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Changing Definitions of Irishness in Early America

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Changing Definitions of Irishness in Early America 1 Vindicating Ireland: Mathew Carey as Irish Nationalist and Historian Benjamin Bankhurst King‟s College London A Paper Submitted to “Ireland, America, and the Worlds of Mathew Carey” Co-Sponsored by: The McNeil Center for Early American Studies The Program in Early American Economy and Society The Library Company of Philadelphia, The University of Pennsylvania Libraries Philadelphia, PA October 27-29, 2011 *Please do not cite without permission of the author 2 Reflecting on his many past accomplishments in the United States, Mathew Carey claimed in his autobiography that he counted the publication of his 1819 work, the The Vindiciae Hibernicae: or, Ireland Vindicated, “among the most important operations” of his life.1 Indeed, he deemed the subject of the work so important that he devoted nearly 1/5 of his autobiography to it.2 The Vindiciae is a lengthy refutation of the then popular myth of seventeenth-century Irish Catholic atrocity. Its publication fulfilled a life-long desire in Carey to challenge and perhaps overturn the Protestant myths used to discredit and subjugate his fellow Irish Catholics. However, despite his pride in the finished product, Carey did not believe the work had as wide an impact as it should have. Nor did it reach the audience that mattered the most. He confessed in his autobiography: “I confidently expected that the work would be reprinted in England and Ireland, or at all events in the latter,– but I have been greatly disappointed.”3 The expectation that the Vindiciae would have an impact in Ireland at a point when the campaign for Catholic emancipation was gaining momentum was, Carey confessed, one of the primary reasons that compelled him to write it in the first place. The work, he further lamented, was “scarcely necessary” in the United States.4 Yet despite Carey‟s later misgivings about the necessity and wider appeal of the Vindiciae in America, the work was indeed relevant and its mission pertinent to the growing Irish Catholic immigrant communities across the new nation. Though Carey clearly intended future European editions, the first edition was directed at an American audience. In its preface Carey made it clear that the topic was worth Americans‟ consideration, not least because the myth of past Catholic treachery 1 Quoted in David A. Wilson, United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic (Dublin, 1998), 163. 2 Ibid, 163. 3 Mathew Carey, “Autobiography of Mathew Carey. Letter XIV” The New-England Magazine 6:5 (May, 1834), 400. 4 Ibid, 400. 3 underscored anti-Irish prejudice in the United States as well as in Britain. This paper assesses the evolution of Carey‟s support for Irish independence and his nationalist stance on Irish history within the context of the changes and difficulties facing Irish America in the early republic. Many of the themes discussed here have been addressed in Martin J. Burke‟s in-depth chapter of the Vindiciae. Burke located Carey‟s history within the larger framework of Irish nationalist historiography.5 This essay builds upon previous work by evaluating the significance of Carey‟s output on these subjects to an Irish America in demographic and cultural transition. Mathew Carey and an Irish America in Transition Mathew Carey‟s life and career in the United States spanned a period of change in the complexion and character of Irish America. His works on Irish history and his career-long defense of Irish political reform were instrumental in the establishment of Irish-American ethnic identity in the nineteenth century.6 Carey arrived in Philadelphia during a period of flux for Irish America. The overwhelming majority of Irish immigrants who arrived before the Revolution were Protestants, primarily Ulster Presbyterians.7 This remained true through the first decade of the nineteenth century.8 The continued predominance of Ulster Presbyterians among Irish 5 Martin J. Burke, “The Politics and Poetics of Nationalist Historiography: Mathew Carey and the Vindiciae Hiberniciae” in Joep Leerssen, A.H. van der Weel, and Bart Westerweel, ed., Forging in the Smithy: National Identity and Representation in Anglo-Irish Literary History (Amsterdam, 1995), 183- 194. 6 For more on the life of Mathew Carey see: James N. Green, Mathew Carey, publisher and patriot (Philadelphia, 1985); Kenneth Wyer Rowe, Mathew Carey: A Study in American Economic Development (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1933); Earl L. Bradsher, Mathew Carey, Editor, Author and Publisher: A Study in American Literary Development (New York: Columbia University Press, 1912); and Edward C. Carter II, “The Political Activities of Mathew Carey, Nationalist, 1760- 1814” (Ph.D. dissertation, Bryn Mawr College, 1962). For a comprehensive list of Carey‟s publications see William Clarkin, Mathew Carey: A Bibliography of His Publications, 1785-1824 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1984). 7 The most significant examination of Ulster Presbyterian emigration in the eighteenth century remains R.J. Dickson, Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775 (London, 1966). 8 Maldwyn A. Jones, “Ulster Emigration, 1783-1815,” in E.R.R. Green, ed., Essays in Scotch-Irish History (London, 1969), 46-68. 4 immigrants to post-revolutionary North America complicates the traditional division between the “Protestant” Irish-America of the eighteenth century and the “Catholic” model often applied to the nineteenth century.9 Nevertheless, the growing presence and influence of Catholic communities as well as the Protestant backlash against this growth demanded a re-calabration of Irish ethnic identity in the new nation. Scholars increasingly view the late eighteenth century as a period of relatively strong inter-denominational cohesion within the national Irish community compared with the sectarian tensions that would divide it along religious lines from the late 1820s onwards. Kerby Miller claims that the Revolution “accelerated Ulster Presbyterian immigrants‟ tendency to embrace – and of Anglo-Americans to perceive – a generic and positive „Irish‟ identity.”10 Certainly this acceptance was aided by the positive inversion in the lead up to the revolution of the term “republican,” previously an insult hurled at Calvinist dissenters in the middle and southern colonies, and increased American recognition of the legitimacy of past Irish resistance to English rule in light of their own struggles with London. Fraternal societies emerged that championed an inclusive ethnic identification among Irish immigrants. The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, for example, stipulated that membership be open to “the descendents of Irish parents on either side in the first degree” regardless of religion.11 In the decades that followed the revolution many people of Scots Irish descent dropped claims to an ethnic Irishness, choosing instead to identify themselves with 9 Kevin Kenny, The American Irish: A History (Longman, 2000), 2-5. 10 Kerby Miller, “„Scotch-Irish” Ethnicity in Early America: Its Regional and Political Origins” in Kerby A. Miller, Ireland and Irish America: Culture, Class, and Transatlantic Migration (Dublin, 2008), 134. For differing meanings of “Irishness” to immigrants to America see chapter 8 in the same volume: “„Scotch-Irish,‟ „Black Irish‟, and „Real Irish”: Emigrants and Identities in the Old South,” 142-5. For a discussion on the usefulness of the term „Scotch-Irish‟ see Miller‟s “Ulster Presbyterians and the “Two Traditions” in Ireland and America” in J.J. Lee and Marion Casey, ed., Making the Irish American: History and Heritage of the Irish in the United States, (New York, 2007), 255-60. 11 Quoted in Maurice J. Bric, Ireland, Philadelphia and the Re-invention of America, 1760-1800 (Dublin, 2008), 156. For more information on the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick see Bric, Ireland, 153- 156, 308-309; and J. H. Caldwell, History of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick and the Hibernian Society of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1892). 5 the nation that many of them had helped to found.12 As the nineteenth century progressed, the popularity of evangelical Protestantism reignited fears of “popery” while, simultaneously, the increasing numbers of Irish Catholic immigrants – especially from 1825 onwards – precipitated the emergence of a new “Scotch-Irish” identity among the progeny of Ulster Presbyterian migrants.13 Carey himself is often said to be an early example of the exile generation of immigrants who arrived primarily in the 1790s.14 Like later Irish political exiles arriving in America in the wake of the 1798 and 1803 risings, his immigrant experience was inextricably bound to late eighteenth-century transatlantic radicalism. He stepped onto the quays in Philadelphia not as an economic migrant or pilgrim like the thousands of predominately Presbyterian Irish migrants before him, but as an exile, suffering the humiliation of someone forced unjustly from their homeland. His political commitment to the universal implementation of the ideals espoused by Irish and colonial patriots (or, as Margaret McAleer has recently argued, his endorsement of Lockean and Paine-ite concepts of civil society) during the 1770s and 80s, however, ensured the quick transition from ex-patriot Irishman to immigrant American.15 Carey‟s commitment to the economic and political advancement of the United States, however, never eclipsed his interest in Irish affairs or his willingness to identify himself as an Irishman. He was committed to the welfare and progress of his 12 Patrick Griffin convincingly argues that Scots Irish settlers on the frontier adopted a unifying British identity during the Seven Years‟ War: The People with no Name: Ireland’s Ulster Scots, America’s Scots Irish, and the Creation of A British Atlantic World, 1689-1764 (Princeton, 2001), 157-173. 13 Miller et al, Irish Immigrants in the Land of Canaan: Letters and Meoirs from Colonial and Revolutionary America, 1765-1815 (Oxford, 2003), 103. For the increasing rates of Catholic migration in the 1820s and 30s see: Kerby A. Miller, Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America (Oxford, 1985), 196-97.
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