News, Vol. 28, No. 5

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Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (, Zimbabwe) Date 1997-05-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Africa (region), Southern Africa (region), Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Coverage (temporal) 1997 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.28 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Comment. Cover Story: OAU — Successes and Failures. OAU Summit: Founding of the OAU. OAU comes south of the Zambezi River. Kwame Nkrumah — the rock on which the OAU was founded. The first secretary-general. Who will be the next Secretary-General of the OAU? Vision of African Unity. OAU — The way forward. National News: Zimbabwe government committed to women's cause. Chiyangwa caring for Jairos Jiri's widow. Regional File: Call for governments to practice gender equality. Death penalty: Which way for Southern Africa? SADC's water sharing efforts backed. Conflict in Lesotho: Burdened by intrigue. Africa File: Zaire situation explosive and dangerous. Sport: comes of age. Obituary: Major Tobias Kugara Mwanjira. John Enwet Kandeya. Format extent 28 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News

Zimbabwe News Official Organ of ZANU PF Department of tnormation and Publicitr. 144 Union Avenue, H ' TeL: 790148 Volume2.No. 5 1997, RegisteredattheG.POasaNewspaper MAY 1997 $2.50 (incl. sales tax) The OAU at 34 THE WAY F RWAR : ixOi i

Zimbabwe News Official Oigan of ZANU PF Contents Comment: ...... 2 Cover Story: OAU - Successes and Failures: ...... 3 OAU Summit: Founding of the OAU ...... 5 OAU comes south of the Zambezi River ...... 7 Kwame Nkrumah - the rock on which the OAU was founded ...... 6 The first secretary-general ...... 8 Who will be the next Secretary-General of the OAU? ...... 9 Vision of African Unity ...... 10 OAU - The way forward ...... I I National News: Zimbabwe government committed to women's cause ...... 13 Chiyangwa caring for Jairos Jiri's widow ...... 13 Regional File: Call for governments to practice gender equality ...... 15 Death penalty: Which way for Southern Africa? ...... 16 SADC's water sharing efforts backed ...... 17 Conflict in Lesotho: Burdened by intrigue ...... 18 Africa File: Zaire situation explosive and dangerous ...... 19 Sport: Tennis comes of age ...... 20 Obituary: Major Tobias Kugara Mwanjira ...... 22 John Enwet Kandeya ...... 22 I- Zimbabwe News is the official organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU PF and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No. 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU PF) Editorial Council: Code. N.M. Shamuyarira, Cde. C.C. Chimutengwende, Cde. C. Ndhlovu, Code. S. Kachingwe, Cde. A. Sikhosana. ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

EDITORIAL OPTIMISM ABOUT AFRICA IN most of the capitals of the big powers, there is a lot of pessimism about Africa. The heading of newspapers focus mostly on starving or dying refugees, rivalry between tribal groups, any quarrels among leaders, and the sluggish perfomance 'Of our national economies. The picture painted by the mass media, and by public statements of the experts on Africa, is one of retrogression at present, and a gloomy puture. This picture of pessimism and despair is being felt and spread among the intelligentsia in African capitals too. It is time for Africa and Africans to be optimistic about themselves, their countries, their continent and its future. This is NOT empty talk full of sound and fury signifying nothing. There is a lot to be optimistic about in our continent. Firstly, genuine democracy is stringing deep roots in many African countries. Elected governments are now the norm, and the rule of the law is the accepted practice. Military dictatorships still left can be counted on one hand. Secondly, most of the African economies are registering economic growth rates of 3 percent, or even more. Last year, only 12 African countries registered growth rates lower than 3 percent. In general, therefore, most of African economies can be said to be growing, and well on the road to recovery. Thirdly, the OAU now seems to have devised a workable formula of intervention by appropriate actors in the event of a serious conflict within a state or between states. It should be possible for the continental organisation to deal with some of the perennial problems that face some states and some regions. In our own region we commend the steps taken by SADC to strengthen the organ of politics, security, and defence. The recent meeting by Foreign Ministers, and Defence Ministers of SADC even talked of forging a defence pact among members. In East Africa, the community has been revived on what appears to be sound principles. In West Africa, the roots of ECOWAS are being deepened and expanded. Finally, there is renewed interest in other regions of the world to increase their trade and economic interaction with Africa. The ASEAN states are seeking opp rtunities for new investiments in Africa. The European Union is reviewing the Lome Convention. The American Congress has passed legislation aimed at increasing investiments and trade in Africa. There is a lot of activity to be optimistic about as we prepare to enter the 21th century. History will record our fight to get out of colonialism and polical subjtigation in the twentieth century. In the next century, we should leap ahead and develop like some of the South-East Asian countries have done. We should not despair or be pessimistic at the very start of what should be an exciting 21th century. Our people deserve a better deal. ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL 28 NO. 5

Immediately following the establishment of the OAU, Kenya, under Jomo Kenyatta (left), attained independence followed by Malawi and (1964) under Dr. Banda (middle) and Dr. Kaunda. I n the last 34 years the OAU has gone through many trials and tribulations. It has scored a major victory in one area, and has failed in two areas. Can the leaders of Southern Africa play a role in strengthening the organisation, and help to overcome the weaknesses that led to failure in the two areas? The shining page of liberation The shining page of success scored by the OAU is the liberation of all parts of Africa, including Southern Africa. The founding meeting of the OAU in Addis Ababa in May, 1963, was attended by our leaders, , , Leopold Takawira, Washington Malianga, and Jason Moyo. In addition to producing the Charter (or the constitution) of the OAU, the African leaders formed' a Coordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa. The focus of the ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 Charter was on African unity, while that of the committee was on liberation. Many of the founding fathers spoke at length about the need to remove colonialism from every inch of African soil, and totally liberate the continent. The clarion call for total decolonisation came especially from Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sekoe Toure of Guinea, Ben Bellah of Algeria, Gamal Nasser of Egypt, arid Mwalimu Nyerere of Tanzania. Ben Bellah departed from his written speech and called on all his colleagues to contribute one percent of their gross national product into a fund for the liberation of Africa. The headquarters of the Liberation Committee was in Dar-Es-Salaam, the capital of Tanzania, which became the gathering point for all fighters for freedom. Under the able leadership of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Tanzania spearheaded the struggle for liberation. At the time of founding the OAU there were 32 countries in Africa that were independent. Since then 20 countries have been liberated, and indeed colonialism has been removed from the face of Africa. The Republic of which attained its true independence in 1994 was the last bastion of colonialism and racism. We say "true" independence because the minority white settlers had had what they regarded and called independence from Britain in 1910. But, it was only the independence of a minority in a sea of people who were not free. It was only in 1994 that South Africa became truly independent. The legacy of Cabral and Mondhlane Those who had laughed at the formation of the Liberation Committee in 1963 were surprised when one colony after *Continued on next page Cover Story

ICvStor OAU - successes and failures *Continued from previous page ported the liberation movements very state. Therefore, no OAU state could inanother succeeded and attained in- strongly in its way. They helped Africa tervene even in a state where law and dependence. With the collapse of fas- to achieve one of its major goals of liber- order has completely broken down, and cism in Portugal in 1974, all the former ation from Western European there is, no one visibly in-charge. This colonialism, was the case in Somalia when the U.N. Portuguese colonies were freed, begin- and the USA had to intervene. The OAU ning with Guinea-Bissau, as it was called Unity is imperative now is now taking steps to rectify this situathen. The illustrious son who led the war Now the failures! There are many noble tion. In the new formula of resolving against Portuguese colonialism in West goals in the Charter of the OAU which conflicts, it is agreed that where law and Africa, Amilcar Cabral, did not live to have not yet been achieved. Two of order has broken down, or where serithe fruits of his labour. He and Eduardo them are the consolidation of African ous internal conflicts have emerged, a Mondhlane, another illustrious son of unity, and the peaceful settlement of dis- group of African states (usually the , were assassinated by putes between and among African neighbouring states, or certainly indudagents of Portuguese fascist rulers. But States. Infact the whole Charter is a clari- ng them) can and should intervene. The that did not stop the march to on call for UNITY and FREEDOM. new formula has given the OAU the independence. There have been several obstacles in the teeth to act collectively on major Afriin Zimbabwe. in the erly 19070 the . .. .. , . can conflicts. armed struggle which had been slow to start picked up momentum, and began to put pressure on the settlers. Manoeuvres to have a political settlement with puppets and sell-outs failed, and finally the settlers came to the table at Lancaster House in London, in 1979. Again, settler agents had assassinated two illustrious sons of Zimbabwe, Herbert Chitepo and Jason Moyo, and their army had killed thousands of freedom-fighters. But, the war of liberation under the illustrious leadership of Comrade Robert Mugabe obntinued and spread to every comer -of the land. In South Africa the Apartheid regime committed heinous crimes that are now being revealed before the Truth Commission. Thousands of freedom-fighters were killed in a genocidal war perpetrated by the apartheid regime. But, that too failed dismally. The dawn of freedom, and the emergence of a democratic South Africa in 1994 marked the end of the work and thrust of the Liberation Committee. The liberation Committee at work Over 30 years, the Committee had collected money, weapons, and food for freedom-fighters, it met twice a year in various African capitals to hear petitions from freedom-fighters, and to distribute the resources that it had. As time went on, and the colonial dominos fell one after the other, the meetings of the Committee drew more attention. Although many African states did not contribute the one percent of their gross national product decided upon in 1963, a regular few did contribute. That contribution kept the liberation movements going. In due course, some contributions were made by the socialist countries in Eastern Europe, led by the Soviet Union. In its strong opposition to American imperialism and the hegemony of Western (NATO) powers, the Soviet Union sup- patn or Amcan unity. One or the persistent ones is the continued grouping of some states as Francophone, Anglophone, and Lusophone. These groupings are a legacy of colonialism. They reflect the languages and cultures left with us by the colonial powers. But, why should we continue to perpetuate these groupings? Another divisive factor is religion. We have Christian, Muslim, and some local religions in Africa, but some religious groups now want to exercise political power. That causes conflict with believers of other faiths who live in the same state. The history of the Western European states that fought many religious wars in the past, seems to suggest that the best solution is the establishment of a secular state that tolerates (or embraces) all religions and faiths. Although some progress has been made, the inter-play of religious and ethnic issues, and the legacies of colonialism, as well as the machinations of former colonial powers and of the United States of America, have made it difficult to forge greater unity. Much greater effort has to be made to build and consolidate the unity of Africa achieved in 1963, and pursued in the last 34 years. Settlement of disputes among Africans The second area of concern is that there are many African disputes; some are among political groups within a state (such as Rwanda, Burundi, and ), and others are between states, or a fusion of both. At the founding of the OAU it was agreed to accept the existing colonial boundaries of African states. A mechanism was set up to mediate between states that may be in disagreement. But, still many issues have remained unresolved. With respect to internal conflicts, the OAU was always handicapped by the clause which said that no state should interfere in the internal affairs of another One of the obvious solutions is to hurry up with the building of the continental African Economic Community, based on the Abuja treaty of 1991. We do not have to wait until the year 2025 as the treaty envisages. It can be built much quicker. The sub-regional economic organisations which form the building blocs of the continental community should be built now, and quickly. Indeed SADC has gone a low way. If all goes according to plan, it should be a free trade area by the year 2004. But quite dearly, a big African market of 700 milion people could bargain for better terms of trade, and also pay off (or trade off) its debt. At present, the trade between and among African states is still very small. Our trade routes are still to Europe where we are exploited and shortchanged. If we stepped up intra-African trade as some Asian countries have done, we may be able to stand up straight and not be left out or marginalised, or left behind by anybody. rhe debt and the economies An area where little progress has been made is the whole area of managing the national economies. The African continent has been marginalised by the big economic powers, left behind by the galloping South-East Asian nations, and devastated by persistent and severe droughts, especially in the countries of the Sahel. The. African debt'has now reached the 300 billion dollar mark, and still growing. In some wellknown instances, the interest rate on the debt is now big enough to equal the value of all exports of the particular cduniltry. It is now quite obvious that many countries just cannot pay the debt. OAU efforts in the 1980s to meet with the creditor contries have not suc~eeded. The creditors are avoidinig a meeting with all debtors. This is an area which demarids an African solution now. El ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 I

Founding of the OAU Staff Writer Emperor Halle Sailassie (Ras Tafari) of Ethiopia he launching of the OAU followed a series of Pan-African conferences in the United States of America during the 1950s, largely organised by 'African students studying there, in Britain and Canada. The conferences were made possible. largely by AfricanAmerican and African-British students who saw the essence and fundamentality of a united voice of Africa as opposed to an individualistic approach. One of the African students then was Kwame Nkrumah who was later to become Ghanaian first President and statesman. He is undoubtedly, one of the foremost exponents of African unity, Pan-Africanism and the brains behind the conceptualisation and subsequent establishment of the OAU. The OAU was founded with the objective of ensuring that Africa was rid of colonialism. This objective was distinctly set out by Dr Nkrumah who on the eve of Ghana's national independence, in 1957, said: "Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent". ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 Groundwork The following year,in April 1958, Dr Nkrumah convened a conference of independent African states in Accra, consisting of Egypt, Ethiopia, liberia, Morocco, and Tunisia. Addressing this conference on April 15, he stated: "We have for too long been the victims of foreign domination. For too long we have had no say in the management of our own affairs or in deciding our own destinies. Now times have changed, and today we are the masters of our own fate." In December of the same year (19!5j, he called the first All-African People's Conference, the purcursor of the OAU. In his address he said: "What is the purpose of this historic Conference? We are here'to know ourselves and to exchange views on matters of common interest; to expose ways and means of consolidating and safe-guarding our hardwon independence; to strengthen the economic and cultural ties between our countries; to find workable arrangements for helping our brothers still languishing under colonial rule." He wrote a book the same year, I Speak Of Freedom, in which he stated that "We were determined to unite in order to form a union of African states". In pursuit of this dream, he met the leaders of Guinea and Liberia in July, 1959, where a Declaration of Principles was issued setting out the framework for a Community of Independent African States. However, the idea was opposed at the second conference of independent African states held in Addis Ababa on June 15, 1960. Leading in the opposition to Dr Nkrumah's ideas of a union of African states was , whose delegate argued that it was too early to do so. When the Congo crisis erupted in 1960, Dr Nkrumah suppported the duly elected Prime Minister of the country, Cde Patrice Lumumba. He was angered by the inability of the UN Congo Command to prevent the arrest and death of Cde Lumumba. He suggested the establishment of an African High Command which could be called upon to repulse any threat to the independence of an African state. First mooted in November, 1960 to the leaders of Ethiopia, Guinea, Liberia , Libya,, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia and the United Arab Republic (UAR), the idea failed to take root. However, it received support at the much publicised Casablanca (Morocco) Conference in 1961 where a Charter was adopted. The Charter, which called for the establishment of an African Consultative Assembly, condemned neocolonialism and urged the promotion of economic, cultural and political cooperation in Africa. The Casablanca Conference was attended by Ghana,Guinea, Mali, Morocco (host nation), Libya, UAR and Algeria. At yet another All-African People's Conferance in Addis Ababa, the Casablanca Charter was ratified, giving birth to the Organisation of African Unity and; Addis Ababa was duly declared capital headquarters of the OAU. The Organisation's founding fathers were: Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, Cde. Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika (now Tanzania), Ethiopia's Emperor Haile Selassie, Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria, Mali's Modibo Keita and Guinea's Sekou Toure. In Addis Abba, 30 of Africa's 32 independent states ratified the Casablanca Charter to launch the OAU. The remaining two,, and Morocco, did so at a later staee. . Egypt's Gamal Abdul Nasser

Kwame Nkrumah - the rock on which the OAU was founded Staff Writer e spoke, wrote and dreamt of African unity. From his early days in school in the United States, throughout his days as President of Ghana, to the very last days of his life, Kwame Francis Nwia Nkrumah urged the people of Africa to be united, consolidate their peace by working together in their endeavours for socio-economic and political independence. In 1971, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, now in exile in Guinea and seriously ill, said: "If we are to remain free, if we are to enjoy the full benefits of Africa's rich resources, we must unite to plan for our total defence and the full exploitation of our material and human means, in the full interests of our people. To go it alone will limit our horizons, curtail our expectations and threaten our liberty." The above statement, made barely a month before his death on April 27 1972, was consistent with the principle and spirit that characterised the illustrious life of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah who, as a student wrote the largely agreed "Declaration to the peoples of the colonies" calling on them to organise an end to colonial rule. Early days Kwame Nkrumah was born on September 21, 1909 at Nkrouful, south-western Ghana. He spent eight years of primary school at the Roman Catholic Church School in Half-Assinie where his father was a goldsmith. In 1930, he qualified as a teacher at a Government Training College in Accra, and taught there until 1935. Nkrumah then left for the USA where he graduated in 1939 from Lincoln University, Oxford, Pennysylvannia, with a major in Economics and Sociology. He also studied Theology and obtained post-graduate degrees in Education and Philosophy from the University of Pennysylvannia in Philadelphia. He was appointed lecturer in Political Science at Lincoln University, where he was also elected President of the African Students Organisation of America and Canada. In June 1945 he went to study at the London School of Economics and Political Science and to read law The brains behind OAU - Dr. Kwame Nkrumah at Gray's Inn. Here, he was elected vicePresident of the West African Students Union and, in October of the same year, was elected co-Secretary of the Fifth PanAfrican Conference held in Manchester, England. At the Conference, Kwame Nkrumah was elected Secretary-General of the Working Committee and also Secretary of the West African National Secretariat. At the same time, he became editor of the New African, a Pan-African publication for African students in Britain. Back in Ghana Writing later about the years he spent abroad, Nkrumah stated: "Those years in America and England were years of sorrow and loneliness, poverty and hard work. But I have never regretted them, because the background that they provided helped me to formulate my philosophy of life and politics." On November 14, 1947, he returned to the then Gold Coast and became General Secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Nkrumah began to implement some of the political principles which had been part of his education abroad. One of the crucial elements included creation of a mass political party which could be mobilised for "positive action" in the struggle for independence. (He was later to write a book, in 1950, entitled What ! mean by Positive Action). Following demonstrations by exservicemen and workers against high prices, and the boycott of European and Syrian traders, Nkrumah was detained on March 12, 1948. His arrest, with those of five other UGCC leaders, followed allegations that the UGCC was to blame for the agitation and riots in which the colonial administration had shot dead 29 Africans, injuring 237 others. Later, following disagreements between the UGCC leadership and Nkrumah, the latter organised the Committee of Youth Organisation (CYO). However, efforts to make CYO a sub-committee of UGCC as a measure towards patching up differences were in vain and, Nkrumah went on to form the Convention People's Party (CPP). Nkrumah as leader On December 25, 1949, Nkrumah made a speech in which he urged the people to remain organised and resolute. When workers went on strike in January 1950, Nkrumah was arrested, convicted and sentenced to three years in prison. The CPP, however, continued to function and emerged victorious in both the municipal and general elections of February 1951. Campaigning from prison, Nkrumah won the Accra central constituency which led to his release from prison the same month to become Leader of Government Business, a title which was later changed to Prime Minister in March, 1952. In elections of June 1954, the CPP again won but fresh elections were called in July 1956. Again,the CPP won convincingly and, on March 6, 1957, Gold Coast became independent Ghana. In December 1957, Nkrumah married an Egyptian, Fathia Helen, in a private ceremony attended by close relatives and friends. They had three children. Pan- Africanist His concern for unity and progress at home was unflinchingly matched by his $Continued on page 8 ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

OAU comes south of the Zambezi River arly next month - on June 2 the Organisation of African Unity will be holding its regular annual Summit meeting in Zimbabwe. This will be the first time this august body of African Heads of States and Government 4 will have met in a capital south of the Zambezi river. That will be a historic occasion symbolising the successes and failures of the organisation in the last 34 years. No doubt every Zimbabwean will join in welcoming to our country the leaders of Africa. Our traditional hospitality must be extended in full to these courageous men and women. They played a deciit sive part in our struggle for freedom and independence. They assisted us and made it possible for us to overthrow T 'minority and recist rulers, the last of whom was . The erogant and 9 unrependent racist, Ian Smith, declared that there would be no black government in Zimbabwe in his lifetime. Now, because of the work of the OAU, he has :6 been living under a black government k for the last seventeen years. All Zimbabweans are rejoicing at the fact that our President and First Secretary of ZANU PF Comrade Robert Mugabe, will be Chairman of the OAU for the next year. This is a great honour to the 11 million people of Zimbabwe, and an opportunity to render our services to the continent. The white line on the Zambezi The big problems we had in liberating the countries of Southern Africa, especially South Africa, Mozambique, , and Zimbabwe, is that colonialism in our countries was based on the rule by white settlers. In West, Central and East Africa, the colonisers (British, Belgian, French, and Portuguese) governed their colonies directly from their capitals in Europe. One of their Cabinet Ministers was given special responsibilities for managing the colonies, and he in turn appointed Governors for each colony. Production of cocoa, coffee, tea, mineral products, or whatever was produced in those colonies, was based on the native peasants. The land remained the property of the peasantry. But this was not the case in Southern Africa. Here the task of governing the natives was given to the white settlers. They settled in larger numbers, and the production of mineral and agricultural products was based on plantations ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 By Our Correspondent owned by them. In South Africa, they even claimed that they arrived there in 1652 at the same time as the black South Africans. In the 1930s, there was a bitter debate in East Africa on who was entitled to a vote and citizenship between the European settlers and the Indians. The British Government appointed a Commission which concluded that the land belongs to the Natives, therefore their interests were paramount. Lord Passifield, a peer of the Labour Party, who was then Colonial Secretary, announced the doctrine of "African paramountcy". White paramountcy The white settlers in Northern , , and the Protectorates, revolted and demanded white areas in which there would be "white supremacy". General Smuts from South Africa, proposed linking up all white settlements in one Federal state under the hegemony of South Africa. A bitter debate ensued which ended up with the creation of the Central African Federation based on white rule, and the enactment of the obnoxious doctrine of Apartheid in South Africa. In the former Portguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola, a doctrine of "assimilation" was adopted, based again on white minority rule, although racism was not so pronounced. So, then, the response to the doctrine of "African paramountcy" in East Africa was to draw the white line across the Zambezi. All colonies south of the Zambezi were to be developed as "whiteman's country". The whitemen and women were there to stay, and to rule. That is the white line that was broken by the combined efforts of the OAU and the native peoples of this region, working together, and fighting the white settlers. OAU Summit in Cape Town In the year 2000 the last OAU Summit of this century must be held in Cape Town in South Africa. That city was the citadel of white colonial power. When the imperialist, Cecil John Rhodes, was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony at the turn of the century, he urged all his followers to go north and grab the colonies for themselves. He personally organised columns of Policemen to move into Botswana, Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi. He urged the British Government to be imperialist, and to colour the African map red (the British colours). Asked what his aim in his life was he said "colour that whole map red" (looking at the map of Africa). He started building a railway, a road, and a telephone line which was to stretch from Cape Town to Cairo. The brooding figure of Cecil John Rhodes still sits in a park in Cape Town looking north - to Cairo. The defeat of that imperial dream was a major victory for Africa and its peoples. It should be celebrated before this century is over, and we enter the 21 st century. It is gratifying that we are entering the next century without colonial or imperial ambitions of any sort in Africa. That event should be celebrated in Cape Town. We are certain that President Nelson Mandela, the illustrious son of Africa who led the heroic struggle against Apartheid, will invite the OAU to such an event in Cape Town. The white line has been obliterated from the Zambezi, as well as the Limpopo rivers. D

O Summi The first secretary-genera uinean diplomat, Cde Diallo Boubacar Telli, was the first Secretary-General of the Organisation of African Unity. He studied law at Paris University and worked as a magistrate in and in Dahomey (now ). Then he became chef de cabinet to the French High Commissioner for West Africa and, in 1957, became Secretary-Generai to the Grand Council of French West Africa. When Guinea attained national independence in October 1958, Cde Telli became a Roving Ambassador for the new state, then was Permanent Representative to the United Nations from 1958 to 1964. He was for some time, chairman of the Staff Writer UN's Committees on Decolonisation and South Africa's apartheid. In 1962, Cde Telli travelled around Africa as a representantive of President Toure, who did much then to prepare the ground for the Addis Ababa Summit of May 1963. At the Cairo Summit of the OAU in 1964, Cde Diallo Telli was unanimously elected Secretary-General of the organisation on July 21. He was re-elected in 1968 and for eight years, Cde Diallo Telli was always a spokesman for the OAU and for Africa. Although he failed to win re-election at the Rabat (Morocco) OAU Sammit in 1972, he had done extremely well for Kwame Nkrumah - the rock on which the OAU was founded O Continued from page 6 desire to Pan-African unity. He convened a conference of independence African states in 1958 and, in May 1959, Nkrumah helped establish the GhanaGuinea Union. He went on to call for another conference of independent African states which led to the Casablanca Conference in 1961 where a Charter was drawn up and ratified in 1963, giving birth to the Organisation of African Unity. On February 24, 1966, while on a peace mission to end the Vietnam War, he was overthrown by a military coup. Nkrumah went to Guinea where he was welcomed and made co-President to President Sekou Toure. He published many books. After Towards Colonial Freedomin 1946, and What I Mean by Positive Action in 1950, he wrote his autobiography, Ghana,published at the time of independence in 1957. While ruling Ghana he published I Speak Of Freedom (1961), Africa Must Unite (1963), Consciencism (1964) and Neo-Colonialism in 1965. He then wrote Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah in 1967 with a special edition dedicated to the liberation fighters in the remaining colonies and, in 1970, he published Class Struggle in Africa. Nkrumah died in hospital in Bucharest, Romania, in 1972 and was buried in Guinea. There was though, prolonged mourning in Ghana followed by an argument between the Guinea government and military rulers in the former. His remains were eventually sent back to Ghana for reburial with full traditional honours amid national mourning. His mother, Elizabeth Nyaniba, was still alive then and lived for several years afterwards. Later, his widow, Fathia, and his three children were allowed to return from exile in Egypt to Ghana. It appears that while Pan-African conferences in Manchester, England, influenced most of Africa's would-be leaders, the successes scored by Kwame Nkrumah both as Ghananian statesman, Pan-Africanist and founder of the OAU, had an impact on the AfricanAmericans. The latter raised their struggle against such oppressive laws as the Civil Rights Act at the very same period that the OAU was launched, with some colonies attaining national independence. For instance, three months following the establishment of the OAU, Martin Luther King Jnr. made the timeless inspirational speech, I Have A Dream in Washington DC. Diallo Telli - for eight years, he w the spokesman for OAU and Africa OAU and had the respect of most of t African governments. Cde Telli then returned to Guinea whe he was appointed Minister of Justice. I served as such for four years. In 197 Cde Diallo Telli was awarded a gold n dal at the celebrations held to ma OAU's tenth anniversary. II lh va ,as he I ere He 73, ieark He was, however, arrested together with other leading politicians following the announcement of a "Fulani plot" to overthrow the government of President Toure, and was never heard of again. On February 25, 1977, Cde Diallo Telli was found dead in his cell in Guinea. He was aged 52. Others who have held the post since then were Nigerian Peter Onu, Liberia's Ide Oumarou who was succeeded by the present incumbent, Cde Salim Ahmed Salim, former deputy Prime Minister of Tanzania. Cde. Salim will be seeking reelection at the OAU June Summit in Harare. 0 ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

OAU Summi he second term of office of the Secretary-General of the OAU, Comrade Salim Ahmed Salim, comes to an end at the 33rd Summit of the continental organisation next month (on June 2). The Summit has to name a new Secretary-General for the next four years, either by electing a new candidate, or renewing the mandate of the incumbent. We hope there will be a consensus and an agreement on a particular candidate. What should be avoided is having to vote for two or more candidates. Usually voting at the OAU becomes a rather grisly tussle between Francophone and Anglophone states fighting for different candidates. In one well-publicised voting in the 1970s, the Summit voted several times and was deadlocked for a whole night. Such a divisive exercise should be avoided at all times. However, whenever there is to be a vote, now or in the future; the Summit should adopt the system of dropping the name of the candidate with the least number of votes, even if the leading candidate has not scored the two-thirds majority required by the Charter. The elimination of the bottom candidate helps the leading candidate to quickly secure the required majority. Salim's track record In our view, the Tanzanian Ndugu, Salim Ahmed Salim, has been enjoying his work, and established a very good track record. He has scrupulously avoided quarrels with his peers, and taken several decisive measures aimed at strengthening the organisation. One measure that has transformed the organisation is the mechanism for conflict prevention, management, and resolution. It gives the recognisation (through the SecretaryGeneral) powers to intervene in those states where law and order has broken down, or a serious conflict has emerged between two or more member states. The mandate or power to intervene waters down considerably the impact of the old clause which prohibits any interference in the internal affairs of member-states. The watering down or modification of this clause was long long overdue. Salim A. Salim has given a new dimension to the constitutional task of mediation in the numerous disputes in our continent. We hope there will be no repetition of the situation like in SomaZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 lia in 1992-95 when the whole of Africa had to watch helplessly when Mogadishu was burning on television, with no Government in control. Salim A. Salim has also been working hard to lay the foundation stones for the projected African Economic Community by the year 2022. After the signing of the Abuja Treat in 1991, he travelled Wildly in the continent seeking ratification by the national authorities of each member state. That was completed by 1993. He has also been active in promoting the sub-regional economic groupings in the five sub-regions. These will form the building blocs on which the ambitious plan of the African Economic Community will be constructed. Acute shortage of money One of the perennial problems of the OAU is the acute shortage of money for running the administration because most of the member-states do not pay their assessed contributions annually. The Secretary-General and his staff have to beg and plead with member-states year in and year out, to pay their subscriptions. Although the levels of payment still remain very low, Salim has suceeded to push it much higher than in the past. His peers have continued to hold him in high regard, and to respond positively to his annual desperate pleas for more money. In our view, the Secretary-General has established a very good track record. Another term may be a good idea. 0] There are no birds of our feather. Because we offer the truly definitive example of the printer's art. The total job: typesetting, origination, printing and binding- utilising the latest technology and completed to the highest international standards. Our very competitive prices will also give you something to crow about JONGWE PRINTING AND PUBLISHING CO. PVT) LTD. 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare Telephone 621451-6 /00000"

I US urni1 #"de. -Herbert Munangatire a I renowned journalist is former iODeputy Treasurer of ZANU PF Mashonaland West Province. He is currently working with ZANU PF in Zvimba. He farms at Zowa and Goromonzi and runs trading stores in zvimba, Goromonzi and Harare and a pight dub at Masiyarwa in Zvimba. He is also a Director of David Whitehead Textiles Ltd, Chegutu and Consultant in Public Relations for Lonrho Zimbabwe Ltd. Pan Africanism- the movement towards African Unity- was the major force which helped to bring independence to Africa and led to the creation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In the forefront of that campaign for African Unity was Dr Kwame Nkurumah, the first President of Ghana. Kwame Nkurumah was both a visionary and patriotic par excellence. Following the independence of his country in 1957 he took bold steps to implement his Pan African beliefs.He convened two PanAfrican Conferences in Accra in 1958. First was the conference of Independent African States in April and the All African People's Conference in December. The next year,1959 he convened in Accra the All-African Trade Union Federal Conference. These Conferences marked a shift in PanAfricanism away from the concern with the grievances of black people in general, towards a concern with unity of the newly emerging independent African States and the liberation of the rest of the continent still under colonial rule. Nkrumah believed that Africa could never be truly independent of former colonial powers unless it was strong and that it could only be strong if it was politically and economically united.His campaign was for independence for every African country to be followed by a union of all these states under a single Government. That was 50 years ago. His first dream-independence for every African State-has now been achieved.But the second dream, Continental Government of Africa is still to be achieved. The history of Pan Africanism begins in the United States sometime between the two World Wars (1917 to 1945) African, American and West Indian nationalists and interilectuals objected to blacks being recruited to fight "white people's wars"when still subjected to discrimination in Africa and diaspora. The founding fathers of the movement were W.E.B.DuBois, a Black American and two West Indians, Marcus Garvey from Jamaica and George Padmore from Trinidad. A factor which helped to promote PanAfricanism at that time was the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, which began on 3 October 1935. This single act had a resounding impact on colonial Africa, Black Americans, West Indians and black intellectuals studying or working in Europe condemned the invasion. Black people all over were profoundly shaken by the destruction of a country that was the proud symbol of African Independence and black achievement in colonial Africa. Africans in Europe and Africa condemned the deed. In America every sizeable black community held a protest meeting whilst in New York 20 000 people staged a protest. In London Africans Vision of African Unity By Herbert Munangatire and West indians organised huge protest meetings against Italy. In Jamaica, who since the coronation of Ras Tafari as Haile Selassie in 1932, a cult that had strong Rastafarians (Rastas) who idolised the Ethiopian Emperor and regarded him ad God-King, there were huge demonstrations. But the fact is that this act of aggression by Italy had helped to bring Africans and blacks in the diaspora closer together under the Pan-African umbrella. Several PanAfrican conferences were held durirn succeeding years. But the most notable was the Fifth Pan-African Congress held at Manchester in England in 1945. Among scores of delegates present were two obscure students who were destined to make a mark in Africa. One was Kwame Nkrumah who was to lead the Gold Cost to independence and change its name to Ghana and Jomo Kenyatta, the first President of Kenya. Dr. W.E.B. DuBois chaired the meeting which was also attended by George Padmore and Peter Abrahams, the South African novelist, The delegates demanded independence for African "even if it meant using violent means to achieve it'. This was a turning point in the struggle for African independence. Hitherto African organisations had sought to be accepted by the white rulers and to be fairly treated. They never demanded power to rule without power. Encouraged by this Pan-African militancy Africans from Ghapla to South Africa now changed their tone. Their battle cry was "majority rule now." A new organisation was formed to coordinate this desire to independence. It was aptly named the Pan-African Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMESCA). The era of African iindependence had come. In Zimbabwe the African National Con*Continued on next page ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

OAU the way forward By Zvenyika Kambizi H istory has it on good authority that when the Congo crisis erupted in 1960, Dr Kwame Nkrumah, appalled by the apparent inability of the UN Congo Command to avert the arrest and subsequent death of Cde Patrice Lumumba, suggested that an African High Command be set up. This Command, he suggested, could be called upon to id repulse any threat to the independence 1 of an African state. 4 Although widely supported at the Casablanca Conference in 1961, the idea failed t to take root. Dr Nkrumah went further ik to suggest that an African Consultative w Assembly be set up which idea again i failed to materialise. Political unity In contemporary Africa, people are dy0 ing in their thousands everyday from s disease, hunger and famine. The real 45 causative factor, however, are endless wars between and amongst rival ethnicities and civil wars, mostly fuelled by West European and North American interests. Of major concern is the passivity with which the OAU is executing its role visa- vis the many political crises which have seen well over 20 million people 0Continued from previous page gress had gone defunct. But 1956 saw the birth of City Youths League who showed a new type of militancy. They demanded Africa for the Africans and Southern Rhodesia for the Africans. But the Youth League lasted for a year. It 0. was decided to resuscitate the old 0 Southern Rhodesia African National Con* gress. This was the beginning of the road to Zimbabwe's independence. The ANC was banned in 1959 and at the same time thousands of its leaders and members were detained or imprisoned. it was succeeded by the National Democratic Party (NDP) which in turn was banned and in its place arose ZAPU. Differences among ZAPU leaders on launching a guerilla war lead to a division in the party which culminated in a group ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 Cde. Patrice Lumumba dead since the inception of the continental body in 1963. Not that the organisation has done really nothing, but that which included Robert Mugabe, Ndabaningi Sithole and among others, breaking away from ZAPU and forming the Zimbabawe African National Union (ZANU) early in 1963. Within months both ZANU and ZAPU were banned and thousands of their leaders and followers were arrested and detained. In response the leaders of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) decided to take arms and declared war. The chimurenga which followed ended with the defeat of the white minority regime and the inauguration of a People's Government under ZANU (PF) with Cde Robert Mugabe as the first freely elected leader of Zimbabwe. more could be done to either avert or calm militant crises. This entails the application of either diplomatic means or force, depending of course, on the nature of obtaining circumstances. While dialogue is welcome and arguably, the most civilised medium of resolving political crises, this seldomly works in Africa where almost a fifth of the states are presently ruled by soldiers. However, recent events reflect a positive political climate which could well become the norm during and beyond the next millenium: The initiative taken by Sudan to improve relations with Egypt, the two having been long-standing rivals; successful mediation by the OAU in the Nigerian/Cameroonian territorial dispute and; the signing of the peace agreement between Uganda and Sudan, again two long-standing rivals. In Mozambique, Liberia, Angola and Burundi amongst other nations, people of goodwill hope that sanity has eventually taken root and that all will soon be normal in these countries.in Angola, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) has committed itself to abide by the UN Security Council resolutions and to fulfil all its obligations as stipulated in the Lusaka Peace Agreement, according to schedule. Yet it would further help stabilise th, African political situation if the idea of the Consultative Assembly was to be implemented. Europe has done so and has greatly enhanced understanding amongst EC-member states and, has taken its economic cooperation to unprecedented heights, the highlight of which is the present endeavour to consolidate its common currency. Economic integration While most of the prevailing economic woes are a result of ceaseless ethnical and civil clashes, they are deeply rooted in the ravaging liberation wars (notably Africa south of the Sahara) due to colonial stubbornness to handover power to the majority. For this, and the devastating effects of the Slave Trade, the so-called heavy debtsowed by African nations to the IMF and World Bank as well as European nations must be OContinued on next page 'Vision of African unity

OA U the way forward *Continued from previous page written off unconditionally since Europe is fully responsible for the situation. However, efforts need not be spared by African states to come up with selfreliant policies aimed at improving the present pathetic living standards which have left many living below the poverty datum line. In this regard, the OAU should be commended for adopting a resolution on reinforcing economic integrity. To this end, regional groupings should be encouraged to accelerate inter-state trade via enabling policies with the ultimate view of integrating the economies of OAU-member states. Member states must pay up Motwithstanding the general low level economic performance over the past years, member states must strive to President of the war-torn Angola, Cde. Dos Santos meet their obligations. As of the 1996/97 fiscal year, the OAU was owed Z$61.8 billion in unpaid contributions. This figure is ludicrously high given that OAU's annual budget is about $330 million. Only 11 out of the 53-member states are up-to-date. They are Senegal, Botswana, South Africa, Cote d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Namibia Ghana and Zimbabwe. It is interesting to note that Senegal, a relatively poor country, paid its contributions well in advance to the 1997/98 fiscal year. , Chad and the are in arrears of between 10 and 12 years. As such, they risk denial of their voting rights and associated privileges. Yet even this punitive measure is not proving deterrent enough, prompting suggestions that these countries should be suspended from the OAU until such time they start acting seriously. A better future for all Indications are, however, that Africa is poised for phenomenal growth in the future but only if it can realise total peace and stabilitydemocratic governance rooted in the spirit of tolerance and, economic integration of the OAU nations. Although OAU Secretary-General Cde Salim Ahmed Salim was correct to say Africa's economic performance was generally poor last year in his 1997 New Years eve address, noting that social and health conditions were declining, a report by the UN Economic Commission for Africa says the continents GDP increased by a record 5 percent. The 1996 growth rate was much higher compared to 2.9 percent in the previous year. It was the highest in 20 years. Latest statistics made available by the African Development Bank indicate that the number of countries with GDP growth rates higher than that of population leaped from 20 to 32. In eastern Africa, Uganda's economic growth maintained some 6 percent while in Kenya, where a medium-term reform programme was launched last February, the growth was expected to head for 7 percent. In Southern Africa, South Africa's GDP accounted for 30 percent of the continent§ total, with 40 percent for its manufacturing sector. SA economic growth rate was 3.5 percent. At the same time, the economies of Botswana and Zimbabwe were on the increase with the latter registering growth in the region of 6 percent. In west Africa, Francophone countries had a rise of over 5 percent, with Cote dlvoire and Togo even better at about 6.5 percent. North Africa also registered high rates of economic growth with Morocco realising 8.4 percent while Tunisia had between 7.5 and 8 percent. Algeria, benefiting from gradual political stabilisation, scored 5 percent, its best since 1993 while Libya, despite sanctions imposed against it by the UN at the instigation of the United States following the Pan-Am jetliner bombing over Lorkerbie, had 5.8 percent at the related index. By the way, all observers expect the Libyan issue to top the agenda at the Harare Summit as most African states now feel that the American and British governments have overplayed the issue, especially their insistence on trying the two Libyan suspects in either the former or the latter. The prevailing consensus amongst African nations is that the two suspects should be tried in the International Court of Justiced at the Hague and that the suspects be tried by Scottish judges in accordance with Scottish Law. Factors cited as having contributed to the record growth in the African economy include gradually stabilising politics, a fairly favourable world economy as demand and prices for agricultural and mineral products rose, economic reforms and, regional economic integration. Thus political stability creates conducive environment for economic recovery, growth and development. It therefore becomes logically imperative that the forthcoming June Summit of the OAU in Harare, where Zimbabwe will assume the chairmanship of the organisation, be resolute in its quest for total peace, stability and unity. Whether one likes it or not, there is no substitute to these prerequisites as the premise upon which economic recovery measures can be undertaken. Realisation of the above would obviously go a long way in helping Africa rid itself of its present day beggar status and achieve prosperity for a better future for all. Aluta Continua! El ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NC. 5

Zimbabwe Chiyangwa caring for government committed to women s cause Staff Writer he ZANU PF Government has given Spriority to initiatives taken by women in their efforts to economically empower themselves. Addressing a jubilant capacity crowd at the giant 60 000-seater National Sports Stadium on the Independence Day (April 18), the Executive President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Cde. Robert Gabriel Mugabe said as such, $5 million of the Credit Guarantee company funds was set aside specifically for women's projects. "Women," he said, "are also expected to benefit from the $700 million loan facility that has been made available to government." The money was made available by the World Bank Enterprise Development project as a result of the on-going negotiations between the government and third parties to provide working capital and other requirements for small and medium scale enterprises. In line with government's commitment on supporting women in business, the recapitalisation of the Small Enterprise Development Corporation (SEDCO), saw an increase in the number of approved projects and an equally raised volume of employment. The pilot micro-finance scheme benefited five hundred groups in the informal sector that included 1 305 women. "Further, govemment has facilitated the establishment of banking projects which will seek to provide micro-credit to wom. en whose active participation in the *Continued on next page ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 he President of the Affirmative Action Group, Cde Phillip Chiyangwa, has undertaken to give Cde Esther jiri, the money they had pledged to provide for her family together with his senior vice-president, the late Cde Peter Pamire. The two had promised Cde liri, wife of the late Jairos Jiri, $25 000,00. The money was meant for her six daughters college fees, who together with their mother,inherited nothing when their father died. Cde Jiri said all her late husband's property which included a farm and two plots in was seized by the children from his previous marriages. "Cde Chiyangwa has already given me $2 500 00 for my daughter who is going to do hotel and catering course in Bulawayo this year and advised me to go back to him whenever I needed more until such a time when the $25 000,00 has been paid. Part of the money will be used to start a co-operative for disabled women who were trained by the lairos liri Association but not formal employment. Cde. Jairos Jiri 's widow seen in the picture with her disabled daughter "I am currently doing a project proposal for a co-operative we are doing with 12 former lairos liri students, some of whom are under my shelter. We need six sewing and six knitting machines. We have already been given two sewing machines by Edgars Stores and we are appealing to well-wishers to help us with the remaining machines so that the needy disabled can work for themselves,"Cde jiri said. She said after the completion of secondary education by her children, the Association has been giving her $700,00 for her food every month and that she was grateful, since the salary she gets as a typist at Chikato Primary School, , cannot meet her daily expenses. Commenting on the pledge, Cde Chiyangwa had this to say: "We had promised to give her the money and my colleague died before we had done so. Now I have undertaken to meet the pledge on my own because she is geting more desperate all the time and very few people are willing to help her despite the fact that her late husband did a lot for the nation." El Jairos Jiri's widow By Ladislus Ndoro

Zimbabwe government committed to women's cause J.. , OContinued from previous page mainstream economy has been hampered by lack of access to finance capital," said President Mugabe. Health In the area of health, Cde. Mugabe said, the government was committed to guaranteeing access to comprehensive and integrated health services to the people in line with the health policy document, Planning for Equity in Health. He said: "In pursuing this goal, great strides have been made in improving the health of the nation in spite of the ravages of the HIV/AIDS pandemic." Adding, "Access to health care facilities is set to improve with the anticipated completion by the middle of the year, of eight hospitals being constructed under the Second Family Health Project, with the remaining eight scheduled for completion before the end of the year". A total of 72 Rural Health Centres are being constructed throughout the country and are expeced to be completed by the middle of the year. Development of the master plans for the Provincial Hospitals are scheduled for completion this year while bids for the upgrading exercise will be made in the next financial year. Explained Cde. Mugabe: "Work has continued on the decentralisation of health services to ensure that decisions on the day-to-day management of service delivery are taken closer to the point at which services are delivered. Future roles of the various levels are being defined and steps are being taken to build .the capacity of the local managers to deal with their new roles." He told the gathering that a general review of the country's health system was being planned and to this end, a Health Review Commission would soon be set up. Education In education, he said, the government continued to emphasise its commitment to meet the educational needs of the people by improving quality, efficiency and relevance of curricula and; providing an equitable, affordable and accessible training system to the students. "The completion of the localisation of examinations offered at Polytechnics and Technical Colleges is a welcome development and all courses are now under the auspices of the-Higher Education Examinations Council," said the President. "To ensure that the curriculum addresses the needs of the economy, new courses shall be developed and ratified in consultation with the private sector and all other stakeholders," he added. In an effort to increase private sector participation in manpower development and skills training, a total of 39 private colleges were registered and four National Trade Testing Committees represented by the Automotive, Construction and Mechanical Industries were formed. President Mugabe said this was clear testimony of the government's positive thrust in the development of human resources. He also noted that as a measure to cater for the increasing number of school leavers and at the same time ease pressure on the existing universities, the government had devolved and will continue to transfer some degree programmes to teacher training colleges and polytechnics. "Notwithstanding the impressive gains witnessed in the health and education sectors, government is presently working on the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry into the educational system of the country with a view of reviewing it and improving its quality and relevance," said Cde. Mugabe. Indigenisation In pursuance of the aspirations of the people and the strategic issues raised at the Second National People's Conference held in Bulawayo last December, the Government, he said, was fully committed to the indigenisation of the economy, and was intensifying efforts to de- The Editor and Staff of Zimbabwe News would like to convey their deepest sympathies to the Hlatshwayo family on the loss of their son, Cde. Mao, a veteran freedom fighter and dedicated civil servant. May His Soul Rest In Peace ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 velop a democratised domestic private sector. "Furthermore, my government has also held private discussions with a number of multi-nati6nal companies. I ,am pleased to note that the majority of them have now realised the need for change, and a reasonable number have already put in place -programmes on sub-contracting and corporate mentoring. "Others are putting in place mechanisms for employee stock ownership schemes while a few have agreed to sell some of their shares to indigenous entrepreneurs. While the present efforts are welcome, our major focus as we move ahead will be targeted at creating new enterprises and expanding the scope of present operations so as to create more wealth and generate employment for our people" he said. The President observed that the coming to fruition of the National Investment Trust will also be a major boost.to the cause of indigenisation, adding that work on the establishment of the Trust was at an advanced stage. "Work is also in progress on the establishment of a semi-autonomous Indigenisation and Privatisation Agency to speed up the process of indigenisation and privatisation," he said. He asked the people, gathered to celebrate their 17th Independence Anniversary to remain united "in the face of challenges which we continue to encounter as we endeavour to develop our country." El

L- ei o lFl dvocacy for gender equality will fail unless governments fully commit themselves to international agreements aimed at the total elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. This was underscored at a mediatraining .workshop on the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which was recently organised by Inter Press Service (IPS) news agency in Harare. It was also noted that the score on the status of women will remain low unless the media sensitises policy-makers and the public at large on the issue of gender equality. CEDAW, which was approved by the UN General Assembly in 1979 and adopted as a treaty in 1981, is a human rights instrument aimed at advancing the status of women in their political, economic, social and cultural endeavour. The convention guarantees gender equality before the law as well as ensuring equal protection under the law, setting out measures as to how this can be achieved. Although some countries ratified or signed CEDAW, their signatures have not been followed by corresponding constitutional reforms which would translate the goals of the convention into practical application. Addressing participants at the IPS workshop, Tendai Bare, Senior Secretary in the Zimbabwe Ministry of National Affairs, Employment Creation and Cooperatives, said CEDAW also calls upon state parties to initiate constitutional, administrative and other measures in order to ensure equality between men and women, as well as allowing for temporary measures of affirmative action to be taken into account. "In recognition of the fact that much of the discrimination against women has its basis in cultural and traditional patterns that perpetuate gender stereotypes, Article 5 of the convention requires state parties to remove the social, ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 UN Secretary-General, Dr. Kofi Annan cultural and traditional practices which continue to undermine the status of women," she explained. Some countries, notably South Africa and Namibia, which are fairly new democracies in the region, have gone a step further in advancing the status of women. Activities at government level in South Africa show a lot of progress. It has adopted a gender commission which is empowered to monitor policies of the state, public bodies and private businesses and institutions in order to promote equality. The commission is also responsible for the evaluation of laws and recommendations for new legislation affecting the status of women. In Namibia, the constitution provides that international agreements which are binding on the country, such as CEDAW, automatically form part of the law. However, a country report on Namibia prepared by the department of women affairs in the office of the president says Namibian women are not fully exercising their rights because they do not have access to the information. In Tanzania, where the government ratified CEDAW without reservations, very few people, including the media which is supposed to lead the crusade, are familiar with the operations of the convention. However, Zimbabwe is current- ly translating all CEDAW documents from English to Shona and Ndebele so that even the grassroots people can understand it. Gender experts say delays in the implementation of CEDAW is caused by countries which ratified the convention with reservations. Bare complained that Article 16 of the convention, which is concerned with topical issues vis a vis marriage, family laws and inheritance was not being imnlemented in many countries. She says that is a result of the fact that in most African countries there is misconception that a man is superior to a woman so women are not allowed to inherit from their fathers and deceased spouse." Ceciwa Khonje, Director of the United Nations Information Centre (UNIC) in Harare, said although the UN has helped the world community to create a historic legacy of internationally agreed strategies, standards, programmes and goals to advance the status of women, their situation was still bad the world over. Of the world's 1.3 billion poor people, 70.1 percent are women. The UNIC Director also noted that of the 185 highest-ranking diplomats to the UN; only six are women. In a message to mark the International Women's Day 1997, Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General, admitted the absence of women from the Peace Table "despite evidence suggesting they bring a particular and positive perspective to preventive diplomacy, peace-making and peace-keeping". Annan cited UN peace and security missions which benefited from the involvement of women, among them Namibia and South Africa. "The women who participated were perceived to be compassionate, averse to choosing force over reconciliation and willing to listen and learn," he said, pledging his support for women in their quest for gender equality (SARDC). El

Death penalty: which way for Southern Africa? By Tinashe Madava "I don't support the death penalty because I know what it is like to be on the death row, " Cde. , Zimbabwe's Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs outhern Africa is at crossroads as S states differ on the use of the death penalty for certain capital crimes amid calls by human rights groups and others to scrap it throughout the region. South Africa and Namibia, the newly born democracies, have abolished the death penalty while other countries in the region argue that it is necessary to curb increasingly violent crimes. Amnesty International, a global human rights body which has been campaigning for the abolition of the death sentence worldwide, has constantly accused countries administering capital punishment of violating the individual's right to life. Most human rights organisations oppose capital punishment of brutalising those involved in the process (that is hangmen and the victim), saying that it can result in the execution of the innocent and, ultimately, a violation of the right to life. More importantly, human rights activists say death penalty brutalises the whole society because it is done in the name of the citizens and the country. In Malawi, "the death penalty is mandatory for prisoners convicted of murder or treason, and is optional for rape. Anyone convicted of robbery with violence, house breaking or burglary must be sentenced either to death or to life imprisonment," says the Malawian Penal Code. Any offence carrying the death penalty used to be tried in "traditional courts" where the defendant did not have the benefit of being represented by a lawyer and presided over by judges who were not adequately trained to guarantee a fair trial. Furthermore, the accused could not call any witnesses during the reign of Kamuzu Banda. Traditional courts were stripped of the powers to try cases carrying the death penalty by the current government of Bakili Muluzi which came into power in 1994. However, capital punishment is still administered in Malawi. In Zambia, the death penalty has existed since the country's independence in 1964. It is applied to cases of treason, murder and "aggravated" robbery. The judges, however, have the power to decide on which cases warrant the death penalty. Ultimately, it is the state president who signs the death warrant and current President Frederick Chiluba has not done so since coming into power in 1990. But, an official at the Zambian High Commission in Zimbabwe recently confirmed that the death penalty is still in force in the country. The manifesto of Chiluba's political party, Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD), says the party is against the death penalty, but "Zambia seems undecided" on the issue, writes Barbara Lopi in an article, "Zambia's death penalty lives on," published by the Daily Mail, a Zambian newspaper. The death penalty, which is enforced in Zimbabwe for prisoners convicted of murder and treason With no "extenuating circumstances," was abolished in South Africa immediately after President Nelson Mandela came to power at the turn of the decade. However, there has been considerable support for the reinstatement of the death penalty in South Africa because of the increase in violent crime. Zimbabwe's Minister of Justice Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was once on the death row under the Rhodesian government of Ian Smith, says he personally does not support the death penalty. "I don't support the death penalty because I know what it is like to be on the death row," he said in an interview with the Financial Gazette. Urging public pressure and debate on the issue, Mnangagwa said that the death penalty will exist in Zimbabwe until the general public changes in its mind; The Zimbabwean government has been under immense pressure from human OContinued on next page ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

Death penalty: SADC's water Which.way for sharing efforts SouthernAfrica? eContinued from previous page rights groups to abolish capital punishment. Botswana still administers the death penalty to those found guilty of murder and serious armed robbery. An official at the Botswana High Commission in Zimbabwe, Swift Mpoloka, pointed out that recent consultations done in the country to determine whether capital punishment should be abolished, have indicated that the majority of Botswana want it to stay. "There is an increase in crime probably because our police are not armed," says Mpoloka, adding that lifting the death penalty might fan the already high crime wave in Botswana. In Namibia, where the death penalty was abolished, there has been considerable support for the re-introduction of capital punishment as revealed by the recent findings of the Commission of Inquiry into the More Effective Combating of Crime, writes Tyappa Namutewa of The Namibian. "The death penalty is regarded by a growing number of Namibians as the only effective and appropriate sentence for cruel, inhuman and degrading crimes of violence," says Namutewa. Namutewa also reveals that there was a general feeling that the rights of the accused and convicted persons were over-emphasised at the expense of the victims, their witnesses and generally law-abiding members of the society. But, human rights groups are calling on all countries in the region to abolish capital punishment, arguing that it leaves no room for the rehabilitation of the offender and does not reduce political violence. Countries administering the death penalty in the region argue that contrary to claims by the human rights groups, capital punishment helps reduce crime since it is "an 'unmatched way of deterring murderers.., and a necessary evil." (SARDC). ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 As southern African countries ponder ways to share the region's water, the United Nations is urging member states to find suitable measures and technologies to safeguard and properly utilise limited water resources for future generations. With the principles of the slogan "Think Globally, Act Locally", the UN is warning that the global water resources are not enough and people should act nationally or regionally to ensure that water is shared equally. "One World, One Water, One Way", says another recent slogan urging a united, and global approach to solving water and environmental problems. Many regional agreements, worldwide, are being signed to ensure that quality of water is maintained. SADC countries have long realised the need for such an agreement to equally share the region's water. In August 1995, they signed a Shared Water Course Systems Protocol that will guide any water extraction activities across the borders. Eight southern African countries share the region's longest river, the Zambezi and several other countries share watercourse systems which form their borders. In a message to mark this year's World Day for Water on March 22, being observed under the theme "Water Resources Assessment" and with the slogan "The world's water is there enough?", the UN's World Meteorological Organisation says water is now an issue of global significance. The message by WMO Secretary General, Professor Godwin Obasi, adds that water is important for national economies and the well-being of peoples and environment of the world and therefore should be shared equally. For decades, water has always been considered as a plentiful, a renewable and an infinite resource, yet of all the water on earth 97.5 percent is salf primarily in the oceans and only 2.5 percent is fresh. The state of water availability causes concern as people look at the local or national water supplies. The whole world is competing for the 2.5 percent which is not even closer enough for people to use because most of it is stored in the icecaps of Antarctica and Arctic and as groundwater. According to a statement from the United Nations office, out of the remaining 2.5 percent, only 0.26 percent is in storage and 0.007 percent of the water on earth is renewable and actually available for use on a sustainable basis. , The world's water becomes more critical as each country examines its available water resources, compared to the growing needs and pressures. It is for this reason that United Nations is urging member states to respond to this year's theme as nations and relate it to the global water crisis. Each country has been urged to consider the theme: "The Nation's Water. I There Enough?" At a SADC regional level in what could be viewed as a response to a regional theme "The Region's Water; Is there Enough?" the SADC's Shared Watercourse Systems Protocol (1995) allows for equal utilisation of shared watercourse systems. Under the protocol member states within a shared watercourse system, should exchange information and data regarding the hydrological, hydrogeological, water quality, meteorological and ecological condition of such watercourse system. This will ensure peace and stability is maintained in the region. Water experts are expecting that Namibia and Botswana should use the same protocol and avoid conflict over the resource. The UN statement says country responses should also be "considering suitable measures and technologies to safeguard and properly utilise this limited resource for future generations of humankind." *Conlinued on next page backed By Maxwell Chivasa L Regional File

Conflict in Lesotho: burdened by intrigue By Phyllis Johnson onfict in Lesotho is embedded in the politics of internal intrigue, but heavily burdened by the allpervasive influence and history of neighbouring South Africa, which completely surrounds it. "The mountain kingdom", with a population of just 2.1 million, is generally a peaceful place but internal conflict, once easily fuelled by its powerful apartheid neighbour, is now of considerable concern to neighbouring countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The most recent chain of events began in late 1995, although "began" Is a misnomer because the political instability in Lesotho "continues" rather than beginning or ending. There has been steadily growing dissatisfaction with the elderly and ailing Prime Minister, Ntsu Mokhehle, who at 78 is the same age as Nelson Mandela but not nearly as fit. Mokhehle was removed as leader of the Basotholand Congress Party (BCP) on 2 March when the party's national executive committee endorsed a decision of the party congress held the same weekend. A report by the party's secretary-general said Mokhehle failed to perform his duties effectively, disregarded administrative dutiesand failed to attend meetings of the executive committee. .Late last'year, he dismissed as "blatant lies" the South African media reports alleging he was involved in former security police activities at the notorious Vlakplaas base near Pretoria. He said he was unaware that the farm was a security police base, but the opposition parties in Lesotho attacked, saying he should come clean on the allegations. It was well known during the 1980s that Mokhehle's Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA) conducted military operations from bases in South Africa. However, his party reacted strongly to a public statement by President Nelson Mandela that Mokhehle's alleged involvement with the former security police would be investigated. Monthly Review Bulletin (MRB) said in December that the accusations would further weaken "an elderly and ailing leader, who has shown in the past that he needs regional backing to secure stability in the country." MRB predicted that his position could be precarious at the new party congress early this year, after the High Court ruled that the governing party must re-elect its national executive committee. The annual general meeting last year was declared null and void. Four BCP consituencies had taken their leadership to court early last year following complaints of irregularities. Two factions within the governing party support either the deputy party leader, Molapo Qhobela, or the deputy prime minister, Phatelitha Mosisili. Qhobela was seen to have the larger turnout at separate rallies in December, and also had a larger following at the annual conference which was annulled. In early February this year, Mokhehle *Continued from previous page The International Food Research Policy Institute predicts that water will cause conflicts in the next century, reinforcing water scarcity fears. The institute is urging nations to learn for the experience of the Middle East which have managed to cope with minimum amounts of water. Different users of water, between and within countries will be left with increased competition for access to water, leading to conflicts that may ignite wars. Realising water needs of other countries is an important element in preventing wars and conflicts over the resource which impede development. According to a recently released book, Water in Southern Africa published by SADC, IUCN and SADC, the distribution and availability of the water resources in SADC is uneven among the region's left the country again for hospital in ,South Africa, and the gulf between supporters and detractors within his own party deepened. Police and soldiers patrolled the streets of Maseru after the shooting of a policeman and the subsequent arrest of 11 former members of the LLA at the beginning of February. They were taken from the offices of the BCP Youth Leage. The supposedly defunct LLA is widely considered as an unofficial security wing of the BCP. A few days later, eight mutinous policemen, who had resisted arrest since the death of three colleagues in a shoot-out at the central police station in October 1995, "dismissed" the police commissioner, Maj-Gen Bolutu Makoaba, and seized control of the headquarters. Makoaba insisted that he was still in command. The confrontation grew as opposing fac*Continued on page 20 16 main river basins. There seems to be little choice other than sharing the. resource to meet the water needs of others or neighbours. The SADC region's water experts estimate the renewable freshwater resources at about 650 billion cubic metres (cu m) in rivers, lakes and groundwater bodies and river basin systems. A substantial amount of water is not easily accessible even during droughts. There is plenty of water in the international system but it will mean a great deal of water transfers costing nearly US$1 - 2 billion. With escalating costs, transfering water from sources to human settlements or for agriculturual use, water conservation: becomes cost effective, just as good as saving fuel to last a longer journey (SARDC). ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 S AD C's, Water sharing effiorts backed

Zaire situation explosive and dangerous PBy Our Diplomatic Correspondent he situation in Zaire is very explo'sive and dangerous for Africa, and , regional peace. If it is not handled properly all the countries of Central, Eastern, and Southern Africa, could be drawn into a situation of bloodshed and cross-border violence. The history of Zaire in the last 32 years of dictatorial rule by Mobutu Sese Seko has been one of continuous bloodshed, and total neglect of the masses of the people. No roads, schools, hospitals, and bridges have been built. All the money of this rich state went into maintaining an expensive Presidential Guard to guard the President, and billions spent on buying his personal properties in Europe (especially in Belgium, France, and Switzerland) and in Africa (especially in ., Senegal, and Morocco). After the death of patriotic Patrice Lumumba, and others, Mobutu rose to power with the help and support of the Americans. He maintained that power for 32 years largely because of the support of Americans, the French, and the Belgians. Whenever he had trouble with the army, or Parliament, or the population, they sent mercenaries, and sometimes their own soldiers to quell the rebellions. The good news this time is that these powers no longer support Mobutu Sese Seko. They have urged him to resign. In any case he is too ill now to govern such a big state like Zaire. Enter Kabila from the East Kabila's entry into Zaire from the east, and his sweeping take-over of most of the country in a few weeks was indeed dramatic. Everywhere he went his men were welcomed with open arms by the people of Zaire, in the face of massive and shameful looting by the demoralised Zairian army which had not been paid for months. The people were genuinely happy to see them (the Zairian Army) go away. To-day's viable solution is the take-over of the whole of Zaire by Kabila, and his men. Only they can establish peace, and protect the people from perpetual looting and even killings by the Zairian Army. The stumbling bloc to Kabila's resumption of power is the stance of the USA Government. 'he American Envoy, Mr. Richardson, has been insisting on what he calls soft landing of Kabila in Kinshasa. That simply means, they do not want an outright victory by Kabila, both po- litically and militarily. They insist that he should compromise and do a deal with some of Mobutu's followers, members of Parliament, and the discredited rump of Tishekedi. In plain language they want to see weak post-Mobutu Government in Zaire, rather than a strong one. And, yet all the experience of the last few decades in Africa, is that progress can only be made where there are strong governments, but democratic governments, we must add. That is what Zaire needs, and that is what Kabila is promising to give the people - a popularly elected democratic government, to replace the corrupt dictatorship. Impotence of the United Nations A future that has become obvious in the current Zairian crisis is the impotance of the United Nations. The negoti:ations and mediation have been taken lover by the Americans, and to some extent the South Africans. The SecretaryGeneral of the U.N., Mr. Kofi Annan, has confined his role to taking care of the refugees in eastern Zaire, and expressing his concern for their safety. He has contributed to the torrent of criticism directed at Kabila's forces, and thereby raising doubts about the kind of goVernment he would establish. The efforts to discredit Kabila and his men have been quite concentrated and sustained. The American and the European press too have been saying that Kabila is a Maoist. If he was, what is wrong with that? Chairman Mao's thoughts on how to conduct a guerrilla war have had a deep influence on those Africans and Asians who had to fight for their own independence. What is wrong with that? On the economic side, Zairian economy has been structured along capitalist lines. Kabila has promised not to change that. Even if he wanted to, it is impossible to reverse or stop the current trend for building open market economies in Africa. Effect of Zaire's crisis on Angola The Zairian crisis has had a deep and largely positive impact on the long and bitter civil war in Angola. The UNITA opposition movement, led by Jonas Savimbi, has always had very good relations with Mobutu. He provided the lifelime for selling their diamonds on the world market, and buying weapons for the *Continued on page 21 ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 CONGRATULATIONS We at the Zimbabwe News would like to wish the nation all the success in the hosting of the OAU Summit in June. We would like to congratulate His Excellency, the President, Cde. R.G. Mugabe on assuming the chairmanship of this prestigeous continental body. We wish you, Cde. President, all the good luck during the period of your chairmanship - Editor

RF Conflict in Lesotho: burdened by intrigue *Continued from pagel8 tions in the police both claimed control of the force. South African police sources said they were on standby to intervene. However, President Mandela said South Africa would not intervene unless asked to do so, adding that he was in contact with Prime Minister Mokhehle. The number of mutineers grew to 400, and eventually to 2 000, two-thirds of the total police force. Senior officials of the ruling party joined civic, religious and opposition leaders at a press conference in mid-February, urging peaceful negotiations. Together, they accused the government of refusing to speak to the renegade policemen to "negotiate an amicable solution to the political crisis." They said government plans for military intervention was "a recipe for civil war." A spokesman for the rebel police, Second Lt Phakfso Modise, said the crisis was caused by the ruling party's crackdown on perceived political opponents, including churches, teachers and medical workers. He called on SADC to send an investigation team to make recommendations, "and those recommendations must be implemented. We are happy with that." President Mandela shuttled to Zimbabwe, Botswana and Mozambique, while his director-general of foreign affairs, Rusty Evans, made an emergency visit to Lesotho. Evans' department later issued a statement in Pretoria saying South Africa supports the government of Lesotho and "cannot accept an unconstitutional challenge to the democratic order in that country." The statement said it trusted the Lesotho government would take "timeous and appropriate measures" to "restore orderly administration in the police services." The following day, despite a delicate mediation exercise in progress by the churches, Lesotho military units converged on the police with heavy artillery to end the mutiny. They claimed no one was killed or injured. The leaders of the police mutiny fled, later seeking and being granted asylum in South Africa. Mokhehle claimed they had taken refuge in the royal compound. Mokhehle's removal from his party po- sition should automatically mean his removal as Prime Minister. But some BCP members of parliament have expressed support for him in a parliamentary motion. This caused 17 other MPs to walk out of parliament twice during the first week of March. The ruling BCP holds all of the seats in parliament since sweeping to power in the multi-party elections in 1993. Lesotho has been in turmoil ever since. Late last year, Mokhehle announced the establishment of an independent electoral commission, charged with registering and educating voters, and conducting the next national elections scheduled for 1998. - (SARDC) 0 Tennis comes of aue The elder of the victorious Black brothers, Byron, getting himself into better shape imbabwe is slowly stamping its African Zone Group One tie at Crystal authority on the international ten- Palace National Sports Centre, Norwood, nis scene as evidenced by their re London last month. sounding victory over Great Britain in the second round of the Euro *Continued on next page ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

Tennis comes of age OContinued from previous page Playing a more experienced Great Britain team the prophets of doom had placed the Zimbabwean duo of Byron and as complete outsiders. But the 4- 1 demolition of the fancied Britons in their backyard by the Black Brothers demonstrated how Zimbabwe is fast catching up with the big guns on the international tennis scene. The victory could go a long way towards making tennis a very popular sport in Zimbabwe. The fact that many are talking more and more about the victory would encourage more people to take up the sport. Velia Black, Byron and Wayne's mother, said the victory would encourage young tennis players to give their best in the sport. "Zimbabwe's victory over Great Britain is the -best thing to have happened to Zimbabwean tennis. it was unbelievable. It was a lovely victory which goes to show that the standard of tennis in the country is improving. To the Davis Cup team we say congratulations and keep on marching towards final victory," said Velia. President Robert Mugabe congratulated the team for a challenge well taken and a victory well and deservedly earned. "This most welcome victory, which comes soon after one against the illfated English side, firmly puts Zimbabwe on the sporting map as an excelling equal among the world's sport'ing best," he said. Tennis Association of Zimbabwe president Paul Chingoka, who, before leaving for London with the team, had predicted victory for Zimbabwe, believes the outcome marks the beginning of a new era in the history of tennis in Zimbabwe. "Our efforts of trying to spread the sport to all corners of the country will be boosted by this victory. This should help .tennis become- very popular here." Sportswriters Association of Zimbabwe chairman, Robson Sharuko said this was a great victory for Zimbabwe given that the lads were playing a better side away from 'home. "Coming soon after our victory over England in cricket, it was a great victory for the whole nation and it demon- Essen Open tournament in Essen, Gerstrates that our standard of tennis is im- many, in October 1995. The Minister of Sport, Recreation and Culture, Witness Mangwende also said the victory was ample evidence of the fact that Zimbabwe tennis has now reached stages of maturity. Sports Commission chairman Alwyn Pichanick said the victory was a first for Zimbabwean tennis because this is the first time the locals have qualified for the Davis Cup World Group Qualifying Round. After the demolition of the Great Britain team of Jamie Delgado, Andrew Richardson, Neil Broad and , Zimbabwe now face Austria in the World Group qualifying Round in Harare from September 19 to 21. Expected to be in the Austrian team is world number two and clay court specialist, Thomas Muster, who is also the 1995 champion. The 30-year-old Austrian, who was ranked the best player in the world in February last year, has been one of the best players on the ATP tour since winning the French Open in June 1995. Atone stage during the period between July 1995 and May 1996 Muster played Zimbabwe's . Muster won 6 - 2, 6- 4 in the second round of the Last year Muster reached the semi finals of the Wimbledon tournament and in January this year reached the semi finals of the , losing1 -6;6-7, 3 - 6 to eventual winner and world number one American Pete Sampras.. In February he won the Dubai touma: ment after beating the hard-serving Goran Ivanisevic of Croatia. In March he won the Upton Key Biscayne in the United States of America when he beat Spaniard Sergi Bruguera 7-6, 6-3, 6 - 1. Muster had earlier lost 1 - 6, 6- 7 to Michael Chang in the semi final of the Indian Wells tournament before the Lipton tournament. However, Zimbabwe non-playing captain Gavin Siney is not perturbed by the presence of Muster in the Australian Davis Cup team. "Our main advantage is that we will be playing at home, so anything can happen here," said Siney. TAZ president Chingoka said while he was happy with the home draw he was worried about Muster being part of the Austrian team. Austria beat Croatia 3-2 to reach the World Group Qualifying Round. The winners of the World Group Qualifying Round will go through to the 1998 Davis Cup World Cup. 01 Zaire's situation explosive and dangerous *Continued from page 19 continuation of the civil war. In the two decades this war has been going on, UNITA has never been short of weapons. But, the demise of Mobutu, and the increasing collaboration between the Government of Angola and Kabila's forces, will isolate UNITA totally. it could be starved of weapons, and means of selling its diamonds abroad. That could bring the war in Angola to a speedier end. The alliance is not strong A factor that must worry some people is that Kabila's alliance is not a strong union. It's rather a broad get-together of all those parties, groups, and elements opposed to Mobutu. With the demise of Mobutu, the actual establishment of a Government of national unity, with the tensions that must be contained, and the compromises that must be made, may prove to be very difficult. President Kabila, as some now call him, needs all the diplomatic skills he has, and the popular support he has garnered, to put his own stamp on national programmes, and pull the nation together again. Zaire is crying out for unity, peace, stabilty and some development at home. 0 ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5

Obtur Major Tob~~~i uaaM njr By Laisu Ndo The late Major Mwanjira member of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF), Major Tobias Kugara Mwanjira passed away on April 6, in Mutare after a short illness while in Chipinge, another war veteran, Cde Happison Jabulani Chimedza died on the 12th April, 1997 following a long illness. Major Mwanjira, whose Chimurenga name was Togaraneropa Muhondo, was born at Dzimati Village in February 1958. He did his primary schooling at Rota and completed his '0' levels at Harare High in 1975. He left the country in 1976 to join the liberation struggle in Mozambique. He underwent military training at Tembwe the same year.From there he operated in the Gaza Province and rose through the ranks to the position of section commander. Major Mwanjira was attested into the Zimbabwe National Army Sergeant (now ZDF) as a sergeant in 1981 and rose over the period to the rank of a major,a post he held at the time of his death. During his 16-year stay in the army. Major Mwanjira, served in various units. At the time of his death, he was Army Chief Instructor at the School of Education in Mutare. Major Mwanjira, aged 39 at the time of his death , was buried with full military honours at Fusire Village in Murehwa and is survived by his wife Matilda and five children. The other war veteran, Cde Chimedza, was a retired Army Captain who was For news behind the headlines, read Zimbabwe News popularly known by his Chimurenga name, Targot Mutungamiri. Cde Chimedza was born in 1948 in Chipinge in Chief Musikavanhu area. He attended Rimayi Primary School before moving to a secondary school where he went as far as Form Two. During the 1970s, Cde Chirnedza moved to the then Salisbury (now Harare) in search of employment. His fighting spirit lent him the post of Youth chairman of a Mbare district.He however, left for Mozambique following the massacre of 11 people by the colonial police at Machipisa, in Highfield, on the 11 th June 1975. Cde Chimedza had his military training at Mgagao Camp in Tanzania. He was deployed in the Gaza Province and operated in Mupapa and Sector Two.He rose through the ranks to the position of Detachment Trustee by 1979. Just before the ceasefire period, he was sent to Romania for further training. Here, Cde Chimedza specialised in Ar- The late Comrade John Enwet Kandeya, better known by his war name John Mawema, was born on the 15th of March, 1950, at Nyakudya village in Chiweshe Communal Area, Mashonaland Central Province. He attended Gwingwizha Primary School from 1955 to 1960. In 1961 to 1963, he attended at Howard Institute in Glendale. In 1964 he went to Mazoe Secondary School. In 1967, Cde. Kandeya was employed by Courtwin Stationers in Harare as a factory supervisor. In 1969 he joined the Willowvale Motor Industry as an Assistant. In December, 1970, he left the country via Ramaquabane in Botswana, to join The late Cde. Chimedza, better kwown as Targot Mutungamiri, his Chimurenga name moured Cars and Tanks. He was attested in the army in 1981 where he managed to rise to the rank of captain which position he held at the time of his retirement in 1993. He was buried in Chipinge and is survived by his wife, Mildred, and five children. 0 the liberation forces. He proceeded to Francistown where he stayed until 1971. He immediately became active in recruiting cadres for the liberation struggle. Francistown was a dangerous place at the time, but he started his recruitment assignments with dedication. From Botswana he went to Zambia, and then to Tanzania where he got military training at Mgagawo. After training he was sent to Zambia and stayed there he stayed from 1973 to 1975 where he joined others in operations into the then Rhodesia. He was stationed at Chimbi Chimbi Training School. During the Badza rebellion in 1975, John *Continued on next page ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 John Enwet Kandeya (Mawema) By a Correspendent

John Enwet Kandeya (Mawema) *Continued from previous page Mawema played a key'role in quelling that rebellion. After the untimely death of the National Chairman of ZANU, Comrade Herbert W. Chitepo in March 1975, he managed to escape in the company of the late Comrade Robson Manyika and retired Army Commander, General Solomon Mujuru. They went to Tanzania. Mawema was then assigned military duties that included the training of new cadres. Some of the cadres he trained included General Dominic Chiwenga. Soon he was promoted to the General Staff of ZANLA forces, and later became Director of intelligence. Throughout the liberation struggle, John Mawema remained a key figure in the intelligence services. He was liked and trusted by the leadership of the Party. He was popular with his colleagues and workmates. During the detente exercise, John Mawema was one of those who stood firmly to defend the revolution, and against the false offers of the regime. During the period 1976 to 1980, the Party went through very difficult and challenging times. There were a number of rebellions by certain forces that came under the influence of settlers and racists. Throughout this period, John Mawema consistently supported the Party, and focussed his attention exclusively on the task of liberating Zimbabwe. He was instrumental in the establishment of the Chindunduma Youth Academy at Mgagawo. After independence in 1980, the Academy was moved stock and barrel to Zimbabwe, and re-established in Mashonaland Central Province. In 1979, he was in the ZANU delegation that went to the Lancaster House Conference in London, and negotiated the terms of independence successfully. On January 14, 1980, he returned to Zimbabwe to prepare for the general elections that brought independence. In September, 1980 he joined the President's ,Department as a. Senior Intelligence Officer, and rose through the ranks to ' the. position of Provincial Intelligence Officer. At the same time he embarked on further studies to complete his studies. He went to England in 1984 for .that purpose. In 1990, he obtained a Master of Arts degree in International Relations. He returned home to continue ZIMBABWE NEWS VOL. 28 NO. 5 his important work with the security to stop that fighting; and then worked services. He was promoted to the rank .9even harder to unite the two Parties. of Director for Training, and later Direc- 'Throughout his career he showed braytor of Internal Services, a position he ery and consistency. He took risks with held until his untimely death on April 4, his own life for the good and benefit of 1997. others. He put the welfare of other peo After independence, Comrade John ple, and the interest of Zimbabwe before Mawema worked hard for national uni- his personal interests and his own ty, stability, and peace. He was one of safety. the few army and intelligence officers who laid the foundation for the unity of ZANU and ZAPU, the two liberation movements. When fighting broke out in Matebeleland in 1982, he worked hard Cde. Mawema was declared a Liberation War hero and was laid to rest at his rural home in Chiweshe, in the Mashonaland Central Province. El Zimbabwe News Subscription Rates Please tick a box to select your term ZIMBABWE C3 12 Issues (I year)S30.00 0 6 issues (6 months) S15.00 REGIONAL 0 12 Issues (1 year)US$37.20 0 6 issues (6 months) US$ 18.60 OVERSEAS 0 12issues(I year)USS57.600 6issues(6months) US$28.80 NAME: ...... A D RE SS: ...... SIG N ATU R E: ...... THE RATES INCLUDE POSTAGE AND HANDLING I enclose my cheque 0 postal order 0 for the amount indicated above. Mail to: The Circulation Manager, Zimbabwe News. P.O. Box CY 3206, Causeway 144 Union Avenue, Harare, Tel: 790148/9.

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