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10th Platon School Model United Nations | 5th – 7th March 2021

Forum: Disarmament and International Security Committee (GA1)

Issue: Withdrawal of Foreign Military Forces from the Republic of

Student Officer: Bill Trantalis

Position: Deputy President

PERSONAL INTRODUCTION Dear delegates,

My name is Vasileios-Marios Trantalis, I am fifteen years old and I attend the tenth grade at Platon school. It is a huge honor of mine to be serving in this year’s Platon School Model United Nations conference, as a Co-Chair for the Disarmament and International Security Committee. My first encounter with the Model United Nations world came at the age of fourteen, and since then I have attended a handful of conferences, with this however being my first-time chairing. Looking back to my previous conferences, I can admit that, at first, the MUN was an unfamiliar world to me. However, after my first conference, I quickly started to enjoy its community.

This year’s agenda of the Disarmament and International Security Committee provides delegates with the chance to debate on serious problems that are in need of awareness. Ensuring Environmentally Safe Disarmament for Weapons of Mass Destruction, The Impact of 3D printing in creating Weapons and Synthetic Biology on International Security and the Withdrawal of Foreign Military Forces from the Republic of Moldova, are the three topics you are called to debate upon and find solutions.

As the expert chair on the topic of withdrawing foreign military forces from the Republic of Moldova, it is my obligation to introduce you to the topic, guide you through your research and strengthen your understanding of the topic with this study guide. The situation in the Republic of Moldova is a complex issue with conflicting aspects, therefore you should conduct an extensive research and not just rely on this study guide. If you have any questions relating to this issue, do not hesitate to contact me at my email address [email protected] .

I am looking forward to meeting you all at this year’s session of PS-MUN.

Kind regards,

Vasileios-Marios Trantalis

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TOPIC INTRODUCTION

The Republic of Moldova lies between and , is a relatively small and poor nation, politically divided over recent years into pro-Russian and pro-European parties. The issue of the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the Republic of th Moldova, dates back to the fall of the , on the 26 of December in 1991. As the Republic of Moldova was a part of it, its fall left Moldova vulnerable, and the situation did not take long to deteriorate.

A political deadlock took place up to the start of 2019, with some of the main reasons being political corruption and nepotism, a form of favoritism which is granted to relatives in various fields, politics in this case1. However, on February 24th of 2019, four parties came out on top. The two leading parties, in favoritism of the masses, were the Socialists, followed by the Democratic Party. However, as none of them had the actual majority of votes, there had to be negotiations. These continued for months, with none of the parties actually following negotiation protocols, and Moldova remaining ungoverned, exposed in all aspects.

In the recent elections, held on November 15th of 2020, pro-EU candidate, , came out on top with 57.72% of the votes, in a run-off against former president . She became the first female President of the country and the first winner from the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS). When it comes to her statement about the Transnistrian region, the president has stated that she fully supports the orderly withdrawal of the foreign military forces from the area.

In regards to the Transnistrian region, the foreign military forces are essentially Russian troops who have been illegally stationed in , since the 80’s. The UN, EU and NATO have all made efforts to contribute to the resolution of the ongoing problem, however the Republic of Moldova itself is divided on the matter.

The sovereignty of the state of Transnistria comes to question, as some falsely perceive it as an already independent sovereign nation, while the general security of the Republic of Moldova is also compromised. An issue that exacerbates the situation as a whole, is the large number of leftover Soviet weapons in the region of Transnistria. With tensions rightfully rising from the possibility of them being manipulated, and utilized in a way that will prove hazardous, against civilians.

Notably the Republic of Moldova has an association agreement with the , and has already started an EU-integration journey.

1 “Nepotism.” Cambridge Dictionary, dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/nepotism.

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DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS

Withdrawal The act of drawing military forces back from or out of a place, area, or position2

Cease-fire A military order to cease firing; suspension of active hostilities to allow peace negotiations3

Separatist Movement An advocate of independence or autonomy for a component of a political unit (such as a nation)4

Independent State A state/country that operates fully independently of other nations or territories and possesses territorial sovereignty

Right to Self Determination The right to Self Determination is a key principle in International Law. Firstly, a state is said to have the right of self-determination in the sense of having the right to choose freely its political, economic, social, and cultural structure. Secondly, the right to self- determination is defined as the right of a group of people to represent itself in a state or otherwise freely determine the form of its association with an existing state.5

Sovereignty The power of a country to control its own government; freedom from external control; autonomy6

Territorial Sovereignty Possessing control over a territory and its borders

2 “Withdrawal.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/withdrawal. Accessed 24 Jan. 2021. 3 “Cease-fire.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/cease-fire. Accessed 24 Jan. 2021. 4 “Separatist.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/separatist. Accessed 24 Jan. 2021. 5 4 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Self-determination". Encyclopedia Britannica, 13 Aug. 2019, https://www.britannica.com/topic/self-determination. Accessed 25 January 2021. 6 “Sovereignty.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/sovereignty. Accessed 24 Jan. 2021.

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Referendum The principle or practice of submitting to popular vote a measure passed on or proposed by a governmental body or by popular initiative7

Defect To leave a country, political party, etc., especially in order to join an opposing one

Nepotism The use of power or influence to get jobs or unfair advantages for members of your own family

PAS (Party of Action and Solidarity) Also known as ACUM, PAS is a liberal pro-EU political party in the Republic of Moldova, which was founded by the former Minister of Education of Moldova and current president, Maia Sandu

PMR (Pridnestrovian Moldevian Republic) A breakaway state between the river and the Ukrainian border that is universally recognized as part of Moldova. Transnistria has been recognized by three other non-recognized states, Abkhazia, Artsakh, and South Ossetia.

Depot A place where equipment, supplies, or vehicles are stored8

De facto Existing in fact, although perhaps not intended, legal, or accepted

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Historical Information Economy and Politics The sovereignty of Moldova was affirmed in June 1990, and the autonomous Republic of Moldova was proclaimed on August 27th, 1991. Its economy is heavily based on agriculture. The country is considered one of the poorest countries in Europe, despite promising prospects. According to the UN’s Development Program 2016 report, 9.6% of its population was living in absolute poverty.

7 “Referendum.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/referendum. Accessed 24 Jan. 2021. 8 “Depot.” Cambridge Dictionary, dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/depot.

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Along with the poverty in the area comes a political dead-end around 2019, with two different parties coming on top and no cohesive communication being achieved between them. This incident left Moldova ungoverned, with a political deadlock in place. Such deadlock in the political department complicated all efforts to reshape Moldova’s economy through investment and trade from abroad.

Creation of the Operational Group of Russian Forces The issue at hand concerns the Operational Group of Russian Forces, formed in 1995 and currently stationed in Tiraspol, the capital of Transnistria. It is said to have a peacekeeping role, comprising 1,500 soldiers. However, how did this group come to be?

The root of the issue derives from the 14th Guards Army, a Russian military force formed in Kishinev, the capital of Moldova, on November 25th 1956, by the 10th Guards Budapest Rifle Corps of the Odessa Military District. In the early 1970s, the Army started hiring Transnistrian youth for military assistance, which would later become the ethnic majority of the army. They relocated to Tiraspol in the 80’s.

Cobasna, the headquarters of the Army, is a municipality of three villages in northern Transnistria. Located 2 km from the Ukraine border, is the location of a Russian ammunition depot. About 22,000 tons of military equipment and ammunition allegedly remain there today, secured by Russian soldiers.

On the 2nd of March 1992, the outbreak of the Transnistrian war was officially declared. It was then that, 14th Guard Army soldiers sympathetic to Transnistria defected and joined the Transnistrian Republican Guard, despite the formal embrace of neutrality by the Russian government.

Moldovan Civil War The peak of events during the civil war came with the fight of Bendery, taking place on 19 June 1992. The only settlement claimed by the Transnistrian Republic on the west side of the river was the city of Bendery. When, in combination with the local security forces, the Moldovan army joined during that day to retake possession of it. Under the help of Russian forces, the Transnistians succeeded in resisting the Moldovan army from the city in a few days. The Moldovan police in Bendery detained Yermakov, a former member of the 14th Army, in the afternoon. Transnistria guards opened fire on the police station following his capture. Urban fighting between the two sides followed. Dozens of dead were reported in the streets by Russian sources.

The battle ended with an artillery strike on the 3rd of July on a Moldovan unit in a forestry near Bendery.

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Cease fire attempts and eventual success The events in Bendery unfolded serious problems in the process of reaching a peace agreement between the parties involved. In the Bendery region, a ceasefire was under negotiation during June 1992. However, after the brutal battle in Bendery, any progress in negotiations was ceased, and they were rendered useless.

An agreement between the Republic of Moldova, Transnistria and the Russian Federation on a negotiated settlement to the armed conflict was signed in on 21 July 1992, after trilateral negotiations between the countries. The agreement called for an immediate truce between the sides, including the city of Bendery, and the establishment of a demilitarized security zone. A collection of guidelines for an agreement was declared by the Leaders, including respect for Moldova's autonomy and territorial integrity.

A (JCC) composed of Moldovan, Russian and Transnistrian delegations, supported by a committee of 30 military observers, 10 from each of the countries, was set up in Bendery to enforce the cease-fire. The JCC has been allowed to take steps to preserve peace and restore law and order, and also to deter abuses of power from happening in the future.

OSCE involvements on the topic The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is seeking to foster a settlement that has been signed. On the 8th of May 1997, President of Moldova and President of Transnistria signed the Primakov Memorandum, ensuring the establishment of legal and state ties, although the terms of the memorandum were viewed differently by the Transnistrian and Moldovan governments.

The OSCE’s next actions came with the 1999 OSCE Summit, where decisions were focused on 's determination to remove its armed forces from Moldova by 31 December 2002. The panel's consensus was that Russia would not progress by the deadline in meeting its obligations. The inability of Russia to reach the deadline, after all, became of significant concern.

In November of 2003, Russian President's advisor, , suggested a memorandum creating a federal Moldovan state, with Moldova having a majority of the federation. It ordered equal status among nations, but gave veto powers to Transnistria over potential constitutional reforms, forcing it to sign it. , then Moldovan President, was initially supportive of the proposal, but, after diplomatic pressure from the OSCE and the US, he declined to sign it. Talks to overcome the issues, but without success for several years, were initiated in 2006.

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In February 2011, Transnistria, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia and the OSCE, plus the US and the EU as foreign observers, re-launched the so-called 5 + 2 Talks in Vienna, originally stalled in 2006. Their aim was to decide the terms of a substantive resolution within its internationally recognised boundaries, focused on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova, with a clear status for Transnistria within Moldova.

Ethnic composition and recent political developments When understanding the issue and proposing effective solutions, it is important to take into account the variety of ethnic groups located in Moldova in general. At the first Census, taking place in 1989, the population in Transnistria accounted for 679,000. The Russians constituted for 25.5%, the for 39.9%, while the Ukranians made up for the remaining 28.3% of the population, with the remaining 6.3% consisting of other ethnicities.

The numbers however, over the next two Censuses, namely in 2004 and 2015, drastically changed. According to the 2004 Census, there are three major ethnic groups: Moldovans represent 31.9%, Russians 30.3%, and Ukrainians 28.8%. In the 2015 Census, the population of the region had dropped to 475.373. The ethnic composition, according to the results, were distributed as following; Russians: 29.1%, Moldovans: 28.6%, Ukrainians: 22.9%, Transnistrian: 0.2%, other nationalities: 5.4%. For the first time, the population had the option to identify as "Transnistrian". There has been another source with different results, however their difference is mostly miniscule. Russian population was noted predominant, in every census held.

The most recent political events come with the election of the pro-European president Maia Sandu on November 15th 2020. After surging with 57.7% of the votes, she came face-to-face with a lot of problems. The parliament decided to remove the Security and Information Services from her jurisdiction and take over it.

This rightfully aggravates the situation as it is Moldova's main intelligence agency. It primarily performs intelligence and law enforcement operations within the context of the law, being the uniformed security police of the country. This resulted however to a lot of reaction from the public and formed a lot of protests. Maia Sandu, in an attempt to de-escalate tension, called on her supporters to stop the initiative. “The bill is anti-democratic abuse nurtured by the same person [Dodon] who lost the election … Dodon is planning to control corruption schemes and state institutions”. Unfortunately, the riots did not result in any promising developments.

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Background knowledge on the issue of breakaway territories with regards to international law It is thus evident that any proposed solution ought to efficiently and permanently tackle this complicated issue, while ensuring security and sovereignty are maintained. For any such solution to be feasible it needs to consider some essential principles of international law and their interpretations.

Transnistria is an unrecognised but de facto independent semi-presidential republic. It fulfills some of the criteria qualifying it as an independent state, with its own government, parliament, military, police, postal system, currency and vehicle registration. Its officials have also adopted a constitution, flag, national anthem and coat of arms. Nevertheless, Transnistria is still not considered an independent State, with only three other non-recognized states affirming its independence, them being Abkhazia, Artsakh and South Ossetia.

While the Government of Moldova did not exert full power over the territories of Transnistria, on 22 July 2005 it passed the 'Law on Basic Provisions of the Special Legal Status of Localities of the Left Bank of Dniester,' based on the decision of establishing formed part of Transnistria as an autonomous territorial entity within the Republic of Moldova.

In Transnistria, on 17 September 2006, a double referendum was held. Voters were asked whether they wished to renounce independence and instead unite with Moldova or, instead, seek independence and a potential future unification with the Russian Federation if accepted. However, before the vote, the Moldovan government declared that their results would not be accepted, and, as anticipated, it was not approved by foreign institutions, such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the European Union, GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, and some other nations, such as Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, , Serbia, Macedonia, Croatia, Montenegro, Bosnia, Albania, Norway, and Iceland. According to International Law, Transnistria couldn’t integrate to any other country or proclaim full independence without permission from Moldova.

Russia’s case of keeping the military forces stationed in the area It is therefore important to expand on the political validity of Russia's ability to retain powers on the territory of Transnistria. Off note, the Russian Federation is responsible for the armaments left by the 14th’s Guard Army. Regardless of this case, according to international law, sovereign states must agree to the existence in their sovereign territories of any official foreign military force, so that if such consent is officially withheld, the Russian troop presence would be in breach of the independence of Moldova.

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Russia has three main arguments for keeping their troops stationed in Transnistria. The first comes with the claim of the Russian Forces to be stationed in the area due to peacekeeping reasons. Russian forces also claim that their forces cannot be withdrawn, as to complete their action they would have to go through Ukraine, and, after Russia’s 2014 invasion in the eastern of the country, their relations have dramatically worsened. Their last claim for not orderly withdrawing their forces, is a case of wanting to liquidate the 14th Army’s armament depots, stationed in Cobasna, a process which could have easily been carried out in all these years.

MAJOR COUNTRIES AND ORGANIZATIONS INVOLVED Russian Federation The interest of Russia in Moldova is part of its wider search for control over post-Soviet nations. Moldova has very little geopolitical significance to Russia and is not the target of nationalist aspirations. However, it is an important strategic concern because of its position as a nation prepared to pivot either pro-Europe or pro-Russian. In Moldova, the stationing of Russian soldiers in Transnistria gives Russia a great deal of influence. More notably, perhaps, Russia has begun to seek stronger economic and political relations to build its strength.

With mention to aforementioned events, even though Russia was neutral in the stationing of the 14th Guards Army in Transnistria, they now state that, although they are open to withdrawing their forces, the arguments mentioned before block them from completing it.

Romania After Moldova's independence in 1991, Moldova and Romania have shared an outstanding relationship. During the Interwar Era, meaning the time between the two World Wars, much of Moldova was part of Romania, with the Romanian authorities carrying out a program which sought to assimilate ethnic minorities across the country. At the end of June 1992, before the escalation of conflicts during the civil war, Romania provided Moldova with military assistance through the delivery of arms, ammunition, and armored vehicles, as well as through the sending of military advisors and the preparation of the Moldovan military and police forces. During the fighting, Moldovan Army and police Units attacked the 14th Army’s military facilities in the Bendery region, causing casualties amongst the guards in the area. Romanian is also the official language of Moldova.

UKRAINE Ukraine does not officially recognize Transnistria's liberation. New president Volodymyr Zelensky, after winning the 2019 Ukrainian presidential elections, stated in a press conference with then-Moldovan prime-minister Maia Sandu that he fully supports Moldova’s territorial integrity.

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NATO During the 2019 NATO summit in , the issue of territorial powers in Moldova was debated a lot. As a consequence, NATO representatives drafted a resolution calling on Russia to remove its troops from countries without their permission.

Moldovan officials said Moldova would welcome a declaration assisting a non-NATO member and acknowledging the sovereignty of the country. However, such an action was condemned by the country's former pro-Russian president, as he had done in any other past attempts the Moldovan government had taken to get closer to the European Union and NATO. NATO's declaration came after a UN General Assembly resolution (A/72/L.58) which also insisted on Russia to withdraw its forces from Moldova.

OSCE The OSCE Mission to Moldova seeks to promote, in all its aspects, a substantive and permanent diplomatic resolution of the Transnistrian dispute, and shall reinforce the democracy, autonomy and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognised boundaries. The Mission supports the parties in dispute in starting a diplomatic dialogue and in negotiating a sustainable political solution. It is prepared to support the parties in their attempts to eliminate the causes of tension through constructive means before aggression occurs.

Since 2012, these ideals of final resolution have been accepted in annual Ministerial Council Declarations by all 57 OSCE member Nations. The Ministerial Council consists of the Ministers for Foreign Relations of the member States of the OSCE, among them being Moldova, the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Romania, all related to the issue, and is the Organization's core decision-making and regulatory body. This Council releases documents and declarations annually, with the Moldovan issue being consistently mentioned in the last decade.

TIMELINE OF EVENTS Date of Events Event

27 August 1991 The Moldovan Republic declares its independence

2 September 1991 Transnistria declares its independence

2 March 1992 The Republic of Moldova enters the United Nations

2 March 1992 Outbreak of the Transnistrian War

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19 June 1992 The battle of Bendery

21 July 1992 A ceasefire agreement between Moldova and Russia is achieved

1993 The OSCE establishes its mission to Moldova

November , OSCE mission is expanded

2002 The timeline given for Russia to withdraw all of its heavy weapons from the Transnistirian lapses and is not extended without complying with the specifications

Establishment of 'Law on Basic Provisions of the Special Legal 27 July 2005 Status of Localities of the Left Bank of Dniester'

2006 Transnistria holds a referendum related on its adjunct to Russia

2018 UN General Assembly resolution for the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the region

December 2020 Her Presidency Maia Sandu calls on remaining Russian forces to move away

PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS TO SOLVE THE ISSUE OSCE progress The OSCE’s first attempt to solve the issue comes with the Joint Control Commission between Moldova, Transnistria and Russia, established on July 21st, 1992, after the end of the civil war. It consisted of soldiers from the three states, with their mission being to ensure the establishment of the ceasefire. It succeeded in majority, as the armed conflict has not re-escalated since 1992.

In 1999, the OSCE Summit took place in Istanbul. Its decisions were based on the determination of Russia to withdraw its armed forces from Moldova and Georgia by 31 December 2002. The summit’s judgement was that Russia would not progress its commitments by the deadline meeting. The after all inability of Russia to reach the deadline, was of significant concern.

In February of 2011, the 5+2 talks were reintroduced in Vienna by Transnistria, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia and the OSCE, plus the US and the EU as foreign observers. Their goal was to work out the terms of a substantive resolution focused on the unity

PS-MUN Study Guide |Page 11 of 17 10th Platon School Model United Nations | 5th – 7th March 2021 and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova, with a separate status for Transnistria within Moldova, within its internationally recognised boundaries. The diplomatic mechanism has been working on the basis of an output-based strategy since the December 2016 OSCE Ministerial Declaration.

Agreements and actions between member states On October 21st 1994, Russia and Moldova came to the signing of an agreement that called for the withdrawal of the Russian troops within three years. Moldova criticized the document, as it set down the simultaneity of the withdrawal of the Russian Forces with granting Transnistria autonomous status. The agreement demanded its immediate ratification from Moldova, with Moldova not ratifying it by 1996. This led to the obsolation of the document.

The next involvement in the issue came with the Moscow Memorandum of 1997, known as the Primakov Memorandum. It was a regulating agreement between Moldova and Transnistria. In accordance with the final clause of the memorandum, relations between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria shall grow within the context of the joint state, within the boundaries of the Moldovan SSR. The memorandum also granted Transnistria the freedom to pursue international economic activity independently, although the terms of the memorandum în Chişinău and Tiraspol later had widely contrasting legal and political interpretations.

On July 27th, 2005, the 'Law on Basic Provisions of the Special Legal Status of Localities of the Left Bank of Dniester' was established. The Law was established on the basis of the decision to recognize part of Transnistria as an autonomous territorial entity within the Republic of Moldova, also mentioning that Transnistria will solve its legal, economic and cultural development as by itself.

On 17 September 2006, in Transnistria, a double referendum was held, with voters being asked whether the option of renouncing independence and union with Moldova or, instead, independence and potential future integration into the Russian Federation had been accepted. Ninety-seven percent of voters voted against the renunciation of Transnistria's independence and its eventual incorporation into Moldova, while 98 percent of voters favored the independence of the region and its likely future integration into Russia. However, before the referendum, pro-Moldovan groups had declared that they did not accept its conclusions.

The most important aspect of this issue comes with the Law Penalizing Criticism of the Russian Army, entering in force in Transnistria on June 27th, 2016. Its cause was punishing acts and political statements through mass media, informative and communicative networks, or the internet, condemning the Russian Army's peacekeeping mission in the Transnistrian Republic. The punishment for such action varied from 3 to 7 years, depending on the position of the person committing the crime.

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UN involvement Extensive talks were discussed upon when in June 2018, a resolution (document A/72/L.58) was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, calling on the Russian Federation to remove the OGRF from Moldova. While it was sponsored by the Moldovan government, President Igor Dodon condemned the resolution, arguing that the Russian intervention contributed to the "creation of conditions for a political process of negotiations"

Moldovan President’s policy Moldovan President-elect Maia Sandu proclaimed in 2020 that OGRF should withdraw from the Transnistria region, stating that "there are no bilateral agreements on the OGRF and on the weapons depots.” She also claimed that her stance would be that the "mission should be transformed into an OSCE civilian observer mission". Similar to the OSCE’s civilian observer mission in Ukraine, this would be an unarmed, civilian mission, present on the ground 24/7 in the Transnistrian region. Its main tasks would be to observe and report in an objective way on the situation; and to promote dialogue among all parties to the crisis.

In reaction, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov stated that Russia wanted the Chisinau authorities to remain constructive.

“Russia performs a very important function ... And of course, a change in some status quo, which is based on the spirit and letter of international law, could lead to serious destabilisation,” Peskov told the media in Moscow.

POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS Of all the post-Soviet separatist tensions, Transnistria has long been considered as the most "solvable." There is no racial animosity and the need to reintegrate Transnistria into Moldova is agreed in theory by most stakeholders. In anticipation of a settlement, the appointment of a new Transnistrian leader has lightened a spark. EU Involvement The commitment of Chancellor Angela Merkel to the topic as part of 's defense dialogue with Russia has also given rise to hopes of settling the conflict. A fast compromise based on a negotiated settlement with Russia, however, would almost definitely impair Moldova's absorption into the EU.

The EU should maintain high-level diplomatic pressure on Russia to extend the reach of the Moldova-Transnistria confidence-building steps, to change the peacekeeping agreements and to abolish military checkpoints from the Transnistrian region. Via joint

PS-MUN Study Guide |Page 13 of 17 10th Platon School Model United Nations | 5th – 7th March 2021 ventures, the EU should extend its relationship with the Transnistrian authorities and aim to link the region with EU-Moldova cooperation.

OSCE Possible Ideas In recent years, the OSCE mission, created in 1993, has come under constant fire from Moldovan civil society, as it has traditionally endorsed Moscow's policies, which were considered in Chişinău to be counter to the interests of Moldova. Since 2005, one suggestion on the agenda has been Moldova's plan to internationalize the Transnistrian peacekeeping force. Nonetheless, while others would prefer an OSCE mandate for such a mission, Chişinău cautiously appeals to a 'universal mandate,' aiming to win EU participation and avoid giving a significant role in the future to the debunked OSCE.

UNSC and UNGA intervention Under international law, Russia may theoretically face UN Security Council penalties. However, as a P5 member of the Security Council, Russia will veto any punishment directed at itself, so sanctions from the UN Security Council are not a choice.

Even though a resolution in the Security Council is not a feasible solution, a further reevaluation of the issue in the UNGA could result in a positive impact. However, the UNGA’s approach should be more active than the 2018 resolution, tackling the problems presented from the Russian Federation to withdraw its armaments.

Establishment of a pathway for withdrawal of OGRF and armaments Another solution could be for the UN to either provide the Russian forces a pathway from where they could be withdrawn without crossing through the Ukrainian borders, or to discuss the singing and ratification of a treaty between Russia and Ukraine to ensure the safe crossing of the OGRF and remaining armaments through the country.

Package of Eight The idea of the “package of eight” was firstly introduced in November 2017 as progress by the sides in the 5+2 talks in their meeting in Rome. A further discussion on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Moldova, as well as the withdrawal of the Russian forces from the Transnistrian territory, could be brought up in their upcoming meeting due to the importance of the status quo.

The liquidations of Cobasna’s ammunition Depots Lastly, a solution that could be projected is the liquidation of ammunition in the Transnistrian region. This would have to be an international project, with the involvement of the US and other European powers, as if the OSCE creates its own Cobasna ammunition initiative, Russia, which has the power of veto, must authorize it within the OSCE. One important parameter in this issue would be to block Russia from any attempts of bringing additional military personnel to Transnistria under the alleged reason that these troops would work on the armaments’ liquidation.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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“Trans-Dniester Profile - Overview.” BBC News, BBC, 13 Dec. 2016, www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18286268.

“The Transnistrian Conflict: A Destabilizing Status Quo?” Foreign Policy Research Institute, 11 July 2017, www.fpri.org/article/2017/07/transnistrian-conflict- destabilizing-status-quo/.

Popșoi, Mihai. “Former Transnistrian Leader Finds Refuge in Moldova Amid Growing Tension in the Region.” Jamestown, 12 July 2017, jamestown.org/program/former- transnistrian-leader-finds-refuge-moldova-amid-growing-tension-region/.

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Archives. “The Transnistrian Gambit: Russia in Moldova.” Harvard International Review, Harvard International Review, 23 Aug. 2019, hir.harvard.edu/the- transnistrian-gambit-russia-in-moldova/.

“OSCE Mission to Moldova.” OSCE, www.osce.org/mission-to-moldova.

Urse, Cristian. “Transnistria: Prospects for a Solution.” Transnistria: Prospects for a Solution | George C. Marshall European Center For Security Studies, www.marshallcenter.org/en/publications/occasional-papers/transnistria-prospects- solution.

“The 1999 OCSE Istanbul Summit Decisions on Moldova and Georgia: Prospects for Implementation.” Wilson Center, www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-1999-ocse- istanbul-summit-decisions-moldova-and-georgia-prospects-for-implementation.

“Managing Conflict in the Former Soviet Union.” Google, Google, books.google.gr/books?id=ArKtx7XsMHAC&printsec=frontcover&redir_esc=y#v=one page&q&f=false.

Necsutu, Madalin. “BIRN Fact-Check: What Must Be Done for Russian Forces to Leave Transnistria?” Balkan Insight, 22 Jan. 2021, balkaninsight.com/2021/01/22/birn-fact- check-what-must-be-done-for-russian-forces-to-leave-transnistria/.

Urse, Cristian. “Transnistria: Prospects for a Solution.” Transnistria: Prospects for a Solution | George C. Marshall European Center For Security Studies, www.marshallcenter.org/en/publications/occasional-papers/transnistria-prospects- solution.

“Looking for a Solution Under International Law for the Moldova – .” Opinio Juris, 17 Mar. 2020, opiniojuris.org/2020/03/17/looking-for-a- solution-under-international-law-for-the-moldova-transnistria-conflict/.

Transdnistria: 5+2 Negotiations - European Parliament. www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/d-md/dv/d- md_2011_11_10_13/d-md_2011_11_10_13en.pdf.

Policy.hu. www.policy.hu/npopescu/ipf%20info/IPF%201%20transnistria.pdf.

“Progress on 'Package of Eight' Will Advance Transdniestrian Settlement Process and Improve People's Lives, Says OSCE Special Representative.” OSCE, www.osce.org/chairmanship/307386.

PS-MUN Study Guide |Page 16 of 17 10th Platon School Model United Nations | 5th – 7th March 2021

“Commitment to Finalize All the Aspects of the ‘Package of Eight’ Makes This Year Historic for Chisinau and Tiraspol, Says OSCE Special Representative.” OSCE, www.osce.org/chairmanship/382879.

PS-MUN Study Guide |Page 17 of 17