ZIMBABWE Media and Telecoms Landscape Guide
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Distributive Politics at Play in Harare, Zimbabwe: Case for Housing Cooperatives
Chirisa et al. Bandung J of Global South (2015) 2:15 DOI 10.1186/s40728-015-0015-9 RESEARCH Open Access Distributive politics at play in Harare, Zimbabwe: case for housing cooperatives Innocent Chirisa*, Elmond Bandauko and Nyasha Takawira Mutsindikwa *Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract University of Zimbabwe, This paper is a case in distributive politics (and hinges on land-based power dynam- Harare, Zimbabwe ics) arguing that in the absence of state capacity to provide for housing, housing cooperatives have emerged and controlled largely by patronage. In this case, there is exclusion of those individuals, households and families not politically connected; and this has deep and undesired consequences in the management of urban areas in the end. In the Greater Harare urban (and peri-urban) landscape, the housing cooperatives have the power to control their members with respect to the contributions that each member can make in terms of finance and sweat equity (labor). Nevertheless, land as a resource remains a prerogative of the state, which the ZANU PF regime has controlled for a span of more than 30 years now. Housing cooperatives in Harare, as elsewhere in the country, try to identify with ZANU PF as a party identifying with conservativism enshrined in the existing laws (albeit the New Constitution that came about in 2013) and a party advocating for equity in the distribution of the land. Cooperatives have become a tool in which ZANU PF has re-asserted its influence and hegemony. Keywords: Social capital, Manipulation, Control, Governance, State capacity, Homelessness, Housing land Background In sub-Saharan Africa, in the recent years, the decline of the welfare state in the provi- sion of goods and services has seen the rise of housing cooperatives. -
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
Imagining Audience Agency in Colonial Rhodesia and Post- Colonial Zimbabwe
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Wendy Willems Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post- colonial Zimbabwe Book section Original citation: Originally published in Willems, Wendy (2014) Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post-colonial Zimbabwe. In: Butsch, Richard and Livingstone, Sonia, (eds.) Meanings of Audiences: Comparative Discourses. Routledge, Abingdon, UK, pp. 80-96. ISBN 9780415837293 © 2014 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/51198/ Available in LSE Research Online: August 2014 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post-colonial Zimbabwe Wendy Willems Department of Media and Communications, London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Media Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa Original citation: Willems, W. -
National Security Is a Sensitive Subject. a Country's Survival, Growth
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY National security is a sensitive subject. A country’s survival, growth and development depend on a well crafted and consciously implemented national security policy. By nature, national security implementation should always be at a competitive edge relative to internal and external security threats. As a result, the state cannot easily disclose or expose its national security policies and plans without sufficient cause. Zimbabwe’s national security implementation is guided and instructed by the Public Order and Security Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. These acts complement one another and are applied flexibly enough to suit the prevailing circumstances The Acts ensure that order, peace and stability prevail, and that the state’s secrets are protected from those who are not entitled to them. State secrets are the preserve of responsible authorities who implement them to control the variables that affect the survival, growth and development of the state. While the call for the right to access to information may sound cogent, it is important to note that it cannot be guaranteed that the information will not be used against the interests of the state and private individuals. In the Zimbabwean context, the phenomenon of the public demanding access to security information is not significant. The public is aware of the sensitivity of state secrets and security information, and it is not common to identify ordinary people craving for security information. Those who demand the information are political malcontents bent on finding a pretext for fomenting anarchy. Public order is maintained by the Zimbabwe Republic Police, and national defence is guaranteed by the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, but for effective protection of the nation, security information is the preserve of those entitled to access it and use it, and not just anybody who might use it against the interests of the state. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Key Events .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored ................................................................................................................. 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? .......................... 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ...................... 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ....................... 4 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties .............................................................................. 5 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ............................................................. 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................................ 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... -
Zimbabwe News, Vol. 28, No. 5
Zimbabwe News, Vol. 28, No. 5 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn199705 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News, Vol. 28, No. 5 Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe) Date 1997-05-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Africa (region), Southern Africa (region), Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Coverage (temporal) 1997 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.28 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. -
Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: a Case of the Chronicle in Zimbabwe
African Journalism Studies ISSN: 2374-3670 (Print) 2374-3689 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/recq21 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma To cite this article: Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma (2020): Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of TheChronicle in Zimbabwe, African Journalism Studies, DOI: 10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Published online: 19 Mar 2020. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=recq21 AFRICAN JOURNALISM STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chumaa, Mbongeni J. Msimangab and Lungile A. Tshumac aCentre for Film & Media Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa; bDepartment of Communication Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa; cDepartment of Journalism, Film & Television Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper is a critical exploration of the emergence and Factional journalism; manifestations of a phenomenon we refer to as “factional” or succession politics; agency; “succession” journalism within the state media in the context of hegemony the tussle over the succession of the late former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe. Using the state-controlled Chronicle daily newspaper as a case study, we seek to examine the role and influence of editors and journalists in the negotiation of power in the context of reporting a contested succession of Mugabe in 2016. -
Dissertation Introduction How Would You Feel As a Journalist If The
Dissertation Introduction How would you feel as a journalist if the president of your country says you and the publication you work for are “sell outs”? You are called sell outs because your reports carry views by people that differ from those of the President. This is not an imaginary picture but politicians in Zimbabwe and I should hasten to add others throughout the world now use such contemptuous and sometimes blackmailing language in their quest to control what journalists write about their governments, leaders, and even about the conduct of the country’s military establishment. The common way used to control or even admonish journalists who write what the government does not want the public to hear is to appeal to their “patriotic” feelings. In a way this is some form of intimidation. In Zimbabwe the government of President Robert Mugabe refers to all journalists working in the independent media as puppets of western government. They are deemed and labelled unpatriotic because they give discerning citizens a platform to be heard and do not pander to the whims of the establishment. In the United States the media there is partially blamed for singing to war with the government of President Bush, Doyle (2004). The US media is accused of being “too trusting of the establishment hand that feeds them - especially on stories of international peace and security. We saw this in their limp-wristed coverage of dirty wars of the CIA in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Despite their great merits, the U.S. media largely failed in their responsibility to explain the true nature of George Bush’s military adventurism in Iraq.” Doyle. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
MISA-Zimbabwe
MISA-Zimbabwe The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act: Two Years On ARTICLE 19/MISA-ZIMBABWE ARTICLE 19, London and MISA-Zimbabwe, Harare ISBN [TO BE ADDED] September 2004 ARTICLE 19, 33 Islington High St., London N1 9LH • Tel. +44 20 7278 9292 • [email protected] • www.article19.org MISA-Zimbabwe, 84 McChlery Avenue Eastlea, P O Box HR 8113 Harare • Tel: (263 4) 776 165/746 838, mobile: (263) 11 602 685, • [email protected] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Report was prepared jointly by Toby Mendel, Law Programme Director, ARTICLE 19, and Rashweat Mukundu, MISA-Zimbabwe. It was copy edited by Pauline Donaldson, Campaign and Development Team, ARTICLE 19. ARTICLE 19 and MISA-Zimbabwe would like to thank the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative for its financial support for the development and publication of this Report. The positions taken in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1 II. AIPPA: OVERVIEW AND CRITIQUE ........................................ 3 II.1 FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ........................................................................... 4 II.2 THE MEDIA AND INFORMATION COMMISSION.............................................. 6 II.3 REGISTRATION OF THE MASS MEDIA ............................................................. 7 II.4 ACCREDITATION OF JOURNALISTS.................................................................. 9 II.5 CONTENT -
Dissertation CM A
Copyright by Caitlin Tappin McClune 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Caitlin Tappin McClune Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: ‘DIGITAL UNHU’ IN ZIMBABWE: CRITICAL DIGITAL STUDIES FROM THE GLOBAL SOUTH Committee: Karin Gwinn Wilkins, Supervisor Joseph D. Straubhaar Ben Carrington Kathleen Tyner ‘Digital Unhu’ in Zimbabwe: Critical Digital Studies from the Global South by Caitlin Tappin McClune Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2017 Dedication For Daryl T. Carr. I love you and miss you. Acknowledgements I would like to extend my gratitude to Karin Wilkins and Kathy Fuller for their helpfulness and consideration, and for modeling generosity and kindheartedness in academia. I especially appreciate the help of Karin Wilkins who aided me through the last stages of this process with consistent, clear, and useful guidance. I would like to thank Joe Straubhaar who has been an approachable and resourceful presence throughout the years of my work. Additionally, in my first years of graduate school, I took Ben Carrington’s course on critical race theory, which sent me on a trajectory of research for the next seven years that often returned to the insights gained in his class. I'm especially grateful to Kathleen Tyner and Ben Carrington for agreeing to be on my committee very late in the game and for providing a final push across the finish line. I'm grateful to everyone that I worked with and who supported me during my travels in Zimbabwe.