Fales, ‘The Road to Judah: 701 B.C.E. in the Con- Sannajārīb in Arabic sources — and proposes the metaphor text of Sennacherib’s Political Military Strategy’ (223-48), of an archipelago of texts: the various memories are interde- takes a different road. He proposes that the policy of Sen- pendent yet autonomous within their own cultural context. nacherib — different from his father — was not to enlarge Out of the original archipelago grew a tradition in which the empire, but to safeguard its borders. The available evi- Sennacherib is used as a symbol of threatening power that dence is in favour of Fales’ view. It might also explain why nevertheless failed in reaching its goal since Jerusalem was the king was not eager to conquer Jerusalem. not captured by him. Building on the results of his dissertation on Assyrian All in all the essays are thoroughly researched pieces of Spies, Peter Dubovský, ‘Sennacherib’s Invasion of the scholarship that are very informative. Although the Nach- Levant through the Eyes of the Assyrian Intelligence Ser- leben of Sennacherib is made clear, we still do not know vice’ (249-91), offers an interesting insight in the ways the ‘what happened at the gates of Jerusalem’. I will clarify this Assyrians collected their information on their enemies, their with the following question. Several authors in the volume vassals, and the areas in which campaigns had to be accom- (e.g. Cogan; Ussishkin; Frahm and Fales) state that as a plished. Interestingly there had been a system of control of result of the campaign in 701 the territory of the vassal the received information. Data delivered by human agents kingdom of Judah was reduced to Jerusalem and its imme- were checked through omens and hints given by the divine diate vicinity. With this idea they follow the Assyrian evi- realm were controlled by human investigations. Having been dence that reports that Hezekiah was stripped of greater ‘head of the intelligence service’ as a crown prince, Sen- parts of his kingdom. How then to explain that the written nacherib was well prepared for his campaigns against revolt- and archaeological evidence from seventh century in the ing vassals. Southern Levant clearly indicates that greater Judah was

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still, or once again Judean? The Arad inscriptions, for de ces deux villes. Dans tous les cas de figure, l’original instance, assume that this city was by then part of the devait être babylonien. Il n’est pas datable avec précision, Judean kingdom. mais il doit remonter au second millénaire. Il a fait l’objet de peu d’études. W.G. Lambert et Peter Utrecht University, January 2016 Bob BECKING Walcot, A new Babylonian theogony and Hesiod, Kadmos IV/1, 1965, pp. 64-72, en présentèrent une première traduc- * tion agrémentée d’un commentaire succinct. Il s’agit d’une * * théogonie, des couples de divinités conduisant d’une paire primitive jusqu’à l’apparition de l’humanité. Dans chaque couple, le mâle est le détenteur du pouvoir jusqu’à son assas- LAMBERT, W.G. — Babylonian Creation Myths. (Mesopo- sinat par son successeur. Il s’agit donc aussi d’un mythe de tamian Civilizations, 16). Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, succession, une répétition d’actes incestueux et de meurtres 2013. (28,5 cm, XVI, 640, 72 Plates). ISBN 978-1- s’offrant comme la règle à laquelle la succession obéit. Mais 57506-247-1. $ 99.50. les noms divins ne sont pas tous connus et posent parfois Wilfred G. Lambert vient de nous quitter. Il était le meil- problème. Il pourrait s’agir d’un mythe local. Les indications leur connaisseur de l’Enūmaeliš. Il préparait cette édition calendaires qui accompagnent le récit sont de nature depuis de longues années. Pour ces deux raisons, au moins, cultuelle ; les dates correspondent peu ou prou aux princi- il serait prétentieux et déplacé de faire un compte-rendu de pales phases de la lune, possiblement les dates où sont pré- ce dernier ouvrage. Ces quelques lignes se veulent un hom- sentées des offrandes funéraires aux défunts rois. Peter mage à l’illustre disparu. Walcot suggère des rapprochements fructueux avec Hésiode. Le livre se compose de cinq parties. Dans la première, Dans son dernier ouvrage, WGL reprend dans ses grandes après une introduction consacrée principalement aux aspects lignes le commentaire qu’il offrait en 1965. littéraires de l’œuvre, WGL en présente ses dernières trans- En 1984, Thorkild Jacobsen lui consacra un opuscule, The cription (dotée d’un important appareil critique) et traduc- Harab Myth, dans la série SANE volume 2/fascicule 3, tion. Une seconde partie contient un ample commentaire, Malibu, Undena Publications, 1984, où il n’hésita pas à res- traitant successivement des noms de Marduk, de l’organisa- taurer amplement le texte. Harab est le nom du premier dieu tion de l’univers, des conflits entre les dieux, de l’histoire du mentionné. Il s’agit d’une cosmogonie qu’il rapproche de la culte du dieu. tradition hittite-hourrite de Kumarbi. Des générations succes- Une troisième partie est consacrée à l’édition d’autres sives de divinités y prennent le pouvoir sur le monde, et un récits de création : la défaite d’Enmešarra ; l’élévation de ordre moral s’établit progressivement, succédant à une indul- Zarpānītum ; la corvée de Babylone ; Uraš et Marduk ; le gence barbare envers le parricide et l’inceste. meurtre d’Anšar ?; l’obligation de Damkina ; la défaite Dans le volume qu’il publia avec Samuel Noah Kramer, d’Enutila, Enmešarra et Qingu ; Enki et Ninmah ; l’Exalta- Lorsquelesdieuxfaisaientl’homme, Gallimard, Paris, 1989, tion de Nabû ; un récit bilingue de la création ; le meurtre de pp. 472-478, Jean Bottéro reprit, dans ses grandes lignes, Labbu ; la fondation d’Eridu ; la première brique ; le meurtre l’interprétation de Th. Jacobsen. Il y insista, notamment, sur d’un dragon ; la théogonie de Dunnu ; l’incantation de la le fait que les noms divins, lorsqu’ils sont intelligibles, sont rivière ; diverses introductions mythologiques. étroitement associés à l’aménagement et à la mise en marche Une quatrième partie réunit deux études consacrées aux de l’agriculture et de l’élevage. théogonies d’Enlil et d’Anu, aux déesses Namma, Ningi- Plus récemment, Daniel Arnaud lui consacre un article, rimma et Ninimma. « Une cosmogonie lydienne en langue babylonienne », Aula En guise de conclusion, WGL s’interroge sur l’auteur du Orientalis33/1, 2015, pp. 5-20. L’article souffre malheureu- texte, les mobiles qui le poussèrent à le composer et la date sement de multiples coquilles et de trop nombreuses fautes de la composition. de typographie pour être aisément lisible. Comme le titre L’ouvrage s’achève avec de nombreuses notes, soixante- l’indique, l’auteur y voit une traduction en babylonien d’une douze planches d’apographies et des indices. cosmogonie lydienne et rapproche le récit des informations Qui ne peut tomber sous le charme de la langue de l’au- fournies par Hérodote et Platon sur le roi Gygès. Ce texte teur, de ses traductions, de la prudence de ses hypothèses. serait le premier témoin d’une pensée politique méditant sur Deux ou trois remarques tout à fait secondaires mises à le pouvoir d’un seul. Dans son travail, D. Arnaud s’appuie part (à propos de I 76, voir le commentaire de J.-M. Durand, sur une transcription de Jean Nougayrol. On regrette qu’il NABU 1994/100 ; en V 3, la traduction « contours » pour ignore les travaux de Th. Jacobsen et de J. Bottéro, ainsi que miṣrātu semble plus appropriée ; de même, en V 5, uṣurāti la nouvelle édition du texte par WGL. est à traduire par « plans » ; enfin, en V 23, la restitution Des trois lignes du colophon, seule la seconde est encore ú-[ad-d]i s’impose), seule la « Théogonie de Dunnu » nous intelligible. Th. Jacobsen restituait la première comme suit : retiendra. Elle fait partie du lot de textes réunis par WGL [ši-si-i]t dA-la-[lai-nama-tili-iš-si] ⌜ṭa⌝-[b]iš, « que le son dans la troisième partie de son ouvrage parce qu’ils ont, du chant (des laboureurs) résonne joyeusement dans le d’une manière ou d’une autre, partie liée avec l’Enūmaeliš. pays ». Il voyait dans ce texte une satire. Mais les restitutions Mais ce lien est-il toujours avéré ? qu’il propose sont sans parallèles. Elles justifiaient la lecture Le texte de la Théogonie de Dunnu ne nous est connu que Harab du nom du premier roi de la ville de Dunnu, le nom par une tablette unique d’époque néo-babylonienne tardive signifiant « araire ». Dans la troisième ligne, où il ne survit ou du début de l’époque achéménide. Une apographie en est que le titre royal lugal, le nom du monarque sous le règne offerte dans CT 46, Londres, 1964, no 43, par les soins d’Alan duquel la copie fut effectuée est perdu dans les lacunes. R. Millard. Le colophon indique qu’elle fut copiée soit à D. Arnaud en propose la lecture suivante : [x x x x] ⌞Gu-gu⌟ Assur, soit à Babylone, d’après un original de l’une ou l’autre [lugal gal] lugal ⌞Sa⌟-[pa-ar-da], « Gygès, le grand roi, le roi

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de Sardes ». Partant, il suggère de voir dans ce texte la tra- peut, dès lors, s’emparer de la seigneurie et de la royauté (il duction babylonienne d’une cosmogonie lydienne. La lecture s’agit-là d’un vieux titre qui remonte au troisième millé- Gugu est hautement spéculative, seul le clou vertical qui pré- naire). En fin de ligne 20, WGL propose de lire la forme cède le nom propre est assuré ; en outre, en lieu de SA, une verbale plurielle il-qú-[ú], « ils prirent (le pouvoir) », s’agis- lecture SI des traces semble préférable. Bref, s’agissant du sant de Tâmtu et de Lahar, là où Th. Jacobsen, J. Bottéro et colophon, on se tiendra donc à la prudence adoptée par D. Arnaud restituent le singulier il-q[í], « il prit (le pou- WGL. voir) », s’agissant de Lahar seul. Les traces des signes Le début du texte est également perdu dans les lacunes. donnent raison à WGL. Lahar et Tâmtu s’approprient de D. Arnaud y voit une allusion à la création de l’agriculture conserve la seigneurie et la royauté, alors que, dans les géné- et de la monarchie, restituant par deux fois (sans conviction) rations ultérieures, seul le mâle se réserve l’exercice du pou- le mot errēšu, « Tenancier », mais les traces ne conviennent voir (lignes 24 et 32 : anaramānišuilqi ; l’expression est pas. Le texte ne devient pleinement intelligible qu’à la fin de omise à la ligne 36). la troisième ligne. On y reconnaît les théonymes Ha’in, que Plus tard, le fils de Lahar épouse Rivière, sa sœur, tue Th. Jacobsen lisait Harab, « Araire », dont le dieu serait une Lahar et Tâmtu, son père et sa mère ; les ayant inhumés hypostase, et Erṣetu, « Terre » ; D. Arnaud le lit Ha-peš, « Il ensemble dans une tombe, il exerce la souveraineté. À la élargit vraiment ». Le signe n’est pas préservé dans son inté- ligne 21, D. Arnaud comprend a[n-nu]-ú dLahar, « Ce même gralité (le début en est conservé à la ligne 11, la fin à la ligne Lahar », une suggestion qui ne peut être retenue, puisque le 7), mais les vestiges militent en faveur de IN ; la valeur PEŠ nouveau venu tue ses parents, précisément Lahar et Tâmtu. est exclue (du reste D. Arnaud identifie IN à la ligne 7 dont À partir de la ligne 25, le texte est à nouveau en mauvais il fait la syllabe finale d’une forme verbale). état. Toutefois, on peut encore distinguer trois générations À la ligne 5, le texte informe de la naissance d’un dieu qui se font suite. Un premier roi dont le nom est perdu dans Šakkan (AMA-kan-dù ; un nom que D. Arnaud lit Dagal. une lacune épouse sa sœur U’am. Ce nom est écrit par deux hé.dù et traduit : « Il a construit largement », comme un fois Ú-a-a-am, une graphie où WGL voit une faute de scribe, écho à Hapeš). corrigeant Ú en GA !, pour le motif que Ga’um est une divi- Aux lignes 10 et 11, il annonce que Šakkan épouse sa nité connue, à l’opposé de U’am (la même faute se retrouve- mère Erṣetu, et tue son père Ha’in. Comme l’a proposé rait à la ligne 34). Comme ses prédécesseurs, il prend le Th. Jacobsen, on comprend que le dieu Ha’in et la déesse pouvoir après avoir mis à mort mère et père. Un second roi Erṣetu copulent, donnant naissance à une fille nommée épouse sa sœur Ningeština, tue son père (l’événement est Tâmtu et à un fils appelé Šakkan. perdu dans une lacune du texte) et sa mère U’am qu’il enterre Au début de la ligne 5, Th. Jacobsen restituait [ma-ia-r]u, de conserve, et s’empare du pouvoir. Du troisième roi, on « les terres labourées », WGL proposant de lire [ša-ni-i]š, sait seulement qu’il est un serviteur du dieu Hamurni, qu’il « en second lieu » ; les vestiges du troisième signe auto- épouse sa sœur et qu’il s’empare du pouvoir détenu par son risent les deux hypothèses. La présence, à la ligne 6, selon père non sans l’avoir préalablement assassiné. WGL, du mot [šal]ultišu, « en troisième lieu » milite en Pour tous ces rois, de la troisième à la sixième génération, faveur de la restitution šanîš ; cependant, D. Arnaud, à la le texte fournit les dates des prises de pouvoir ; elles ne sont suite de J. Nougayrol, préfère restituer [i-natu-k]u-ul-ti-šu, que partiellement conservées : le 16 de Kislimu pour Lahar, « avec son aide », mais il comprend différemment la fin du le 1er d’un mois dont le nom est perdu pour son fils, le 16e vers. Quoi qu’il en soit, Dunnu, « la ville forte », est, dans ou le 29e d’un mois dont le nom est également perdu pour l’esprit de l’auteur, la ville primordiale (il existe sur ce point son arrière-petit-fils. Comme le souligne WGL, ces dates l’accord unanime des commentateurs modernes) dont Ha’in font très vraisemblablement référence à des manifestations se proclame le premier roi. Sur ce dernier point, toutefois, cultuelles, les cérémonies en l’honneur des défunts, des dates l’analyse de D. Arnaud diffère : le premier roi de la cité que l’auteur du texte fait coïncider avec les prises de serait Dagal-hé-du. souveraineté. La suite du texte, au moins jusqu’à la ligne 40, pose moins À l’exception du colophon, le revers de la tablette est de problèmes de lecture et d’interprétation. Tenons-nous en, presque entièrement perdu. Il n’y subsistent que les noms cependant, à ce qui est assuré. En s’entraidant mutuellement, d’Ungal-Nibru, Ninurta, Enlil et Nuska, autant de noms qui en creusant des sillons à coup d’araire, le couple primitif évoquent la ville de Nippur. Ungal-Nibru, alias Šarrat- formé par Ha’in et Erṣetu produit (šubnû) une fille nommée Nippur, ou encore Zannaru, est un avatar d’Inanna, une Tâmtu, « Mer », et met au monde (walādu) un fils nommé déesse souveraine, sœur de Ninurta, le dieu de la cité. Dans Šakkan. Ensuite, de conserve, ils bâtissent la ville de Dunnu, son cas, nous savons qu’il est l’époux, non pas de sa sœur, « la place forte », où Ha’in accapare pour lui seul (ana mais de Nin-Nibru, une déesse de la médecine. L’histoire ne ramānišu zukkû ; sur zukkû, voir le commentaire de se répète pas. D. Arnaud, art.cit., p. 12) le pouvoir. Où en sommes-nous ? Le cadre est donc posé. Les événements, ensuite, vont On comprend que deux créatures divines sont en présence, aller s’accélérant. Aguiché par sa mère, Erṣetu, Šakkan un dieu Ha’in et une déesse Ersetu, et que les faits décrits se l’épouse et tue son père Ha’in qu’il enterre à Dunnu, s’empa- situent « à l’origine ». On s’attend à reconnaître dans le pre- rant du pouvoir jusque-là détenu par ce dernier. Il épouse mier un dieu du ciel, à l’image de toutes les mythologies ensuite, du vivant d’Erṣetu, sa grande sœur Tâmtu. grecques et orientales (les théogonies mésopotamienne, hittite, Par la suite, la succession se fait de père en fils, par géné- grecque et égyptienne - dans cette dernière Ciel est féminin, rations sexuées. Lahar, le fils de Šakkan, assassine son père Terre masculine —, celle du mazdéisme), mais celui-ci appa- et l’enterre à Dunnu, dans le palais de son propre père raît plus tard, sous son nom hourrite de Hamurnu (ligne 37). (ligne 17, avec D. Arnaud : i-nae-k[a-a]la-bi-šu). Il épouse Ils forment un couple organisé en termes de distinction des Tâmtu, sa mère, laquelle assassine Erṣetu, sa propre mère. Il genres, mais nous ignorons s’ils sont époux. L’opposition des

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contraires est l’un des outils intellectuels qui servent par Aspekte des Menschseins im Alten Mesopotamien, Brill, excellence à classer le réel. Elle est très habituellement struc- Leyde, 2012, p. 242) ? L’auteur de l’Enūmaelišfait d’elle, turée à partir de la distinction entre la droite et la gauche, le tour à tour, un être fait d’une matière liquide et un être corps humain servant à réfracter l’organisation symbolique du anthropomorphisé, avec une cage thoracique, un foie, des monde. Le côté gauche, désigné par l’expression qātuša yeux, de la salive et un entre-jambe. marušti, « main de détresse », est déprécié, contrairement au Bref, le couple Ha’in et Erṣetu, pensé comme situé hors côté droit, dit qātuelletu, « main pure ». Mais les valeurs du champ de la parenté, est le point de départ de toutes les peuvent s’inverser. Cette relation contrastée a des implica- élucubrations à venir. À son propos, l’auteur s’attarde sur la tions sociologiques et rituelles multiples, qui concernent tous question délicate de la transmission des substances, autour les domaines de la vie sociale et religieuse. Elle permet aussi de laquelle les deux notions de genre et de filiation de distinguer les sexes. Dans le temps du mythe, lorsqu’elle s’organisent. procède à la création de l’homme, la déesse Nintu détache Plus tard, Erṣetu séduit son fils Šakkan, qui l’épouse ; il d’une masse d’argile préalablement malaxée par le dieu Éa épouse aussi Tâmtu, sa sœur aînée ; mère et fille sont donc quatorze pâtons d’argile qu’elle répartit en deux groupes, sept co-épouses. Désormais, et contrairement au premier, tous les à sa droite et sept à sa gauche, les uns devant produire des couples à venir sont organisés en termes de consanguinité, la individus mâles, les autres des individus femelles. Au 7e siècle distinction des sexes étant conçue sur le modèle de la relation av. n.è., en Assyrie, au cours des cérémonies préparatoires à mère-fils ou frère-sœur, en même temps que époux-épouse. une consultation divinatoire, le devin dresse trois tables pour Šakkan et Tâmtu sont deux enfants germains ; c’est leur les dieux ; l’une au centre de l’espace consacré, pour Šamaš germanité qui permet de penser la filiation et l’alliance et Adad ; la seconde, à gauche, pour Aya, la parèdre de comme deux notions connexes, articulées l’une à l’autre, Šamaš ; la troisième, à droite, pour Bunene, le fils du couple comme les deux faces d’un même ensemble. Ils mettent au divin. Le côté gauche est donc homologué au sexe féminin. monde Lahar, qui épouse sa mère. Quant aux mariages adel- Mais l’auteur met surtout l’accent sur les substances, lais- phiques à venir, les rois épousant leurs sœurs, ils mettront sant affleurer l’idée d’apports masculins et féminins au pro- toujours en scène des comportements qui superposent cessus biologique de procréation. À la ligne 4, on comprend consanguinité et affinité. que Tâmtu est créée par fouissage, Ha’in et Erṣetu s’entrai- Deux types d’incestes sont donc documentés, celui entre dant mutuellement pour creuser le sol avec « leur » araire. une mère et un fils et celui entre une sœur et un frère. La On semble confronté, dans ce cas, à une situation peu ordi- genèse étant achevée avec Lahar et Tâmtu, la suite des évé- naire où tout se passe comme si les deux comparses manipu- nements est fondée sur des unions entre germains. Puisque laient de conserve un artéfact, qui objectivait, certes, un sexe les femmes ne circulent toujours pas entre des groupes de masculin, mais qui était distinct du sexe de Ha’in ! En réa- donneurs et de preneurs, les conditions de reproduction lité, l’auteur ne fait ni plus ni moins que décrire un coït, de l’alliance sont toujours identiques à elles-mêmes. Le apparemment plus passionné et plus violent que d’autres, où rôle de la relation frère-sœur apparaît désormais prééminent. Erṣetu contribue à l’effort de Ha’in qui consiste à faire péné- Les couples effectuent tous le même rapprochement entre trer dans son corps le sexe en érection de son partenaire. proximité consanguine et proximité statutaire opérée par les Il y a plus important. On relève les emplois des verbes mariages. Socialement parlant, ils forment toujours un groupe šubnû, « produire », à propos de la naissance de Tâmtu, et unilinéaire où les femmes ne s’échangent pas. de walādu, « procréer », s’agissant de celle de Šakkan. Cette L’inceste est prohibé en Mésopotamie où c’est la commu- différence de vocabulaire est significative. En 1965, WGL et nauté de substances qui est à l’origine d’empêchements P. Walcot comprenaient que l’araire avait rempli les sillons matrimoniaux. Les textes médicaux font de brèves allusions d’eau. Certes, il est bien connu, dans la littérature mésopota- à des pratiques que les traités législatifs réprouvent, comme mienne, que le labour est une métaphore amplement rebattue les relations d’un fils avec sa mère ou sa mère adoptive ; une pour dire un acte sexuel. Mais l’auteur fait porter l’attention liste de prodiges classe au rang des anormalités les faits sui- sur une réalité passée inaperçue jusqu’ici : Tâmtu est, certes, vants : « Un homme eut des rapports avec sa mère. Un un être aqueux, mais ce liquide est composé, par la force des homme eut des rapports avec sa sœur. Un homme eut des choses, d’un mélange de sperme et de sécrétion vaginale, la rapports avec sa fille. Un homme eut des rapports avec sa cystine. Le mot tâmtu peut se comprendre d’un lac, d’une belle-mère. Un bœuf saillit un âne. Un renard saillit un chien. mare, d’un bras mort d’un fleuve, d’une citerne, d’un bassin Un chien saillit un cochon ». pour collecter l’eau dans une ville, voire de canaux ou de Hors le cadre de la Mésopotamie, l’histoire donne à voir rigoles. Il désigne un liquide, qui ne se réduit ni à l’océan, ni des pratiques similaires, mais qui paraissent l’exception. Il à la mer. Sans doute, le pénis d’Enki fait-il couler l’eau qui existe des mariages frère-sœur, père-fille ou mère fils dans féconde les terres cultivées, mais, dans le cas présent, la les familles royales de l’Iran achéménide, parthe et sassa- liqueur produite par le coït va donner naissance à Šakkan, nide, chez les Séleucides ou les Ptolémées. Le mariage frère- une hypostase des bêtes sauvages, et non à des plantes. La sœur germain est amplement pratiqué dans société de situation est inédite. En peu de mots, l’auteur annonce que l’Egypte romaine (Keith Hopkins, Le mariage frère-sœur en Ha’in et Erṣetu ont produit (šubnû) un liquide, Tâmtu, en Égypte romaine, dans Pierre Bonte, éd., Épouserauplus réalité un mélange, une liqueur, qui permet toutes les nais- proche, Editions EHESS, Paris, 1994, pp. 79-95). Dans le sances (walādu), à commencer par celle de Šakkan. mazdéisme, trois unions incestueuses préludent à la nais- Si tel est le cas, on est en présence d’un récit étiologique sance de l’humanité : Ohrmazd, la voûte céleste, épouse sa qui explique pourquoi Tiāmat a la capacité d’enfanter un fille Spandermat, la terre ; de cette union naît Gayômart, rejeton sans l’appoint d’un partenaire masculin. Dans prototype de l’homme, dont le sperme féconde sa mère, l’Enūmaeliš,ne met-elle pas au monde, seule, son époux Terre ; de là naît le couple humain primordial, qui engendre Qingu (à ce propos, voir les remarques de Ulrike Steinert, l’humanité (Clarisse Herrenschmidt, Le xwêtôdas ou mariage

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« incestueux » en Iran ancien, dans P. Bonte, éd., op.cit., et stimulant, enrichi d’une érudition inégalée. Dans sa grande pp. 113-125). sagesse, il évite toutes restitutions hasardeuses et donc toutes Malgré ces exemples, il n’est pas question, dans le récit de contestations, seules les parties assurées des textes abîmés Dunnu, d’atteindre des faits historiques. par des cassures étant l’objet de commentaires. La publica- Après avoir donné naissance à Šakkan, Ha’in et Erṣetu tion de tous ces textes, dûment collationnés, tient lieu, désor- fondent une ville appelée Dunnu, « la ville forte », dont mais, d’édition de référence. Ha’in se proclame le seul souverain. Il s’agit, pour eux, d’or- ganiser leur succession tout en conservant le pouvoir au sein Paris, September 2015 Jean-Jacques GLASSNER de la famille à laquelle ils viennent de donner le jour. On comprend mieux que Erṣetu séduise son fils, qui l’épouse non sans avoir, au préalable, mis son père à mort, et lui avoir donné une sépulture digne de ce nom. Dans la foulée de ces KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN événements, il prend lui-même le pouvoir. Le rapport sexuel SASSMANNSHAUSEN, L. (ed.) in collaboration with avec la mère, en d’autres termes le partage de la même G. Neumann — He Has Opened Nisaba’s House of femme entre le père et le fils, assure sa légitimité. Épouser Learning. Studies in Honor of Åke Waldemar Sjöberg la mère et tuer le père, tels sont les préalables indispensables on the Occasion of His 89th Birthday on August 1st 2013. pour la prise légitime du pouvoir. Contrairement à Œdipe, ils (Cuneiform Monographs, 46). Brill Academic Publish- sont accomplis en toute connaissance de cause. ers, Leiden-Boston, 2014. (24,5 cm, X, 319). ISBN 978- Avec Lahar, le fils de Šakkan, une variante vient s’offrir 90-04-26074-0, ISSN 0929-0052, € 125,00; $ 162.00. à l’histoire précédente. Ayant tué son père, Šakkan, il épouse sa mère, Tâmtu, qui avait été précédemment co-épouse de This is the second Festschrift presented to professor Sjö- son père aux côtés de sa propre mère Erṣetu. Enfin, le nou- berg of Philadelphia, after that of the year 1989. He died in veau couple s’attribue collectivement le pouvoir, l’époux et August 2014 and meanwhile four contributors have passed l’épouse exerçant de conserve la seigneurie et la royauté. away as well. The contributions are: Dans ce contexte, le meurtre d’Erṣetu par Tâmtu s’explique : B.Alster, Listen to the roaring ox: K 7674+, on some de même que Lahar est dans l’obligation d’assassiner son proverbial sayings from the Neo-Assyrian period. Studies in père, de même Tâmtu ne peut laisser la vie à sa mère. bilingual proverbs, III (1-30), a fresh look at W.G. Lambert, Après Lahar, le mariage mère-fils cède la place à celui qui BWL (1960) 252 f. J.Bauer, IAS 298 und IAS 328 (11-23), unit un frère et une sœur. Désormais, les pères et les mères texts from Abū Salābīḫ, lists of personal names, many of sont systématiquement mis à mort. Dans tous les cas, ils sont which duplicate those in YOS 1 no. 11. A. Cavigneaux, enterrés avec les honneurs qui leurs sont dus. On ne tue F. Wiggermann, Vizir, concubine, entonnoir… Comment à jamais les sœurs. Les prises du pouvoir se font à des dates lire et comprendre le signe SAL.ḪUB2? (25-35), a study of où l’on commémore les défunts. L’auteur attire l’attention sur this combination and the signs lagar, lukur, dilmun. «Le ter- ce point, comme pour souligner le lien entre les deux types tiumcomparationisentre «vizir» et «concubine» pourrait d’événements. être —dans deux modes différents— «intimité du roi» (30). Au vu de ce qui vient d’être dit, il est difficile de recon- M.E. Cohen, A new piece of an Inanna/Dumuzi lamentation naître une théogonie dans ce texte. On y voit un certain (37-49). B.J. Foster, Diorite and Limestone: a Sumerian per- désordre. Plusieurs théonymes sont inconnus, comme ceux spective (51-56), in Lugale explained as stones whose de Ha’in et d’U’am ; d’autres sont des hypostases des bêtes inscriptions are meant to be permanent (in a mortuary chapel) sauvages (Šakkan) ou du petit bétail (Lahar). Que vient faire vs. those on public (royal) monuments. W.W. Hallo, Slaves le dieu hourrite Hamurni dans ce récit ? Ha’in et Erṣetu ne and strangers (57-60), interprets Sumerian šubur as “a Sub- produisent pas l’eau fertilisante qui permet à la terre de pro- arean (slave)”, later “foreign (slave)”. M. Jaques, Two lulla- duire des plantes, puisqu’il en naît l’animal sauvage ! Enfin, bies (61-72), publishes new lullabies with lines duplicating les sœurs ne sont pas des germaines furtives comme celles “the lullaby of Šulgi”; followed by a discussion of incanta- qui figurent dans les théogonies. tions to silence crying babies. B. Kienast, Zum altassyrischen On y voit un récit de fondation de la royauté. Dunnu est Erbrecht (73-83), offers a new interpretation of clausulas in un lieu unique en son genre dans la littérature mésopota- two Old Assyrian texts in which šīmumdoes not mean “bride mienne ; le mot, qui signifie « ville forte », ne fait allusion price” and qaqqadipatiin which qaqqadu refers to a capital à aucune ville en particulier. On y reconnaît l’espace d’une sum of money. J. Klein, Y. Sefati, The “Stars (of) heaven” cité qui se confond avec celui d’une famille royale née de la and cuneiform writing (85-102), see in mul an-na (in Šulgi Terre-mère. La transmission du pouvoir se fait dans le cadre Hymns B and E) the (meaningful) stars, consulted by the de cette seule ville et au sein d’une même famille, le parri- goddess Nisaba. The Babylonian explanation “writing” cide et l’inceste avec la mère (suivi du meurtre de celle-ci) (šiṭirtu) is secondary. E. Leichty, A. Guinan, The rejected ou la sœur étant des passages obligés. On ne saurait insister sheep (103-112), publish two Old Babylonian notes on sheep suffisamment sur le choix de l’expression : « À coup de leur with defects, not suitable for divination. H. Limet, Un modèle araire, ils produisirent Tâmtu ». Aucune autre expression ne culturel sumérien: l’élévage (113-124), writes on domestic saurait dire avec autant de force que la famille royale émerge animals and their dairy products in literature, with special du sol même de la cité avec laquelle elle s’identifie. Ce récit attention to the churn (118-120). L.D. Morenz, Die Archäol- d’autochtonie, s’il évoque des développements analogues ogie der Schrift: die Erfindung des Rebusprinzips in proto- dans le monde grec, semble unique en son genre en schriftlicher Zeit (125-145), starting from the observation Mésopotamie. that the sign “MAŠ” (+) is a basic form (G.J. Selz), elabo- Ces quelques remarques à propos de Dunnu ne sauraient rates on the derived sign UDU. J. Oelsner, Überlegungen zu nous éloigner de l’essentiel. WGL livre un ouvrage instructif den “Graeco-Babyloniaca” (147-164), reviews earlier

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(M.J. Geller) and more recent (A. Westenholz) opinions on of provincial governors: Some observations (115-123): suc- these texts and their purpose. L. Sassmannshausen, Kas- cession within families at the time of Amar-Sîn. A. di sitische Herrscher und ihre Namen (165-199), comments on Ludovico, Symbols and bureaucratic performances in the Ur their names, mostly Kassite; with appendices on the Kassite III administrative sphere: An interpretation through data language and the rendering of sibilants in foreign languages. mining (125-151), by using presentation scenes. S. Garfinkle, G.J. Selz, Dumuzi(d)s Wiederkehr? (201-215), studies The Third Dynasty of Ur and the limits of state power in Dumuzi (originally a title?) and related gods in Presargonic Early Mesopotamia (153-167), on the royal family cooperat- Lagash and the Ur III period, with excursuses on his “holy ing with (peripheral) local elites and the roles of merchants hill” and LUM-ma (also a title?). H. Steible, F. Yıldız, (TS) and the military. P. Michalowski, Networks of authority and Š 302, eine Importtafel aus Uruk in Šuruppak? (217-228), power in Ur III times (169-205), the contemporaries of publish the full text and discover unusual names and the cit- Gudea and the alleged stability of the following Ur III state; ies Larsa and Ur. H. Vanstiphout, The Sumerian debate the special status of the province Lagash. P. Notizia, Prince poems: a general presentation, Part III (229-240), describes Etel-pū-Dagān, son of Šulgi (207-220). F. Pomponio, The Ur the rethorical techniques of the protagonists and the verdict, III administration: Workers, messengers, and sons (221- with special attention to Nisaba. N. Veldhuis, The Early 232), with thoughts about UN.íl / erén, dumu, “subordinate”. Dynastic Kiš tradition (241-259), identified an independent L. Vacín, Šulgi meets Stalin: Comparative propaganda as later northern tradition of (mainly) lexical texts in Abū a tool of mining the Šulgi hymns for historical data Salābīḫ, Kiš, Ebla, created to meet the needs of their time (233-247). and (Semitic) environment (the “Kish civilization”). G. Voet, Economyandsociety: K. vanLerberghe, Four and a half “Quasi-Hüllentafeln” F. d’Agostino, F. Gorello, The control of copper and (261-279), publish three new examples of such tablets, bronze objects in Umma during the Ur III period (251-265), recording earlier sales (Ur-Utu archive, Sippar), and the copy the weighing of copper among two groups. J.-P. Grégoire, of a fourth. J.G. Westenholz, The ear and its wisdom (281- Le système après-récolte dans l’hydro-agriculture mésopota- 297), a full presentation of the ear: its anatomy, its jewelry, mienne à la fin du IIIe millénaire avant notre ère (267-299), as a metaphor for a keen insight; all in Sumerian culture. a full acccount of agricultural work at the harvest. A. Klein- A. Zgoll, Dreams and gods in dreams. Dream-realities in erman, The barbers of Iri-Sagrig (301-311): they had their ancient Mesopotamia from the 3rd to the 1st millennium B.C. work in the bathroom. N. Koslova, Absence from work in (299-313), summarizes major themes in her book: the dream Ur III Umma: Reasons and terminology (313-332): due to as an encounter with the god, dream gods as intermediaries, planned free time, to unforseen circumstances, and work the “symbolic dreams” and the “message dreams” are in fact at another place. P. Paoletti, The manufacture of a statue of (short) unreflected dreams and (longer) dreams, interpreted. Nanaja: Mesopotamian jewellery-making techniques at the end of the Third Millennium B.C. (333-345): to gild * (gar), damascene (šub), “insert” (sig), inlay (stones) (sìg). * * P. Steinkeller, Corvée labor in Ur III times (347-424), in the Umma province, especially at the Tummal building project. L. , G. , Ikalla, scribe of (wool) textiles and GARFINKLE, S.J. and M. MOLINA (eds.) — From the 21st Verderame Spada linen (425-444), with the phases of production of textiles Century B.C. to the 21st Century A.D. Proceedings of and baskets. , , The regular offerings of the International Conference on Sumerian Studies Held WuYuhong LiXueyan lambs and kids for deities and the é-uz-ga during the reign in Madrid, 22-24 July 2010. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, of Šulgi: A study of the mu-TÚM and texts 2013. (26 cm, XXIV, 495). ISBN 978-1-57506-296-9. zi-ga/ba-zi from the Animal Center (445-458), weekly deliveries for the $ 89.50. religious elite in Uruk and Nippur. These are the proceedings of a meeting of Ur III scholars Indices (459-492). in Madrid. This meeting was organised just before the Ren- contre Assyriologique Internationale in Madrid, 26-30 July, * the proceedings of which were edited by L. Feliu, Timeand * * historyintheAncientNearEast(Eisenbrauns, 2013). The contents of this Ur III book, dedicated to Hartmut Waetzoldt, OSHIMA, T. — The Babylonian Theodicy. Introduction, are as follows. Cuneiform Text and Transliteration with a Translation, : Languageandsources Glossary and Commentary. Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus M. , Ur III as a linguistic watershed (3-17), follows Civil Project. (State Archives of Assyria, Cuneiform Texts, 9). the graphic innovations in Sumerian. J. , Cale Johnson Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, 2013. (25 cm, LXIII, 63). Sumerian adjectival passives using the *im- prefix: The Old ISBN 978-952-10-1343-0, ISSN 1455-2345. $ 39.00. Babylonian evidence and some possible Third Millennium precursors (19-48). F. Karahashi, Hypotactic and paratactic The author of this book is preparing a full edition of the complementation in Sumerian ditilla texts (49-57). M. Babylonian Theodicy and here a preliminary version is Molina, On the location of Iri-Sagrig (59-87): perhaps Umm offered, omitting the copies, an apparatus criticus and the al-Hafriyyat or upstream from it. D.I. Owen, The archive of ancient commentary of the Babylonians. New manuscripts Iri-Sagrig / Āl-Šarrakī: A brief survey (89-102). are used, the commentary elucidates difficult passages Administrationandideology: (p. 27-44). In the lengthy Introduction (37 pages) the author- S. Alivernini, Some considerations on the management of ship, dating, poetry and structure are studied first. Earlier an administrative structure in Ur III Mesopotamia: The case opinions on this wisdom composition are surveyed and a new of mar-sa [= the shipyards] (105-113). L. Allred, The tenure interpretation is given, starting from the last strophe, a prayer

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of the sufferer, in which he names himself dunnamû“a piti- able person” (p. xxx) and confesses that he was wrong. The message is meant for the higher “third” level of scribes, those versed in “the Scriptures”, the Babylonian Geheim- wissen. They are the vehicle for reaching the state of pure devotion and piety towards the divine. Divine blessing will be the reward: not material riches but rather divine wisdom (p. xlvi-vii). The edition (a composite text based on various manuscripts) with a translation and glossary follows.

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