Camerale, Contributionale, Creditors and Crisis: the Finances of the Habsburg Empire from the Battle of Mohács to the Thirty Year’S War
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Camerale, Contributionale, Creditors and Crisis: The Finances of the Habsburg Empire from the Battle of Mohács to the Thirty Year’s War Peter Rauscher University of Vienna [email protected] In 1591, when military tension between the Habsburg1 and the Ottoman Empire was on the increase, the bookkeeper of the Imperial Court Chamber (Hofkammer) needed to calculate revenue available to fijinance the fortresses and troops at the military border against the Turkish threat. He estimated the annual costs of the border defence system in Hungary without the Wendish and Croatian confijines at 1.13 million florins. However, the bookkeeper faced serious problems estimating the funds available to cover these expenses. The Aulic War Council (Hofkriegsrat) expected revenue of 960,000 florins, 350,000 florins thereof were from the war taxes of the Holy Roman Empire, whereas the Court Chamber calculated only 530,000 florins, and 150,000 florins thereof from the German territories and cities. The bookkeeper himself expected even less revenue – 400,000 florins – because he did not anticipate any income from the Holy Roman Empire.2 This brief example gives us insight into some of the problems of analysing 16th-century Habsburg fijinances. Firstly, sources are insufffijicient or inconsistent. There are some rough estimates of the total revenues and expenses of the Habsburg Empire for some 1 The terms “Habsburg Monarchy” or “Habsburg Empire” used in this study refer to the “Austri- an” or “German” branch of the dynasty, that is, to Ferdinand I and his successors. Even if there were strong family and political, sometimes even fijinancial relations between this “younger” and the older “Spanish” branch of the “Casa de Austria”, the European and non-European territories of the Spanish Crown are not topic of this paper. 2 Peter Rauscher, ‘Kaiser und Reich. Die Reichstürkenhilfen von Ferdinand I. bis zum Beginn des „Langen Türkenkriegs” (1548–1593)’, in Friedrich Edelmayer, Maximilian Lanzinner and Peter Rauscher (eds.), Finanzen und Herrschaft. Materielle Grundlagen fürstlicher Politik in den habsburgischen Ländern und im Heiligen Römischen Reich im 16. Jahrhundert. (Veröfffent- lichungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 38.) Wien, München, 2003, 79: note 160, with the exact fijigures. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi 10.1163/9789004396234_010 194 peter rauscher years, but even the imperial authorities did not have enough information to draw up a budget.3 It is impossible to reconstruct the annual revenues and expenses because contemporaries had no overview of the fijinances. We depend to a high degree on more or less incomplete series of passed down books of accounts or on fijigures cited in the correspondence of fijinancial or military authorities. Records of the numerous assemblies of estates (Reichsstände/ Landstände) mention taxes granted by the diets (Reichstage/Landtage) of the individual Habsburg kingdoms and territories, and of the Holy Roman Empire. These and other sources are difffijicult to interpret because they often contain estimations or payment obligations but fail to document real cash flow.4 Secondly, and closely related to the fijirst point, the “Habsburg Empire” or “Habsburg Monarchy” was no uniform state (Gesamtstaat), not even a combined monarchy, but a complex power system consisting of the dynasty and its few central authorities as well as of the estates of the Habsburg territories and the Holy Roman Empire.5 In some occasions, fijinancial or military aid from the 3 Thomas Winkelbauer, ‘Nervus rerum Austriacarum. Zur Finanzgeschichte der Habsburger- monarchie um 1700’, in Petr Maťa and Thomas Winkelbauer (eds.), Die Habsburgermonar- chie 1620 bis 1740. Leistungen und Grenzen des Absolutismusparadigmas. (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa, 24.) Stuttgart, 2006, 187–193. For the “military budget” of the last decades of the 16th century, see Géza Pálfffy, ‘Der Preis für die Verteidigung der Habsburgermonarchie: Die Kosten der Türkenabwehr in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in Edelmayer, Lanzinner and Rauscher (eds.), Finanzen, 32–34; István Kenyeres, ‘Die Kriegsausgaben der Habsburgermonarchie von der Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts bis zum ersten Drittel des 17. Jahrhunderts’, in Peter Rauscher (ed.), Kriegführung und Staats- fijinanzen. Die Habsburgermonarchie und das Heilige Römische Reich vom Dreißigjährigen Krieg bis zum Ende des habsburgischen Kaisertums 1740. (Geschichte in der Epoche Karls V., 10.) Münster, 2010, 61; Thomas Winkelbauer, ‘Territoriale, sozial und nationale Aspekte der Staatsfijinanzen der Habsburgermonarchie (vom 16. Jahrhundert bis 1918)’, in Jiří Mikulec and Miloslav Polívka (eds.), Per saecula ad tempora nostra. Sborník prací k šedesátým naroze- ninám prof. Jaroslava Pánka. Vol. 1. Praha, 2007, 181–194, focuses mainly on the period be- tween the second half of the 17th and the early 20th centuries. 4 The main sources are discussed in the cited literature. Cf. additionally Josef Pauser, Martin Scheutz and Thomas Winkelbauer (eds.), Quellenkunde der Habsburgermonarchie (16.–18. Jahrhundert). Ein exemplarisches Handbuch. (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband, 44.) Wien, München, 2004, especially the contribu- tions by Mark Hengerer and Peter Rauscher. 5 The problem is discussed by Thomas Winkelbauer, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburg im konfessionellen Zeitalter, 1522–1699. Vol. 1. (Öster- reichische Geschichte 1522–1699) Wien, 2003, 25–28, who stressed that early modern Habsburg Monarchy has been a state (ibid., 28). In contrast Robert Evans argued earlier that this political system “was a complex and subtly-balanced organism, not a ‘state’ but a mildly centripetal agglutination of bewilderingly heterogeneous elements”. Robert J. W. Evans, The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550–1700: An Interpretation. Oxford, 1979, 447..