State and Society in Medieval India (His2c03)

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STATE AND SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA (HIS2C03)

STUDY MATERIAL

II SEMESTER CORE COURSE

MA HISTORY (2019 Admission onwards)

UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION CALICUT UNIVERSITY- P.O MALAPPURAM- 673635, KERALA

190507

HIS2C03 : STATE AND SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

School of Distance Education

SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT

STUDY MATERIAL SECOND SEMESTER

MA HISTORY (2019 ADMISSION ONWARDS)

CORE COURSE:

HIS2C03: STATE AND SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

Prepared by:

Sri.Vivek. A. B Assistant Professor on Contract (History) School of Distance Education University of Calicut

Scrutinized By:

Sri.Majeed.P Guest Lecturer Department of History P S M O College, Thirurangadi

Layout: ‘H’ Section, SDE © Reserved

HIS2C03 : STATE AND SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA

CONTENTS

MODULE I Historiographical Understanding of the Medieval India…………. 4

MODULE II State and Economy in Medieval India……………………………... 46

MODULE III Religion and Social stratification in Medieval India……………… 94

MODULE IV Science Technology and Culture…………………………………. 108

3 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA

MODULE I

HISTORIOGRAPHICAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE MEDIEVAL INDIA

Introduction

Historiography is known as Ilm-al-tarikh in Arabic. As a responsible to the society, the account of all activities of human race is called history. Historians are always active with the collection of historical data, compilation of books, analysis of historical events, examine authenticity of the sources of history with his wide attitude noted that he is also a member of the society. A historian cannot deny his time, place and environment, own thinking, sense of morality in his writings. In fact, history is itself changing because of having many obstacles. But men always want to know actual events related to the human life. From the ancient time, this trend of the knowledge continued and, in this way, historiography is formed as an important part of knowledge and education.

The Ghurian conquest of north India towards the close of the twelfth century A.D. is an important event in Indian history. This is because an independent sultanate, founded in its wake, opened India to foreign influences on the one hand and led to the unification of the country under a strong centre on the other. It also attracted emigrants from the neighbouring countries who represented different cultural traditions. One of the traditions introduced by them was that of history writing. The historical literature produced by them in Persian language is of vast magnitude. As a matter of fact, the study of history was considered by the Muslim elite as the third important source of knowledge after the religious scripture and the jurisprudence. With the coming of the Mughals in the 16th century, the tradition of history writing achieved new heights. During the Mughal period, the state patronized writing of history and we have a large body of historical literature in Persian spread over two centuries. In this chapter, we will discuss only the tradition of history writing during the Sultanate period.

Muslim Historiography

In the early stage of Islam, in the beginning of 9th century Muslim scholars and historians considered historiography to be the third source of knowledge after the research of Quran and Sunnah. For this reason, after the collection and compilation of the Hadith of the prophet, they start writing of the history. It seems very interesting to me that the same tradition was followed to the collection, compilation and preservation of the Hadith of the prophet and the history of the primary age of Islam. This tradition was followed till 3rd century hijra (9th and 10th C.E). Since Arab historiography was mostly around with the description of the events and religious theme. In course of time, it was enlarged and enriched with the research of tribal, regional and national history. Also by the description of the world history, Arab historiography becomes a major part of the world historiography and it starts the glorious steps of the Muslims in the development of knowledge Standing on this, Arab historiography took its multi-formation not only discussion of the historical events but also fixed its relation to the cause and effects along with deeply analysed criticism attached with the history. In this way, the Muslim scholars developed historiography at the same time Arabic language was also developed because the state language was Arabic at that time and research work on historiography was continued naturally in Arabic.

4 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA In 1258 A.D, after the fall of Abbassids Khilafat, Ilkhani dynasty was established. With the Ilkhani dynasty, ‘Persi’ language became the state language and it was developed during the time of Ti- murids and Safavids. In this way, ‘Persi’ entered in Indian sub-continent by the change of political power around the world. When Turkish replaced Persians, historiography was also started in Turkish language. But, the research of historiography in Turkish language has not so far enriched. Turkish sultans also patronized the Persian language later and at that time, regional and dynastic history continued in Persian language. Though the Arab historiography follows the Persian trends in the research of historiography, there is something different in the Arab historiography. Main theme of the Persian historiography was the conduct occupation of the kings. In the Persian history, general people was totally absent or a little bit was seen in their historiography during Ilkhani period composed in Persian language “Jami-at-Tawarikh” by Rashid-ud-din. In this book, the author tries to follow the trends of At- Tabari’s writings but in his writings, the character of Arab historiography is totally absent in this write up. But, Rawatas- Safa composed by Mirkhand represents Arab trends and nature. During the Timurids period, the same trends ‘Tarikhi- Khani’ and ‘Jafarnama’ were composed. In these two books, Timurids dynastic history was arranged superbly. It is said that Muslim historiography was influenced later by the trends of Arab and Persian historiography. The Persian and Turkish carried on the central Asian trends of historiography towards Indian subcontinent

Historiography in Sultanate period

The early writings in Persian on the history of Turks who came to India are traceable to 12th Century. As far as Delhi Sultanate is concerned, we have a continuity of available texts in Persian till the end of the Sultanate (1526). Many of the authors were attached to the court as officials while a few were independent scholars not associated with any official position. In general, the available histories put forward the official version of events, rather than a critical evaluation of the policies and events. It is rare that one comes across any critical reference to the reigning Sultan. Even the style is also generally eulogizing or flattering to the Sultan under whose reign it is written.

In most cases, the authors borrowed freely from the earlier works to trace the earlier period. We have referred to the constraints faced by various scholars while discussing individual works. Apart from historical texts, a number of other Persian works are available for the period. Abdu’r Razzaq’s Matla’us Sa’dain (travelogue), Tutsi’s Siyasatnama (administration & polity), Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adabu’l-Harb wa’as- Shuja’at (warfare), are a few important ones. A few Arabic works are also available for the period. Ibn Battuta (Rihla) and Shihab-al Din al-Umari (Masalik al-absar Mamalik al-Ansar) have provided excellent travel accounts. Here we will study the historiography for the whole Sultanate period in separate subsections.

The Pioneers

The pioneer in history writing was Muhammad bin Mansur, also known as Fakhr-I Mudabbir. He migrated from Ghazna to Lahore during the later Ghaznavid period. In Lahore, he compiled Shajra- i-Ansab, the book of genealogies of the Prophet of Islam, his companions and the Muslim rulers, including the ancestors of Sultan Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam (commonly known as Sultan Shihabuddin Muhammad Ghuri). The compiler wanted to present it to the sultan but the latter’s as- sassination on his way from the Punjab to Ghazna in 1206, led him to append a separate portion as Muqidimma (Introduction) to it. This introduction narrates the life and military exploits of Qutbuddin Aibak since his appointment in India as Sipahsalar of Kuhram and Sunam in 1192 upto his accession

5 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA to the throne in Lahore in 1206. This is the first history of the Ghurian conquest and the foundation of an independent Sultanate in India.

It opens with the description of the noble qualities of Sultan Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam. But the credit of the conquest made in India is given to Qutbuddin Aibak. The Sultan is not mentioned as victor even in the details of the expeditions led by him. However, the details furnished by Fakhr- i Mudabbir about the conciliatory policy followed by Qutbuddin Aibak towards the Hindu chiefs even before his accession to the throne are interesting. Aibak set an example that inspired his successors. All the chiefs who submitted to Aibak’s authority were treated as friends.

No doubt, Fakhr-i Mudabbir composed the work in the hope of getting reward by eulogizing the reigning Sultan, nonetheless, the selection of historical material by him demonstrates the historical sense he possessed. Along with administrative reforms introduced by Aibak after his accession to the throne in Lahore, he also provides details of rituals that had symbolic significance. For instance, he is the first historian who informs us about the ceremony of public allegiance paid to the new Sultan on his accession to the throne in Lahore. He states that on Qutbuddin Aibak’s arrival from Delhi to Lahore in 1206, the entire population of Lahore came out to pay allegiance to him as their new Sultan. This ceremony, indeed, implied operational legitimacy for Sultan’s claim to authority. Equally important is the evidence about the administrative reforms introduced by Sultan Qutbuddin Aibak. He renewed land grants made to the deserving persons and fixed maintenance-allowance to others. The collection by the officers of illegal wealth accrued through peasants or forced labour were abolished. The compiler also informs us that the state extracted one-fifth of the agricultural produce as land revenue. In short, it is the first history of the Ghurian Conquest and Qutbuddin Aibak’s reign compiled in India. It was in view of its importance that in 1927, the English scholar, E. Denison Ross separated it from the manuscript of Shajra-i Ansab and published its critically edited text with his introduction (in English) under the title Tarikh-i Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah.

Another important work compiled by Mudbbir is the Adabu’l-Harb wa’as- Shuja’at, dedicated to Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish. It is written in the episodic form of historiography. It contains chapters on the duties of king, the functioning of state departments, war tactics, mode of warfare, war-horses, their treatment, etc. The compiler, in order to illustrate his point, has incorporated important events that occurred during the period. Most of them are related to historical events of the Ghaznavid period.

The second important history of the Ghurian conquest and the Sultanate is Tajul Ma’asir. Its author, Hasan Nizami migrated from Nishapur to India in search of fortune. He took abode in Delhi, some- time before Aibak’s accession to the throne. In Delhi, he set to compile the history of Qutbuddin Aibak’s achievements after his accession to the throne in 1206. The motive behind writing was to gain royal patronage. Being a literary genius and a master of the conceits of Arabic and Persian poetry, Hasan Nizami makes abundant use of metaphors, similes and rhetoric for the sake of literary ornamentation. The work abounds in unnecessary verbiage. Sans verbiage and unnecessary details, the historical material could be reduced to almost half of the book’s size without any loss of the content. As for his approach, he begins his narrative describing the vicissitude of time he went though in his hometown of Nishapur, his journey to Ghazna where he fell ill and then his migration to India. The preface is followed by the description of the second battle of Tarain (1192). No mention has been made of the first battle of Tarain in which Prithvi Raj Chauhan had defeated Sultan Muizuddin Mohammad bin Sam. However, from the year 1192

6 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA upto 1196 all the historical events are described in detail. Thereafter Hasan Nizami takes a long jump leaving off all the battles fought and conquests made by Qutbuddin Aibak till 1202 A.D. Probably the disturbances that broke out as a result of Aibak’s accidental death in 1210 disappointed the author who seems to have stopped writing.

Later on, when Iltutmish succeeded in consolidating his rule, he again decided to resume his work. This time he commenced his narrative from the year 1203 because Iltutmish, whom the work was to be presented, had become an important general and was, took part in all the campaigns led by Qut- buddin Aibak. No mention has been made by the Compiler of Aibak’s conquest of Badaun in 1197 and the occupation of Kanauj and Chandwar in 1198. It is, however, to be admitted that, in spite of all hyperbolic used in praise of Iltutmish, it is to the credit of the compiler that he was able to collect authentic information about every event that he describes in his work. Besides the gap, Hasan Nizami also fails to describe the friendly treatment meted out by Aibak to the local chiefs who submitted to his authority. His description is often very brief and at times merely symbolic. For example, when he refers to the Hindu Chiefs attending the Sultan’s court, he simply states, “the carpet of the auspicious court became the Kissing place of Rais of India”. It contains no biographical details of the nobles, though many of them were the architects of the Sultanate. All the manuscript copies of Tajul Ma’asir available in India and abroad come to a close with the capture to Lahore by Iltutmish in 1217 A.D.

The compilation by Minhaj Siraj Juzjani of his Tabaqat-i Nasiri was epoch making in the history of history writing. Minhaj Siraj Juzjani (hereafter mentioned as Minhaj) was also an emigrant scholar from Khorasan. His approach to the history of Islam and Muslim rulers from the early Islamic period upto his own time, the year 1259 A.D., seems to have been influenced by his professional training as a jurist and association with the rulers of central Asia and India. He belonged to a family of scholars who were associated with the courts of the Ghurid Sultans of Firozkuh and Ghazna. He himself served under different Ghurid Princes and nobles before his migration to India. In 1227, he came to India and joined the court of Nasiruddin Qubacha. He was appointed the head of the Firuzi Madrassa (government college) in Ucch, the Capital of Sultan Nasiruddin Qubacha. In 1228, he joined the service of Sultan Iltutmish after Qubacha’s power had been destroyed and his territories of Sind and Multan were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate. He served as Qazi (Judicial officer) of Gwalior under Iltutmish. Sultan Razia (1236-40) summoned him to Delhi and appointed him the head of Madrassa- i Nasiri in Delhi. Later on, he rose to the position of the Chief Qazi of the Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud. It was during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud that he decided to write the history of Islam upto his own time. In an attempt to distinguish his work from those of Fakhr-I Mudabbir and Hasan Nizami, Minhaj adopted the Tabaqat System of history writing.

The first two writers had produced their works in unitary form, in which each reign was treated as a unit. In the Tabaqat form, each dynasty of rulers is presented in a separate tabaqa (i.e. section) and was brought to completion in 1259. The last five sections are very important from the point of view of history. In these we find valuable information about the rise and fall of the ruling dynasties of central Asia, Persia, India and the Mongol irruption under Chingis Khan. Undoubtedly, Minhaj is our earliest and best authority on the ruling house of Ghur. His account of the rulers of Ghur is characterized by objectivity in approach. Likewise, the section devoted to the history of the Khwarizm shahi dynasty and rise of Mongol power under Chingis Khan and his immediate successors supply information, not available in the works of Ata Malik Juvaini and Rahiduddin Fazlullah who wrote under the patronage of the Mongol princes. Minhaj’s purpose was to supply the curious readers of the Delhi Sultanate with authentic information about the victory of the Mongols over the

7 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Muslim rulers and the destruction of Muslim cities and towns. He drew on a number of sources, including the immigrants and merchants who had trade relations with the Mongol rulers. Moreover, before his migration to India, he had first-hand experience of fighting against the Mongols in Khura- san. Therefore, the last tabaqa of the work is considered by modern scholars invaluable for its treat- ments of the rise of Mongol power and the dissolution of the Mongol Empire in 1259 after the death of Emperor Monge Qaan.

The sections (tabaqat) twentieth and twenty-first devoted to India, describe the history of the Sultans from Aibak to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah and careers of the leading nobles of Iltutmish respectively. In both the sections, he displays his ability to convey critical information on issues. Con- scious of his duty as a historian, he invented the method of ‘conveying intimation’ on camouflaging the critics of the reigning Sultan or his father either by giving hints in a subtle way or writing between the lines. As Sultan Iltutmish could not be criticized directly because his son, Nasiruddin Mahmud happened to be the reigning Sultan, Minhaj builds Iltutmish’s criticism through highlighting the noble qualities of Iltumish’s rivals Sultan Ghayasuddin Iwaz Khalji of Bihar and Bengal or Sultan Na- sirudin Qubacha of Sind and Multan. Likewise, he also hints at policy of getting rid of certain nobles. Praising Malik Saifuddin Aibak, he says that being a God-fearing Musalman, the noble detested the work of seizing the assets from the children of the nobles killed or assassinated by the order of the Sultan. It is really Minhaj’s sense of history that led Ziauddin Barani to pay him homage. Barani thought it presumptions to writing on the period covered in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri. He rather preferred to begin his account from the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban.

The Fourteenth Century Historiography

Many scholars seem to have written the 14th century histories of the Khalji and the Tughlaq Sultans. Ziauddin Barani mentions the official history of Sultan Alauddian Khalji’s reign by Kabiruddin, son of Tajuddin Iraqi but it is now extant. Amir Khusrau also compiled the Khazainul Futuh, devoted to the achievements of Alauddin Khalji. Khusrau also composed five historical masnavis (poems) in each of which historical events are described (in verse). It may, however, be recalled that neither Ziauddin Barani nor modern scholar, Peter Hardy regards Khusrau as a historian. They consider Khusrau’s works as literary pieces rather than a historical work. Of the surviving 14th century works, Isami’s Futuh us Salatin(1350), Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi(1357), anonymous Sirat-I- Firuzshahi (1370-71) and Shams Siraj Afif’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi (c.1400) are important historical works. A few of these 14th century historical works need to be analysed separately.

Isami’s Narrative

The Futuh-us Salatin of Isami is a versified history of the Muslim rulers of India. It begins with the account of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna’s reign (999-1030 A.D.) and comes to a close with that of the foundation of the Bahmani Sultanate in the Deccan by Alauddin Bahaman Shah, a rebel against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, in 1350. Though much is not known about the author, yet it may be added that his ancestors served the Delhi court since the time of Sultan Iltutmish. Ziauddin Barani includes one of the Isami family in the list of the leading nobles of Sultan Balban. Isami, himself was brought up by his grandfather, Izuddin Isami, a retired noble. he was still in his teens when his family was forcibly shifted to Daulatabad in 1327. His grandfather died on the way and the young Isami was filled with hatred against Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. The hostility towards Sultan Mohammad Tughluq is quite evident in his account and needs to be treated with caution.

8 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The early part of Isami’s narrative is based on popular legends and oral traditions which had reached to him through the time. His account of the early Sultans of India is also based on popular tales with historical facts available to him through earlier works. But the details of historical events from the reign of Sultan Alauddin Khalji are much more authentic and can be of corroborative and supple- mentary importance. In this part Isami supplements the information contained in Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi about the siege operations conducted by the military commanders of the Delhi Sultanate in different regions during the Khalji and the Tughluq period. Isami’s description of the foundation of Daulatabad by Muhammad bin Tughluq as the second most important city and his account of socio-economic growth of Delhi under Alauddin Khalji and other cities is graphic and insightful. Barani has precedence on Isami only in his analysis of cause and effect, connected with historical events.

Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi

Barani is, no doubt, the doyen of the Indo-Persian historians of medieval India. Born in an aristocratic family and associated with the royal court of Delhi for generations, he was obviously concerned with the fate of the Delhi Sultanate. He seems to have believed that it was his duty to present through his Tarikh-i Furuzshahi an intellectual composition for the enlightenment of the ruling elite of his times.

Barani’s Tarikh begins with the accession of Sultan Balban to the throne of Delhi in 1266 and comes to a close with the account of first six years of Sultan Firuzshah Tughluq’s reign, i.e. the year 1356. Barani’s Tarikh is unique to the Persian history writing tradition prevalent till his times. It is for the first time that he tries to analyse the cause and effect of the events and developments taking place in polity and economy. In his account of the economic policies and measures of Alauddin Khalji he provides an analysis with causes and formulation of the policies and their impacts. Barani also elab- orates the purpose of writing history in explicit terms :‘The mean, the ignoble, the rude, the uncouth, the lowly, the base, the obscure, the vile, the destitute, the wretched, the low-born and the men of the marketplace, can have no connection or business with History ; nor can its pursuit be their profession. The above-mentioned classes can derive no profit at all by learning the science of History, and it can be of no use to them at any time; for the science of History consists of (the account of) greatness and the description of merits and virtues and glories of the great men of the Faith and State… The (Pursuit of the) science of History is (indeed) the special preserve of the nobles and the distinguished, the great men and the sons of great men.’

Barani also declares that the job of the historian is not only to eulogise the deeds and good works of the rulers but also to present to readers a critical account of the shortcomings and drawbacks of policies. Moreover, the scope of history is considerably widened by Barani with the inclusion of details about the cultural role performed by intellectuals, scholars, poets, and saints. Barani’s style of history writing inspired the historians of the subsequent period, many of whom tried to follow his ideas.

Late Fourteenth Century Histories

Other major works of history from the second half of the 14th century are the anonymous Sirat-i Firuzshahi, Futuhat-i Firuzshahi, composed by the Sultan Firuz Tughluq himself and Shams Siraf Aifif’s Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi.. The rare manuscript copy of the Sirat-I Firuzshahi, available in the Khuda Bakhsh library, Patna, does not contain the name of its author. It reads as an official history of Firuz Shah’s reign up to the years 1370-71. It contains, besides the details of military and hunting

9 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA expeditions led by Sultan Firuz hah, interesting information about religious sects, sufis, ulema, socio- ethical matters, science and technology such as astronomy, medicines, pharmacology, etc. It is really a compendium of many-sided activities, accomplishments and contribution made by the Sultan to the works of public utility. The construction of canals and water reservoirs, the foundation of the new cities with forts and repair of old monuments are described in detail.

Futuhat-i Firuzshahi was originally an inscription fixed on the wall of the Jama Mosque of Firuzshah’s capital. Later on, it was copied and preserved in the form of a book. Through this, the Sultan wanted to disseminate to general public about reforms and projects he undertook for public welfare. Shams Siraj Afif, another historian of the period seems to have served the Sultan during the last years of Firuzshah’s reign. He tells us that his great grandfather, Malik Shihab Afif worked as revenue officer in the province of Dipalpur under Ghazi Malik during the reign of Ala-Uddin Khalji. His father and uncle supervised the management of Firuzshah’s karkhanas. As Chaos and anarchy began to prevail after the death of Firuzshah (1388), he seems to have retired and devoted himself to writing the history of the Sultanate from the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Shah (1320-1324). He refers to many volumes of his works, each devoted to the reigns of the individual Sultans. Of these only one, devoted to the reign of Firuzshah has survived the ravages of time. It seems to have been completed after the sack of Delhi by Timur in 1398. This work of his is full of nostalgia and portrays Firuzshah as a saintly ruler whose presence on the throne saved Delhi from every calamity. Because of this reason, he has written this volume in the form of manaquib (collection of virtues) like that of the spiritual biography of a saint. The name Tarikh-I Firuzshahi has been given to it by the editors of the Text.

The book is divided into five qism (parts) each containing eighteen muqaddimas (chapters) of une- qual length. The last (fifth) qism of the printed text comes to an end with the fifteenth chapter. The last three chapters seem to have been destroyed by the Mughal Emperors probably because they contained vivid details of the sack of Delhi by Timur, the ancestor of Babur. This volume of Afif is important for the information about socioeconomic life and prosperity that resulted from the state- policies followed by Firuzshah. The details about the foundation of new urban centers, construction of canals, water reservoirs and the administrative reforms are invaluable. Similarly, mention made by him of the agrarian reforms introduced by Firuzshah casts light on his interest in revenue matters. It may also be pointed out that Afif does not fail to mention the abuses and corruption that had crept in the administration; and says that officials in every ministry became corrupt. In the diwan-i arz (military department) the officials took one tanka per horse as bribe from the horseman at the time of annual muster. He also provides us with hints about the degeneration of the central army that was considered the best fighting force which could successfully defend the frontier against the Mongol invaders. On the whole it is, an important source of information about the life and culture in the Sultanate of Delhi during the later half of the fourteenth century.

After the dissolution of the Delhi Sultanate, a number of regional Sultanates and principalities arose. The capitals of these regional Sultanates replaced Delhi as the main centre of learning and culture. Khizr Khan (Saiyid) the founder of a new dynasty seized Delhi, which was reduced to the size of a town. Khizr Khan (ruled from 1414 to 1421) and his son and successor, Sultan Mubarkshah (1421- 1434) tried to rebuild the power of the Delhi Sultan but could not succeed. His own nobles assassinated the latter in the prime of his life. One of his officials Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi, composed the history of the Sultanate and named it after the Sultan as Tarikh-I Mubarakshahi in 1434. It begins with an account of Sultan Muizuddin Mohammed bin Sam, who led the Ghurian conquest of India and the account closes with the accession of Mohammad Shah in 1434. The compiler seems to have

10 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA drawn information from a number of histories written in India at different times. Some of the sources utilized by Yahya are now extant but bits of information on them survived through information collected and incorporated in the Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi. It enhances its importance. The historian of Akbar’s reign utilised the Tarikh in the preparation of their volumes devoted to the history of the Delhi Sultanate.

The Fifteenth Century Histories

In the fifteenth century a number of historical accounts were compiled about individual kingdoms and were dedicated to the regional rulers. Shihab Hakim compiled the history of Malwa and named if after Sultan Mohammed Khalji as Maasir-i Mahmudshah. Abdul Husain Tuni, emigrant scholar from Iran who had settled in Ahmadabad (Gujarat) wrote Maasir-i Mahmudshahi during the reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah Begara. Both the works are extant. Another worth-mentioning history is the Tarikh-i Muhammadi, compiled by Muhammad Bihamad Khani, resident of Kalpi. It is written in the Tabaqat form beginning with the rise of Islam in Arabia. It is a summary of the Tabaqat-i Nasiri, Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi and similar other works to cover history of Firuzshah and his successors. But his account of the rise of Kalpi as a centre of culture and learning under the fostering care of its Sultans is original. He narrates the circumstances in which Mahmud Khan Turk founded the princi- pality of Kalpi and assumed the title of Sultan after the return of Timur in 1398. The information about the nature of relationship between the Sultans of Kalpi, Jaunpur and Malwa is also of historical interest.

Trends and Nature of Historiography in India during Sultanate period

In the ancient India, there were no fixed and specific methods that were followed regarding the preservation and compilation of the historical events. Moreover, it was preserved through oral system. This system helps preserve religious rules and regulations, restrictions and others social rules. But it is not sufficient or enough to establish a permanent system of the preservation of all historical data and events especially the events related to the dynastic rule of India. At that time, the scope of the historical analysis was also very limited. So, we can say that, before the Muslim rule in India, historiography was totally absent. During Muslim rule in India, historians wrote analysis and criticism of political parties, rulers, government, administration and other organs of the country and In- dian historiography, on the basis of research methodology, authenticity and inquisitiveness could not reach to the similar position with the western. In fact, there are separate attitudes and thoughts among the two parts of the historians of east and west.

For the first time, Muslim historians started their historical research by removing this difference between the East and the West. In the composition of” Tabakat- e- Firojsahi”, “Tabakat-e-Akbari” Muslim historians follows the modern methods and systems. Based on this, we can say that the Mus- lim historians were well versed of the modern historiography elements and sources. In the Sultanate period, (1206-1526 A.D) their royal court was filled up with the presence of Historians, Writers, Philosophers, Thinkers, Politicians, Orators, Poets and other scholars of the time. In this time, Indian historians did not fully follow Arabs and Persians, but they introduced a new trend in their research in accordance with Indian local perspective and reality of the time. In all regional historiographical write-ups, we see this tradition was followed seriously.

11 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Muslim conquerors conveyed the traditional historiography and cultural heritage of Arab, Turkish and Persian towards Indian sub-continent. The Indian Muslim historian’s writings were almost similar with the writings of the outside of India by the Muslim writers on the basis of the planning through objectives of the events and also in the decoration of language. For this reason, the culture of Hindu and their social life are rare in the write-ups of the Muslim historians of India. The reflection of the conservative mentality and social attitude was inactive in the Muslim historiography of India. Hasan Nizami is one of the famous writers among the historians of early Sultanat period. In his “Taj- ul-Maa’sir”, history from 1st ‘war of Tarain’ of 1191 A.D to the of Sultan Iltutmish’s time till 1229 A.D was placed. Hasan Nizami presents some pictures of the society and culture with the political history of that mentioned period in his book.

In this book, he discussed the various types of war weapon, musical instruments, ornaments, dresses and other household managements of that time. This discussion reflected the society and culture of the people of India during the early sultanate period. This book is so important in bringing forward the history of establishment of the Muslim rule in India and social life of the Indian people of that time. It is an authentic book regarding the Muslim history of India. Historian Minhaj-e-Siraj (1189- 1260 A.D) composed his renowned book Tabakat-e-Nasiri. For the first time, he came to Sind from ‘Ghur’ of central Asia and later, he was patronized by Mamluk Sultan Sams-ud-din Iltutmish in Delhi. He also held various royal post during the period of Sultana Razia, Bahram Sah, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud and Sultan Gias-ud-din Balbon of Delhi. He also served as a principle of ‘Delhi Nasiria collage’ and kazi of Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi. Minhaj-e-Siraj dedicated this historical book in the name of Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud. This book gave clear and authentic information on the establishment of the sultanate period of Delhi and its stability. But it is said that he ignored or hidden weak points of the Delhi sultans because of their favor to him. The sources of his historical data were so authentic and in somewhere he précised in description of the historical events. In this book, social and religious information of that period was totally absent. Here, the writer only placed military expeditions and conquest of various countries. The method of this book was also conservative and it is probed that, social and religious attitude of the Delhi sultans was fully reflected in the writings of Minhaj-e-Siraj.

In India, the write-ups of Islamic history started traditionally by following the trends of other Muslim writers, but some historians ameliorated it later. Amir Khosru (1253-1325 A.D) was a prominent figure among of them.

Jia-ud-din Barani was another prominent figure in Indian historiography. In his book, Tarikh-e-firojsahi, he wrote history of the period of nine Delhi sultans from sultan Balban to sultan Firoj sah Tughlok. In this book, besides political events, the writer combined the description of social, cultural and religious history of that time. He completed this book by the patronization of sultan Firoj sah Tughlok of Delhi at 1357 A.D and dedicated it to sultan Firoj sah Tughlok. In his view, a historian must be impartial, truthful and out of emotion in his writings. He also believed that if writings of incompetent and lower-class writers includes as history, history will lose its importance and values. Jia-ud-din barani is considered to be the first scientific history writer among the Indian historians.

Sams siraj Afif described the history of the period of sultan Firoj sah Tughlok in his book Tarikh-e- firojsahi. He placed Sultan Firoj Shah Tughlak as the greatest ruler of Delhi. He analyzed all steps of Sultan Firoj in perspective of religious view and praised his all activities. Afif considered Sultan Firoj Shah Tughlok as a seal among the Delhi sultans like Prophet Muhammad is the seal among all the Prophets of Allah. So, Tarikh-e-Firojsahi is considered as a ‘Manakir’ book of sultan Firoj Shah

12 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Tughlak. Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi includes the successive history of Muslim rule in India from the period of Muhammad bin Sum (Muhammad Ghuri) to his own period that means from 1192 A.D to 1434 A.D. This book is merely a source to know the history of Syyed Dynasty of India. Sirhindi considered history as the activities of human being.

Al-Biruni (973-1039A.D)

Al-Biruni’s full name was Abu-Rayhan Mohammad. He passed his youth on the banks is of the river Oxus in the city of Khwarizm (Khiva) situated in the Republic of Uzbaikistan.

The prince and ruler of Khwarizm professed ardent zeal for science and arts, and encouraged scholars like Al-Biruni to study the various branches of knowledge and inspired people to travel different parts of the world. Al-Biruni, through his dedication and vast knowledge, achieved great scholarship in philosophy, religion, mathematics, chronology, medicine, and various languages and literatures. He was a man endowed with creative genius, sagacity, wisdom, sincerity, and commitment to induc- tive reasoning. His humour, courage, enterprise, objectivity, honesty, prodigious industry and intellectual skills were unprecedented.

Early Career

Al-Biruni was one of those prodigious minds at work in the medieval world whose creative, versatile, scientific, and international outlook, coupled with universality of thought, amaze the modern world. He was free from dogmatic conservatism as well as emotional bondages. This helped him to remain free from prejudices.

He was more of a synthesizer than a dogmatic scholar, a keen observer of comparative studies par excellence. Al-Biruni’s position as a scientist and scholar may be appreciated from the fact that the eleventh century has been regarded as the ‘Age of Al-Biruni’.

According to some historians, Al-Biruni was born on 4th September, 973 A.D. (3rd of Dhul-haj, 362 A.H.). His father and mother expired at an early age. Although a Tajik by race, he was Persian by culture. There is a strong controversy about the birth of Abu-Rayhan. It revolves round the identification, interpretation and meaning of the word ‘Biruni’, a part of Abu-Rayhan’s name. Is Biruni a city? Where was it situated? Or is Biruni a suburb of Khwarizm (Khiva)? Or does it denote one who was born in Khwarizm or one who lived outside the city of Khwarizm? This confusion has led some later authorities to find a logical explanation for this term. According to Samani’s Kitab-al-Ansab, the people of Khwarizm called foreigners Beruni (Biruni) in Persian and for this reason Abu-Rayhan was called Al-Biruni. The well-known historian, Yaqut, has opined that perhaps Biruni meant one who lived outside the city or in the countryside. Except Abu-Rayhan, no other person was given this appellation which means that it was not in general use.

Abu-Rayhan’s stay in Khwarizm was also not short for his first 23 years were spent in that region under Al-i-Iraqi, and a further period of 8-10 years under the Ma’munids. In all he spent nearly 30 years in Khwarizm.

Moreover, he was born in the suburb of Kath-a town in the region of Khwarizm. His other contem- poraries like Ibn-Sina stayed for far shorter period in Khwarizm but none was ever styled Al-Biruni,

13 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA even though Ibn-Sina was a Persian by origin. The use of Al-Biruni with the name of Abu-Rayhan, therefore, appears to refer to his birthplace, a town or a suburb settlement of Khwarizm.

Unfortunately, Abu-Rayhan has not left behind any autobiographical account. There are some scanty references in his writings but these do not throw light on his education and early life. One may pre- sume that he received the traditional Maktab and Madarasah education. Al-Biruni was a great scholar and possessed encyclopedic mind. He was always in search of new knowledge. Alberuni and Differ- ent Branches of Learning

He was a liberal and profoundly interested in science. In his age orthodox reaction had already set in and Abu-Rayhan was wary of being accused of heresy while writing al-Hind. Abu-Rayhan, born with a great analytical mind and keen comprehension, was irresistibly drawn to the study of mathematics. Travelling was always regarded as a part of education in Islam.

But, by the 11th century, numerous rich libraries established by rulers had greatly reduced the need to travel to distant places for acquiring knowledge. However, when Abu-Rayhan wanted to study Indian sciences, he had to travel, visit, and use all the means at his disposal to have access to the scattered sources in Western India.

The most noteworthy trait in Abu-Rayhan’s character was his insatiable thirst for knowledge. Like a thirsty man he returned again and again to the fountain of knowledge. Even when his life was ebbing out he would not let the scarce minutes go by uselessly. Very little is known about the family of Al- Biruni. Probably, he had no children and this partly explains his polarized devotion throughout his life. Free from the burden of parenthood he lavished almost parental love on his studies and books.

He studied the Greek books through Arabic translation. He was versed in Persian, Turkish, Syriac and Sanskrit. He was familiar with the Roman language of the Byzantine Empire. He had friendly contacts with Syriac and Christian intellectuals. He was acquainted with the Arabic translation of Indian works. Subsequently, when political developments brought him into contact with the Hindus of the subcontinent, he made full use of this opportunity. He learned Sanskrit when he had already completed 45 years of age. He commanded a vocabulary of nearly 2,500 Sanskrit words.

The facility with which he discusses and explains Indian doctrines shows his full command over the subject. His proficiency in Sanskrit literature is also corroborated by the fact that he was able, while delving into the nature of God, to clearly explain the foundations of the Advaita School. He distin- guishes between the beliefs of the educated Hindus and the common people. It is clear from his works that he made astronomical observations in the cities of Ghazna, Kabul, Lamghan, Peshwar, and Mul- tan. He was a witness to the Muslim conquest of the city of Nagarkot situated at the foot of the Himalayas. This city was famous for an ancient Hindu (idol) temple. Probably, he accompanied the soldiers of Mahmud, up to Mathura and Kanauj on the banks of the Jamuna and the Ganga, respectively. He died at Ghazna in the year 430 A.H. (1039).

The prolific writer, Al-Biruni, has written a number of books and has dwelt upon a great variety of subjects. Among the main works of Al-Biruni include Kitab-al-Hind, Al-Qanun-al Masudi (The Canon of King Masud), Vestige of the Past Athar-al-Bagiya, Tarikhul-Hind, Kitab-al-Jamakir, and Kitab-al-Saydna. He translated from Sanskrit into Arabic the original title of Patanjali which contains valuable information on India and China. He wrote 27 books on geography, four each on cartography, geodesy, and climatology, and the remaining seven books on comets, meteors and surveying. Al-

14 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Biruni’s academic interests and activities encompassed a wide variety of subjects, ranging from ab- stract theories of philosophy to the practical sciences of mathematics, geography, geology, physics, astronomy and medicine. His main field of study, however, was astronomy.

Al-Biruni’s age was characterized by orthodox reaction. There were people who regarded astronomy as heresy. This prejudice was similar to people’s opposition to logic on the plea that its terminology belonged to pagan Greek literature and language, although the adoption of Greek terms was mainly the fault of the translators. In much the same way, there were people who ignored geography as something without any utility, though the Holy Quran is full of episodes of travels and adventures, e.g., Prophet Abraham’s journey from Ur, Moses’ journey from Egypt and the hijrah of the Prophet of Islam (peace be on him).

After analyzing these unscientific tendencies, Al-Biruni produced convincing arguments for establishing the claims of physical sciences. He reminded the opponents of astronomy that God asks people to contemplate on the marvels of the earth and heavens, believing that all the phenomena of nature reveal truth of the highest import.

He provided illustrations of the daily use of mathematical and astronomical knowledge. This knowledge helped in ascertaining the influences of the sun and the noon in the form of what we know as the seasons and tides. Knowledge of stars and their positions is of considerable help in setting directions during travels and journeys. Similarly, it is very helpful in ascertaining the correct directions of qiblah and the timings of prayers and the latitudes and longitudes of cities. In this way, astronomy was shown by him to be a useful, functional and applied science and in conformity with the injunctions of Islam.

As astronomy is interrelated with a number of other sciences such as cosmogony, mathematics, and geography, Al-Biruni’s magnum opus, the Qanun-al-Masudi is modelled on the pattern of the Alma- gast of Ptolemy. His astronomical theories are of significant bearing and, therefore, have been discussed hereunder.

Al-Biruni considered the universe to be situated on the outermost surface of a limited sphere. A detailed study of the origin of the universe was made by Al-Biruni in his book al-Tahdid. The geocentric and heliocentric controversy engaged the mind of Al-Biruni. Some modern scholars have criticized him for accepting the geocentric theory. However, in that age when telescope and modern precision instruments were lacking, it was difficult to arrive at any definite conclusion. He was not ready to accept the heliocentric theory without definite scientific evidence. Until an alternative theory was conclusively proved, it was but logical to believe and accept the older theory or explanation. Al- Biruni wrote a separate book, Kitab-al-Tatbiq ft Tahqiq, Harkatah al Shams on the movement of the sun.

After discussing the basic problems relating to the sphericity of the skies and the earth, the geocentric theory, the nature of the eastern and western notions of the heavens, Al-Biruni goes on to define the imaginary circles and signs so often referred to in astronomy and geography, i.e., the poles, the equator, longitudes and latitudes, obliquity and the signs of the zodiac.

He devoted special attention to the study of time and dates. He studied the calendars of different nations. He also inquired about the differences in the time of day and night in different regions and the continued long day at the poles. The problem of finding the correct timings of prayers led him to

15 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA conduct research over a long period beginning with the writing of the Chronology to Qanun al-Ma- sudi. He wrote a book (Risalah) about day and night which also proved the duration of a six-month day at the poles. He also compiled a small treatise on the Indian determining division of time.

About the sun, he asserted that it is a fiery body for the solar eruption which is noticeable during the total eclipses. Al-Biruni believed in the geocentric theory and regarded the sun as moving round the earth.

Al-Biruni had his reservations about Ptolemy’s view that the distance of the sun from the earth was 286 times the latter’s circumference. He, however, found the sun immeasurable with the instruments of that age and its distance remained an object for conjecture.

In his monumental book, Qanun-al-Masudi, he presented a masterly exposition of both the solar and lunar eclipses. He described the obliquity of the eclipse as the angle formed by the intersection of the celestial equator and the ecliptic. Earlier, the Greek, Indian and Chinese astronomers found it to be 24° 51′ 20″. Al-Biruni himself took measurements at Khwarizm and Ghazna and found the figure to be 23° 35′ which is very close to the actual obliquity. He also discussed the reasons and timings of dawn and twilight. He found that twilight (morning and evening) occurs when the sun is 18° below the horizon. Modern researches have confirmed Al-Biruni’s findings.

About the moon, he asserted that it does not move in a perfect circle. Its maximum and minimum distances differ appreciably. It changes its path and is variable. Al-Biruni stated that the moon returned to its former position in relation to fixed stars but minute differences occur and accumulate. He discussed the lunar month on a synodic basis, i.e., by referring to its position, and return to it, in relation to the sun.

Al-Biruni measured the longest and the shortest distance of the moon and the earth. These were 63° 32′ 40″ and 31° 55′ 55″ of the earth’s diameter. However, he was not sure of the diameter of the moon. In this matter, he followed Ptolemy and accepted his value of the moon’s diameter as 31′ 20″ of the earth’s diameter. Here again, his scientific insight led him to choose the correct figure, for Ptolemy’s value is nearer to the modern value of 31′ 17″.

About the tides, he opined that the increase and decrease in the height of the ebbs and tides occurred on the basis of changes in the phases of the moon. He gave a very vivid description of the tides at Somnath and traced the latter’s etymology to the moon.

About the stars, he was of the view that it was practically impossible to determine the number of heavenly bodies (stars) even in a small portion of the sky. He was also aware of the limitations of the instruments of his age. Among the ancient astronomers, Hipparchus was the first to catalogue 850 stars. Ptolemy also worked on this basis. Al-Biruni adopted the Greek nomenclature of 48 figures and 12 constellations arranged on a belt.

He rejected Aristotle’s contention that the ‘Milky Way’ was under the sphere of planets and correctly estimated it to belong to the highest sphere of the stars. He also attacked Aristotle for believing that stars cause injury to eyesight and are responsible for sorrow and misfortune. This shows that he was basically rational in approach and did not attach any superstition to natural phenomena. He thought these stars moved to the east on a central axis and parallel to the zodiac.

16 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA He believed that as there was no way to find out the parallel of the fixed stars it was impossible to determine their distance and magnitude. The Greeks thought that the stellar sphere was next to the most distant planet. Ptolemy regarded the distance as 19,666 times the earth’s radius. Mars was accepted as one and a half times the sun’s diameter. Al-Biruni used Indian figures about the distance and magnitude of the stars.

Regarding the planets, Al-Biruni followed Ptolemy taking his works to be the most authentic and correct. From the earth towards the stars, the planets were arranged by him in the following ascending order: Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn.

Al-Biruni was of the view that the Greeks were more exact in their sciences and observations. The Indians, however, were better equipped in solar and lunar studies and the eclipses. What he basically aimed at was the exposition of the scientific method backed by firm belief in natural laws. He insisted upon continuous observation, collection of reliable data and successful application of all these principles.

Though, Al-Biruni dedicated himself only to astronomy, yet he excelled in mathematics also. In that age, mathematics consisted of arithmetic, geometry, physics and music. Algebra was added to this only after the age of Al-Khwarizm. While Al-Biruni excelled in geometry and arithmetic, he possessed considerable knowledge of algebra too.

He was also interested in physics, though he had no interest in music. In his book, Kitab-al-Hind, he discussed Indian beliefs, Hindu literature, grammar, metre, chess, etc., but totally ignored Indian music. Besides having expertise in spherical trigonometry, Al-Biruni was an adept in Indian arithmetic. He wrote Rashikat-al-Hind (The Zodiac in India). He was also familiar with the different methods of arithmetic propounded by Brahma-Siddhanta.

Al-Biruni had special interest in geomorphology and paleontology. He compared the different fossils discovered in the plains of Arabia, Jurjan and Khwarizm along the Caspian Sea. His studies pointed to the existence of sea at these places in some bygone age while history possessed no such record. According to him, the Indo-Gangetic plain was formed by the silt brought by the rivers.

He also discussed the occurrence of floods and springs. His study of the changes in the course of rivers of Jurjaniyah and Balkh and Oxus shows his deep insight in geomorphological processes. He found that the course of the Oxus had undergone a change since the days of Ptolemy-a period of 800 years and he also explained how the life of the people living in the region had been affected by these changes.

He correctly estimated the known habitable world as greater in length, i.e., from China in the east to Morocco and Spain in the west. The seas limited the inhabitable world. The known world was divided into age-old seven-fold divisions of seven aqalim.

Al-Biruni also had an accurate idea of the different bays, gulfs and smaller seas. He referred to the Ice Sea in the north-east of Europe and in the west of Tangier and Spain. He also mentioned the Sea of Warang (Norsemen), i.e., probably the Baltic. In the south of Europe, he was aware of the presence of a sea in the form of gulfs up to Sicily and Bulgaria (Mediterranean Sea). The Indian Ocean, he mentioned as being pricked by islands and felt that it met the oceans in the east and possibly below Africa in the west. The Indian Ocean also had its links with the Klymsa Sea (Red Sea) and with the

17 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Persian Gulf. He referred to the seas of China and mentioned the fact that in the east the seas were named after the islands or the countries.

The great geographer was also aware of the huge mountain range known in India as Himavant (the Himalayas) which spread across the length of the known world like a spinal column.

He also mentioned the Warangs and their predatory habits. There was mineral industry in North Europe. He referred to the Sawaras, Bulgars, Russians, Slavs and Azovs in the west and to the country of Frank and Galicia, situated beyond the Roman Empire at the western arm of Europe.

Regarding Africa, he was convinced that it lay and extended far into the south. He referred to the ‘Mountain of Moon’ situated near the equator which was the source of the Nile River. He analyzed the causes of floods in the Nile and attributed them to the heavy rains in the upper reaches of the Nile. Al-Biruni’s knowledge of Asia was quite extensive and fairly accurate. In his opinion, the Great Central Mountain (the Himalayas) was the source of most of the perennial rivers of Asia. He provided detailed information about the land of the Turks, identified in the Augarer River, and about the region of the Baikal Lake in Eastern Siberia.

He wrote extensively and accurately about the geography of India. His estimate of India’s extent from the forts of lower Kashmir to the Deccan Peninsula is amazingly close to the real dimensions of the subcontinent. He had a definite idea of its peninsular form. The mountains of Himavant and Meru (Pamir) surrounded it in the north. He said that the Eastern and Western Ghats controlled the distribution of rainfall in peninsular India. He provided detailed information about the sources of rivers. However, excepting the Indus, his information about the other rivers is limited to the location of their sources, based on hearsay and the knowledge derived from ancient books, e.g., Matsya Pa- rana.

He was the first person to provide correct information about the Indus, its origin, course and floods. His knowledge of the geography of the Punjab and Afghanistan was based on his personal observations. He also described the rivers of Gherwand, Nur, Kaira, Sharvat, Sawa Panchir, Bitur (Afghan- istan), Biyatta (Jhelum), Chandrahara (Chenab), Irwa (Ravi) and Shaltladar (Sutlej). The five tributaries of the Indus, according to him, meet the river at Pancanade (Panchanda) in the Punjab near Multan.

Al-Biruni provided valuable information about North-Western India, particularly Kashmir. For Gilgit, he said that it was two days journey from Kashmir. About Kashmir, he said that it lay on a flat fertile plateau, surrounded by inaccessible mountains. The southern and eastern parts of the country belonged to the Hindus, the west to the various Muslim kings, the north and eastern parts to the Turks of Khota (Khatan) and Tibet. The best access to the Kashmir was through the Jhelum gorge.

He also described the city of Qannauj—the city traditionally associated with the Pandavas. Moreo- ver, he acquired considerable knowledge of the terrain and people of the Indo-Gangetic plains.

He gave an accurate account of the seasons of India. He described the nature of the monsoon, which brought rainfall to the greater parts of the subcontinent during the summer season. He explains how Kashmir and the Punjab receive rainfall during the winter season.

18 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Al-Biruni also discussed the origin of castes in Hindu society, idolatry, and the Hindu scriptures. His study of Samkbya, the Gita, Patanjali, Vishnu Dharma and of some of the Puranas, coupled with his acquired knowledge of the Vedas, provided Al-Biruni with a unique opportunity to give the first objective description of Hindu beliefs. Al-Biruni found a dualism in Hindu beliefs, i.e., the beliefs held by the educated (scholars) and the beliefs of the ignorant masses. This cleavage became wider with a dualism in linguistics. The language of the masses was quite different from that of the learned. Thus, the educated disapproved of idolatry but the masses believed in it.

In brief, Al-Biruni excelled in philosophy, religion, cosmology, astronomy, geography, geodesy, stratography, geomorphology, mathematics, science, medicine and several languages. He also contributed appreciably in the field of chronology, computation of years and dates. At the same time, he had a clear concept of the ideal historian. His correct view and reasoning led him to think that the institution of Varna (caste), based on inequality, was the main obstacle in a rapport between the Hindus and Muslims. The condition of Indian learning, language, script, centres of learning was also brought out. The gigantic labour, scientific reasoning, and untiring efforts made Al-Biruni one of the most outstanding geographers of the medieval period.

Alberuni and India

Attracted by Indian culture, he learnt Sanskrit and studied several books concerning Hindu philosophy and culture. His curious mind and master eyes did not spare even the Puranas and the Bhagavad- Gita. He travelled far and wide and wrote a masterly account of India in his book Tahqiq-i-Hind. This also known as Kitab-ul-Hind (1017-31 A.D).

In addition to it, Alberuni is also credited to have translated many Sanskrit works into Persian and Arabic. Talking of Hindu in general, Alberuni complains of their complacency and ignorance of the outside world. He even finds faults with them for their want of sympathy and communication with other peoples whom they call mlechchas.

Observing the consuming arrogance of Hindus, he notes, ‘The Hindus believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs, no kings like theirs, no religion like theirs, and no science like theirs. If they travelled and mixed with other nations, they would soon change their mind, ‘he adds, ‘for their ancestors were not as narrow-minded as the present generations.’

According to him, India was divided into a number of kingdoms such as Kashmir, Sindh, Malwa and Kannauj. He talks of various kinds of castes and distinctions in the society. Another point of society is that early marriage was common and women who lost their husbands were condemned to perpetual widowhood. Parents arranged marriages for their children and no gifts were settled, though the husband made a gift to his wife which became her stridhana.

A further comment of Alberuni is also worth-noting. He observes that the Hindus did ‘not desire that a thing which has once been polluted should be purified and thus recovered’. Thus, the above por- trayal clearly shows that all was not well with India. Society as the least compact. Caste tensions were prevalent. There was no sense of cause; the disintegrating tendencies were already serious.

The disorganized people of the country finally surrendered themselves to foreign invaders. Alberuni was able to observe the condition of India very minutely. He wrote what he saw here. Al-Biruni and the Kitab-ul-Hind

19 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Al-Biruni was born in 973, in Khwarizm in present day Uzbekistan. Khwarizm was an important centre of learning, and Al-Biruni received the best education available at the time. He was well versed in Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew and Sanskrit.

In 1017, when Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Khwarizm, he took several scholars and poets as hostage to his capital and Al-Biruni was one of them. In Ghazni , Al-Biruni developed an interest for India.

When the Punjab became a part of the Ghaznavid Empire, Al-Biruni came to India and spent years in the company of Brahmana priests and scholars, learning Sanskrit, and studying religious and philosophical texts.

He travelled widely in the Punjab and parts of northern India. He collected various information and wrote a book called Kitab-ul-Hind.

Al-Biruni’s Kitab-ul-Hind, written in Arabic, is simple and lucid. It is divided into 80 chapters on subjects such as religion and philosophy, festivals, astronomy, alchemy, manners and customs, social life, weights and measures, iconography, laws and metrology.

Al-Biruni adopted a distinctive structure in each chapter, beginning with a question, following this up with a description based on Sanskrit traditions, and concluding the chapter with a comparison with other cultures.

Problems or barriers obstructed Al-Biruni in understanding India.

Al-Biruni, discussed several “barriers” that he felt obstructed in understanding India. The first amongst these was language. According to him, Sanskrit was so different from Arabic and Persian that ideas and concepts could not be easily translated from one language into another. The second barrier he identified was the difference in religious beliefs and practices. The self-absorption and consequent insularity of the local population constituted the third barrier. He was aware of these problems so Al-Biruni depended almost exclusively on the works of Brahmanas, often citing passages from the Vedas, the Puranas, Bhagavad Gita, the works of Patanjali, the Manusmriti, etc., to provide an understanding of Indian society.

Al-Biruni and His description of the caste system

According to Al-Biruni the highest caste is the Brahmana, who were created from the head of Brah- man. The next caste is the Kshatriya, who were created from the shoulders and hands of Brahman. After them the Vaishya, who were created from the thigh of Brahman. At last the Shudra, who were created from his feet.

As these classes differ from each other, they live together in the same towns and villages, mixed together in the same houses and lodgings.

Al-Biruni tried to explain the caste system by looking for parallels in other societies. He noted that in ancient Persia, four social categories were recognized a)knights and princes;

20 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA b) monks, fire-priests c) lawyers, physicians, astronomers and other scientists; and d) peasants and artisans.

He attempted to suggest that social divisions were not unique to India. At the same time he pointed out that within Islam all men were considered equal, differing only in their observance of piety. In spite of his acceptance of the Brahmanical description of the caste system, Al-Biruni disapproved of the notion of pollution. As we have seen, Al-Biruni’s description of the caste system was deeply influenced by his study of normative Sanskrit texts which laid down the rules governing the system from the point of view of the Brahmanas.

Hazrat Khwaja Abul Hassan Amir Khusro (1253 A.D. to 1325 A.D.)

Amir Khusro, one of the most versatile personalities of medieval India, was born in 1253 in a place called Patiyali, Uttar Pradesh. His real name was Ab'ul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrow whereas Amir Khusro was his pen name. Also known as Amir Khusro Dehlavi, this creative classical poet was associated with the royal empires of more than seven rulers of Delhi. The life history of Amir Khusrao is truly an inspiring one and he is considered to be one of the first recorded Indian dignitaries who are also a household name. Known for his immense contribution in literature and music, this legendary personality was born of a Turkish father and an Indian mother in a village in India. To know more about Khursro, continue to read this insightful biography on him.

Major Works

Amir Khusro is often acknowledged for creating Khayal of north Indian classical music known as Hindustani. He modified raga Dhrupad and added Persian tunes and beats to it. He created Qawali on the likes of bhajans. The poems he wrote were in Persian and a combination of Bhojpuri and Persian, which he called as Hindvi.Amir Khusro These poems later were developed into Hindi and Urdu.

Probably Khayal originated from Qawalis that he created on the lines of Bhajans. He wrote poetry in Persian as well as what he called Hindvi––a combination of local Bhojpuri and Persian, which later evolved into Hindi and Urdu. Many of his poems are even today used in Hindustani classical as bandishes and as Ghazals by Ghazal singers.

A Royal Poet: Khusro was a Royal poet under Sultan Aalauddin. Aalauddin due to his righteous nature and for the moral wellness his empire banned all the intoxicants from his kingdom. Khusro contributed in Sultan’s chastisement movement. He took the responsibility of discipleship. Under his watch he accepted all kinds of people––people who were rich or poor, high in social status or low, nobles or beggars, educated or uneducated, fortunate or unfortunate, city people or rustics, soldiers or priests, murids, etc. Khusro helped people, equally, to live a clean life and abstain themselves from morally harmful habits. When people did commit any sin, then they could approach Khusro and confess. Khusro helped them to get back on the right track and renewed their discipleship. He started the new regime for daily prayers and everybody started following it. Whether it was a man or woman or young child, everyone started gathering together to offer daily prayers. This even included the late morning prayers. Even the high end of the society-people with money and status started attending these prayers. This lot included royal secretaries, clerks, sepoys, slaves, etc. Because of Khusro’s praying sessions or barakah, people started concentrating on the pious things and got involved in tasawwuf or mysticism of life. Some of them even turned to renunciation or tark and got involved in

21 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA devoutness. Even towards the end of Sultan Alauddin’s sovereignty nobody in his kingdom gave into the practice of drinking liquor or gambling or taking to any indecent ways of living. Everybody lived in complete harmony and followed the goodness taught by the religion. The effects of teachings of Khusro was so strong and widespread that it is said that even the shop keeper stopped lying, cheating and under-weighing to make more profits. He even entertained the scholars from all walks of life and discussed mysticism with them. These discussions were mainly based on books on mysticism from those times like: Fawaid-ul-Fuwad, Qut-ul-Uloom, Kashif-ul-Mahjub, Awarif and Malfuzat of Haz- rat Nizamussin Aulia. People started to self-educate themselves after being in the company of Khusro, on topics like self-control and renunciation. Most of the people took to spiritual style of life and followed the rules and regulation of that life very strictly.

He also catered to the cause of peaceful co-existence of Hindu-Muslim in the society. He helped the cause by writing in Hindvi language, which appealed the most to young children and elderly people. He was proud of the fact that he belonged to a Hindustani nation as in one of his books called Ghurra- ul-Kamal he said that he had written some of his books in Hindvi language because he is a Hindustani Turk and it is a tribute to his connection with Hindustan. He was also proud of his fluency in Hindvi language.

Historiographical Contribution

Amir Khosru (1253-1325 A.D) was a prominent figure among the historian of medieval India. He was famous in India as a Poet, Litterateur, Musician and Historian. He composed near about 100 books on various topics in his life. In his long life, he continued his research activities by the patronization of sultan Kaiqabad, Bugara Khan, Jalal-ud-din Khalji, Ala-ud-din Khalji, Kutub-ud-din Mu- barak sah Khalji and sultat Gias-uddin Tughlak. He did not write any chronological history; just he compiled some selective events of history. His six books are following: a) Kiran-as-Sadain, b) Miftah-al-Futuh, c) Khajain-al-Futuh, d) Dual rani khijir kha, e) Nuh sifihor, f) Tughlaknama. All these books are the compilation of important events of that time.

Historian Amir Khosru described the dramatic and emotional meet of Sultan Kaikobad of Delhi with his father Bengal sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud Bugara khan and also, he gave a clear picture of the city life of Delhi in his book ‘Kiran-as-Sadain’. In Miftah-al-Futuh, he describes four military expeditions and victory of sultan Ala-ud-din khalji. In Khajain-al-futuh, he discussed the victory of sultan Ala-ud-din khalji. His other book, Dual rani khijir kha, was composed with the romantic description of the romance of sultan Khijir khan, son of sultan Ala-ud-din khalji with princess Dual rani daughter of king Koron of Nahrawala. His book, Nuh Sifihor, was composed by the description of the events related with sultan Kutub-ud-din Mubarak sah and in this book, the writer also presented a brief discussion on language, eco-geographical condition and royal court of Delhi sultanate. In his book, Tughlaknama, he described the victory of sultan Gias-ud-din Tughlak, especially the victorious events of Delhi in 1320 A.D. (Minhaj-e-Siraj, Tabakat-e-Nasiri, translated and edited by Abul kalam Mohammad Jakaria, Dhaka, 1983, page-245.) He wrote eventual history based on political theme and his writings also did not follow any chronological time line and period.

The motive of Amir Khosru’s writings was to maintain the request of the sultans and the royal members of Delhi sultanate to won prizes from royal kings and to be famous in his life as a scholer. In his writings, he just tried to give pleasure to the readers of history by making an interesting description and did not try to deeply analyze the historical events and purify its authenticity or he did not try to convey any kind of message in his writeups. Futuh-us-Salatin was composed by Khaja Abdul Malik

22 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Isami. In this book, the writer described the history of around three hundred and fifty years from Sultan Mahmud of Gazni till sultan Muhammad bin Tughlak of Delhi. Isami composed this book by the patronization of Bahmani ruler Ala-ud-din hasan sah of Deccan. In this book, he strictly criticized sultan Muhammad bin Tughlak of Delhi. But, this book of Isami was an excellent historical document to know successive history from sultan Mahmud of Gazni to sultan Muhammad bin Tughlak of Delhi.

Historiography of The Mughal Period

The Mughal Empire ruled the South Asian region including current northern India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan from the early 16th century to the 19th century. As the name of the empire, Mughal, which means Mongol in Persian language indicates, the empire was built by a foreign tribe of Mongol origin. Babur, the progenitor of the Mughal Empire, is a direct descendant of Timur who descended from Genghis Khan.

The Mughal Empire was founded in 1526 when Babur defeated and superceded Delhi Sultanate. However, his son and successor Humayun was beaten by Sher Shah of Suri dynasty of Afghan origin and fled for Persia in 1540. In 1555, he retook Delhi and revived Mughal dynasty. The next period from the following emperor Akbar to Jahangir, Shah Jahan, and Aurangzeb is considered as a golden age of The Mughal Empire. Akbar fired a flare of the golden age by achieving several great achievements. He largely expanded his empire by conquering Malwa Plateau (central part of India), Gujarat (western part of India), Bengal, Kashmir, Kandahar (southern part of Afghanistan), etc. Under his rule, The Mughal Empire established its centralization by organizing bureaucracy and administration. Moreover, with religiously tolerant policies such as giving government positions to Hindu, Ak- bar sought for solid integration within Mughal society. He announced Din-i-Ilahi, a syncretic religion which derives primarily from Islam and Hinduism, as the court religion although the religion could only get few adherents (including Abul Fazl) and disappeared.

The Mughal Empire continued to flourish both economically and culturally under the next two successors Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Prosperity passed its peak and started to decline under Aurangzeb. He achieved the largest territory throughout the history of India by conquering southern India. How- ever, different from Akbar, he was intolerant of other religious, destroying Hindu temples, bringing a poll tax for other religions back, and forcing conversion to Islam. His uncompromising religious policies and expansionist policies enlarged resistance among his subjects and consumed a great amount of expense, threatening the cornerstone of the empire. After the death of Aurangzeb, the Mughal Empire continued to collapse. From the late 18th century, The Mughal Empire lost its effective control over India to the British. As the British East India Company took power of the Mughal Empire in 1805, Mughal emperors existed for only nominal ruler used for colonial domination. In 1857, Sepoy Mutiny rose up and Indian soldiers crowned Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah II as an emperor, but the mutiny was repressed in two years and the Mughal Empire went out of existence.

Economically, commerce and fabric industry developed and monetary economy was vitalized. The establishment of a system of a law and communication network contributed to the exuberance of the empire. Trade with foreign countries such as those in West Asia and Europe developed, developing domestic industry and introducing its goods in European market. However, economy gradually declined from the late 17th century because of the decreased agricultural productivity by acidification of land, corruption of administration, and expansionist policy.

23 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Mughal Empire also saw a cultural prosperity with its mixed culture. Although Islam was a dominating religion of the authority in the empire, tolerant policy in the early period led to Islamic culture fused with Hindu. In religion, Sikhism, a syncretistic religion integrating elements of Hindu- ism and Islam, had emerged in the 15th century and gained followership under Mughal rule, especially in the Punjab. Art, Literature, Architecture, etc, showing a blend of Hindu, Turkic and Persian culture, thrived. Mughal emperors such as Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan showed a great interest in culture and supported it. For example, the Taj Mahal, built by Shah Jahan, has a lotus pattern derived from Hindu art and spires, a mosque, arabesque from Muslim art.

The dominant and official language of the empire was Farsi (Persian), but Hindi and Urdu, a language of the elite derived from Persian and heavily influenced by Arabic and Turkic, were also widely used. Science including astronomy and technology such as gunpowder continuously developed.

Historians and History Books in the Mughal Empire

Writing history of a country is meaningful in many aspects. For great leaders of a country, history can be used as a mean to boast of their achievement to their descendants. For future generations, historical records are useful source to trace their origins and learn from the past. In addition, since writing history is both a scholarly work which needs much academic efforts and a cultural task intended for descendants, a quality and a quantity of historical records in one country are often considered as criteria which determine the cultural level of a country.

The Mughal Empire, once an economically and culturally prosperous country, also left many historical works. It is during the Mughal dynasty when Indian historiography reached its highest point of its growth and development. Historical books written in this period are great sources from which today's people can learn the history of South Asia and some other regions such as Afghanistan.

Mughal historians were often patronized by emperors or nobles and many of them had other original occupations such as courtiers under emperors, or poets, scholars. For example, Abul Fazl (Abu al- Fazl), the author of Akbarnamah, was a close vizier of Emperor Akbar. Similarly, Jawhar Aftabi, the writer of Sah Jahannamah, was an intimate friend of Shah Jahan. Mir Masoom Shah Bakhri (Mir Muhammad Masum), who wrote Tarih-i Sind, did his service under Akbar. Nimat Allah al-Harawi (Nimat-Allah ibn Habib-Allah Haravi), although he served Khan Jahan Lodi later, was a historian under Jahangir. Those historians were encouraged to write history of emperors themselves or history of the past including not only Mughal history but also history of other ethnicities. For example, Abbas Khan Sarvani(Abbas Han Sarvani ), written at the request of Akbar, wrote history of Sher Shah in Tuhfah-yi Akbar Sahi (A Gift to Akbar Saha), a sultan of Suri Dynasty, who ruled South Asia from 1540 to 1545 when The Mughal Empire retreated. Sayh Rizq-Allah ibn Sad Allah Dihlavi in the name of Mustaqi wrote Vaqiat-i Mustaqi which contains the Afghan sultan.

Some emperors who were learned themselves even wrote history by themselves. The founder of the Mughal Empire Babur wrote his autobiography Vaqiat-i Baburi. Jahangir, the fourth emperor, also wrote his autobiographical memoir called Tuzuk-i Jahangiri. In addition, Gulbadan Bigam, the daughter of Emperor Babur, wrote Humayunnamah which is an account of her brother, Humayun.

While in the earlier period of Mughal dynasty historians are often under the service of emperors, in the latter period during which the Mughal Empire declined, historians often served local government or East Indian Company. Although there were also historians serving local government in the earlier

24 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA periods, there are fewer famous historians who served the emperors during the declining period of Mughal dynasty. For instance, Muhammad Ali-ibn-Muhammad Burhanpuri was a historian supported by the governor of Oudh and Muhammad Ali Han Ansari served the deputy governor of Ben- gal during the reign of Mughal ruler Shah Alam II in the 18th century. Hayr-al-Din Muhammad Ilahabadi and Gulam Husayn Zaydpuri are historians who were employed in the East India Company. Gulam Basit is a historian whose ancestors had been in the service of the Mughal Empire, tried to enter the service of the empire and who himself tried to serve the empire. However, in the periods of decline of the empire, he sought for employment under English who supported him greatly. Addi- tionally, writing a historical book was often a cooperated work done by many different writers but led by one chief writer.

Sources of Mughal Historians

There were several ways in which Mughal historians could get sources to write historical works. Sometimes, one's direct experience became a primary source of a historian. The autobiography written by Babur, Vaqiat-i Baburi, the memoir of Gulbadan Bigam, Humayun-namah, and Jawhar Afta- bci's Tazkirah al-vaqiat, which gives an account of Humayun, are examples which use historians' personal observations.

Many other historians seem to have depended on existing written sources. For example, when Abul Fazl wrote Akbar-nama, he used Sanskrit texts and knowledge system which he could have accessed through intermediaries, likely Jains favored during Akbar's reign to access Indian knowledge of geography, cosmography, etc. Hwajah Nizam al-Din Ahmad ibn Muhammad Muqim Haravi, when he wrote Tabaqat-i Akbari, a celebrated history book which for the first time deals with the history of India, cited twenty-nine authorities. Tabaqat-i Akbari itself became the major historical sources which later historians copiously extracted from and relied on. Muhammad Tahir Asna, the author of Sah Jahan-namah, relied on Padsah-namah by Abd al-Hamid Lahuri when he wrote about the first twenty years of the rule of Shah Jahan. It seems that there existed plenty of historical collections made by the authority; when Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin wrote about Aurangzeb, he was permitted to use the Royal Records guarded by officers. It seems that with few sources of history, some historians sometimes relied on their guess.

Reasons for Historical Record-Keeping

Surely, pure scholarly interest would be one of the reasons why Mughal historians wrote history books. However, there existed other reasons which made Mughal historians want to write history. Loyalty to their patrons was one major reason of historical work. Historians, often serving under emperors or authority, wrote history dedicated to them. It is possible to find several major historical books which starts with the name of the emperor and ends in namah such as Akbar-namah, written by Abul Fazl, also referred to as Sah Jahan namah, written by Muhammad Salih Kanbu Lahuri, Alamgir-namah (The Book of Awrangzib) written by Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin, Sah Jahan-namah written by Muhammad Tahir, Humayun-namah written by Hwandamir, Giya al-Din ibn Humam al-Din, etc. These works, as their names indicate, are dedicated to the emperors and mostly dealt with the accounts related to the emperors. Historical books were also written at the direct request of the patrons. Tuhfah-yi Akbar Sahi (A Gift to Akbar Saha) by Abbas Khan Sarvani(Abbas Han Sarvani ) was made at the request of Akbar.

25 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Abdul Hamid Lahori (Abd al-Hamid Lahuri)'s Padshahnama was written at the request of Shah Ja- han. A historian in the period of decline of the Mughal Empire, Mirza Abu Talib Han Isfahani wrote Tafzih al-gafilin as Captain Richardson of the East India Company asked Talib to write a history of the time of Asaf al-Dawlah.

Some history books are written because of the historians' individual interest such as in Tarih-i salatin- i Afaginah, which is about a history of the Lodi and Afghan dynasties, written by Ahmad Yadgar who claim he was a servant and witness to the last days of the Afghan kings in Bengal and Tarih-i Sind (the history of Sind) by Mir Muhammad Ma who was a native of Sind.

Establishment of the Mughal Empire (1526-1556): Babur to Humayun

One of the earliest historical works during the Mughal Dynasty is probably the autobiography of the emperor Babur Vaqiat-i Baburi (The Events of Babur) which extends to 1529 before his death in 1530. Originally written in Turkic and later translated into Persian during his term, his autobiography takes an important position in the early Mughal Historiography. Babur, a learned and precise man as well as a great politician, shows detailed and faithful but simple description of his history in his autobiography. He uses bountiful statistical accounts; his description of Hindustan for example, "contains, not only an exact account of its boundaries, population, resources, revenues, and divisions, but a full enumeration of all its useful fruits, trees, birds, beasts, and fishes, with such a minute description of their several habitudes and peculiarities as would make no contemptible figure in a modern work of natural history." His accurate and close records provide us with important knowledge of the political, social, and cultural situations of The Mughal Empire in the first quarter of the 16th century. A details account on Baburnama is dealt here in a separate section.

Another historical account of Babur made in this period is Tabaqat-i Baburi (Generations of Babur) by Sayh Zayn al-Din Hwafi. Work of Shaikh Zain, Babur's secretary, which describes Babur's fifth invasion of Hindustan, is contrasted to Babur's autobiography in that his work lacks simplicity and intelligent style found in Babur's but is rather pretentious. Tabaqat-i Baburi is not as detailed as Vaqiat-i Baburi but more descriptive and dramatic as seen in "The shrill blast of the clarion of destruction, and a scene like that of the day of judgment, full of awful and tremendous strife, now operating together, the meaning of the text, 'When the heavens shall be rent,' became manifest; and the heads of the leaders of the armies of the time, like shooting-stars falling from the sky, fell like balls in the arena, and the meaning of the words, 'The stars shall be scattered,' became apparent" which describes Babur's victorious defeat of enemies.

Humayun-namah completed in 1534-1535 by Hwandamir, Giya al-Din ibn Humam al-Din Muham- mad, is an account of a cultural and social condition of Humayun's reign. Especially, his work is marked by the account of rules and ordinances made under Humayun, and poems.

Period of Prosperity (1556-1707): Akbar to Aurangzeb

During the rule of Akbar (1556-1605)

Gulbadan Bigam, as a daughter of Babur and a sister of Humayun, gives a direct account of Humayun in Humayunnamah which was requested by Akbar. Since she was in a royal family herself, she narrates the history in a personal voice.

26 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA "At the time when his Majesty Firdaus-makani passed from this perishable world to the everlasting home, I, this lowly one, was eight years old, so it may well be that I do not remember much. However, in obedience to the royal command, I set down whatever there is that I have heard and remember."

"At these words hearers and onlookers wept and lamented. His own blessed eyes also filled with tears."

As shown in the above quotes, her narrative style is quite emotional. She does not include much political information but she gives a detail account of what happened within her royal family.

Abul Fazl's Akbarnamah, considered one of the monumental historical works in the Mughal historiography, contains history from Timur, ancestors of Akbar, to Akbar's reign. Originally added with a number of painting related to the texts, the book helps the understanding of history with visual. It consists of three volumes: the first deals with the history of Timur's family, Babur, Humayun and the Suri sultans of Delhi, the second is about the history of the reign of Akbar till 1602, and the third gives a detailed description of the political, economic, geographical conditions of the Mughal Em- pire. He also gives bountiful information about other philosophies or religions. Though he relates Hinduism in the view of Muslim, he shows relatively more rational and secular approach and tries to explain the history of India not as the conflict between religions but as the conflict "between forces of nationalism and regionalism, secularism and religious fanaticism, stability and disintegration", which makes him a great historian of his age.

Another significant historical work written in similar period is Tabaqat-i-Akbari (Generations of Akbar) written by Hwajah Nizam al-Din Ahmad ibn Muhammad Muqim Haravi. It is the first general history whose subject matter is solely on the history of India. The Ma-asiru-l Umara says, "This work cost the author much care and reflection in ascertaining facts and collecting materials, and as Mir Masum Bhakari and other persons of note afforded their assistance in the compilation, it is entitled too much credit. It is the first history which contains a detailed account of all the Muhammadan princes of Hindustan. ... From this work Muhammad Kasim Firishta and others have copiously extracted, and it forms the basis of their histories, deficiencies being supplied by additions of their own; but the Tabakat occasionally seems at variance with the accounts given by the celebrated Abu-l Fazl. It is therefore left to the reader to decide which of the two authors is most entitled to credit." Accord- ing to above quote, it seems that the author could produce celebrated standard history of India which is based on strict historical research. With its special focus and historical value, Tabaqat-i Akbari is considered one of the greatest works which largely influenced the future generations.

During the rule of Jahangir (1605-1628)

In this period, another autobiography of emperors, after Babur's, was written by Jahangir. Jahangir's Tuzuk-i Jahangiri (The Memoir of Jahangir) is also considered important historical source with its lively and comprehensive record of the political and socio-cultural developments in the 17th century and supplement to Akbarnama written by Abul Fazl. Although Jahangir's memoir provides relatively frank and honest description of wars, rebellions, imperial regulations and the emperor's daily life, its literary value, objectivity, and historical value are less than his forefather, Babur. His account of himself has an implicit tendency to highlight his achievement or gloss over his faults such as his rebellion against his father. However, just like Babur's, Jahangir's autobiography has its value in that it provides faithful account of others including his father Akbar.

27 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA During the rule of Shah Jahan (1628-1658)

Ma-asir-i Jahangiri (Literary Works about Jahangir) written by Kamgar Husayni, who served both Jahangir and Shah Jahan, is an account of early life and reign of Jahangir completed in 1640-1641. It does not have much detailed descriptions and its description on the period before Jahangir's rule is thought as very independent and free-spoken compared to contemporary historical work on similar subject, Ikbal-nama by Nawab Mutamad Khan which was made for Imperial favour. Nevertheless, it still has much flattery to the emperor and hides his misdeeds.

Padsahnamah (The Book of Kings) is a work led by Abdul-Hamid Lahuri who completed his part in 1648 on the request of the emperor and finished later by his pupil. With a minute detail and beautiful illustrations, Padsahnamah is a major source of information about the Shah Jahan's rule which describes imperial lifestyle vividly. A notable aspect about the author Abdual-Hamid Lahuri's description is that the author adopted styles of Abul Fazl very much. The author, who studied and greatly admired Abul Fazl, in fact states himself as an imitator of Abul Fazl's style and use verbose, turgid description if asked eloquence. However, when he describes simple facts, he uses simple language. His work also contains lots of information about the nobles and courtiers of the time, which were not a commonly dealt historical matter. Later historians drew historical sources related to nobles from his work.

During the rule of Aurangzeb (1658-1707)

Sah Jahannamah (The Book of Shah Jahan) was written by Muhammad Tahir "Asna" deals with the reign of Shah Jahan. In the preface, the author reveals the purpose of his works. "it seemed to the writer of these pages that, as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of the Imperial dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the reign of Shah Jahan in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the contents of the three volumes of Shaikh Abdu-l Hamid in plain language and in a condensed form."

As the description of Padsahnamah by Abdul-Hamid Lahuri is verbose, he states that he gave a more simple and reduced account of Shah Jahan. He also mentions, "And as only a selection has been made of the events recorded, this work is styled Mulakhkhas (abridgement)". As the historian himself indicates in previous quote, Sah Jahan-namah gives a simple account of Shah Jahan, though maybe a summarized history.

Alamgirnamah (The Book of Awrangzeb) by Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin is a typical historical work dedicated to the emperor Aurangzeb, full of panegyrics. With great support from the emperor himself, Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin was encouraged to collect extraordinary events related to the emperor, use any available sources, and ask any questions about omitted information even to the emperor himself. Because of its nature of purpose of the works, Alamgirnamah has a panegyric, verbose, and strained style.

Sujan Ray Bhandari's Hulasah-al-tavarih (Summary of Histories) is concerned with a general history of India from the earliest times to the accession of Aurangzeb. His work includes a good account of the products and geography of Hindustan. As the name implies, the author tends to condense history to a great extent that he does not include much details. However, his work sometimes shows poetical remarks and unnecessary digression. He gives abundant account of the first four Mughal Emperors but does not give separate history of other monarchies of India, about which he gives only brief

28 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA information of each king. In his narrative of the history, he includes many verses some extracted from various authors, and some to be original.

Decline of the Mughal Empire (1707-1857): Bahadur Shah I to Bahadur Shah II

Burhan al-futut (The Demonstration of Victories) by Muhammad Ali ibn Muhammad Sadiq Husayni Nisaburi Najafi Burhanpuri is a short general history of India. It is considered as a very useful book of reference as it shows close attention to dates, though it is too short.

The History of Hindustan by Rustam Ali Sahabadi Tarih-i is another Mughal historical work which deals with the history of India. Divided into ten chapters, this work provides much information about Muhammad Shah and the contemporary poets of the author. There are poetical quotations, sentences from Koran, and moral reflection in his work. His work, different from previous Mughal historical works, provides direct and critical evaluations on Mughal emperors. Followings are parts of his work about a Mughal emperor:

"This Prince was a lover of pleasure and indolence, negligent of political duties, and addicted to loose habits, but of somewhat a generous disposition. He was entirely careless regarding his subjects."

"to the great mortification of poor people and all good subjects, the Emperor became master of his own will, and, actuated by his youthful passions and folly and pride, resigned himself to frivolous pursuits and the company of wicked and mean characters."

Tarih-i mamalik-i Hind (The History of the Lands of Hindustan), written when the Mughal dynasty met its decline, is a short history of rulers of India by Gulam Basir. Requested by General Charles Burt to write a short account of the rulers of Hindustan based on books and oral traditions, the author produced brief historical accounts with the help of his father, who was also a historian. He not only gives information about the rulers of different regions in India but also includes cultural or social elements such as customs, religions, classes, etc.

Tarih-i Ibrahim Han by Ali Ibrahim Han Bahadur Nasir-Jang Azimabadi written in the late 18th century is a history of the Maratha's campaign for the control of the Mughal Empire. The author, who served the Nawab of Bengal, gives a clear and succinct account of the Marathas in his work. He describes the failure of the Mughal Empire in subverting the Maratha objectively and lucidly.

Sarup Cand Hattri's Sahih al-Ahbar (Owner of Notices) is another general history of India extended to the author's time. He gives the reason of his work in the following quote:

"It is owing to the curiosity and perseverance of the English that the tree of knowledge is planted anew in this country; and it is also to the inquisitive spirit of that people, and particularly to the zeal and liberality of Sir John Shore, Governor-General of India, that I, an old servant of the State, am favoured with the honour of compiling a work on the History of the Hindus, together with an explanation of the names of days, months, years and eras; the reigns of the Kings of Dehli, with an explanation of the words raja, zamindar, chaudhari, taallukdar, hawaldar, and the mode of administration, both ancient and modern, together with the names of the subadars of Bengal and the revenue and political affairs of the province."

29 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA As the above quote about the purpose of his writing indicates, his work contains fair definitions of revenue terms, and explains administration systems and political affairs of the Empire for English.

Perspectives, Bias, and Errors

Many early Mughal historical records show great loyalty of historians to their emperors or patrons or at least, flattery to them. Since many early historians were in the service of Mughal emperors and they were supported by royal families, a great number of their works were dedicated to their lords, which greatly influenced the writing of historians in their works. Many historical books written in this period emphasize the greatness of emperors. For example, Jawhar Aftabci's Tazkirah al-vaqiat (The Memorial of Events) completed in 1587 accentuates the sagacity and generosity of Humayun in following quotes:

"After a few days one of the Sultan's principal officers, named Aalum Khan, came to pay his respects to his Majesty; on which occasion several of the counselors advised his being seized and put to the torture, in order to make him discover where the treasures were concealed; but the King replied, 'as this personage has come to me of his own accord, it would be ungenerous to make use of force: if an object can be attained by gentleness, why have recourse to harsh easure ? Do ye give orders that a banquet may be prepared, and ply him well with wine, and then put the question, where the treasures may be found'"

"Humayun received the unfortunate monarch with great courtesy; encouraged him to keep up his spirits, and assured him he would reinstate him in his kingdom of Bengal"

Alamgirnamah (The Book of Aurangzeb) by Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin is a typical example which is full of panegyrics for the emperor. This work is greatly biased in favor of the emperor that not only it praises the emperor greatly, but also it ridicules and defames Aurangzeb's brothers who were defeated by Aurangzeb and failed to get the throne.

Ma-asir-i Jahangiri written by Kamgar Husayni, although evaluated as giving independent and fair accounts on events before Jahangir's rule, gives biased information. Following is a description of Abul Fazl, a celebrated Mughal historian and courtier of Akbar, who was killed by Jahangir:

"One of the events of those days was the murder of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl, who, by his superior wisdom and vast learning, was the most distinguished of all the Shaikhs of Hindustan. The following is a detailed account of this event. The Shaikh, intoxicated by the wine of fortune, and vain of the influence he had obtained over the Emperor's mind, had lost his senses, and having suffered the thread of wisdom and the knowledge of self to drop from his hands, had become proud of his position, and acted with rancour and animosity against his master's son. He often said to the Emperor, both publicly and privately, that he knew none but His Majesty, and would never entreat or flatter any person, not even the eldest Prince."

"When this news reached the Prince, that master of prudence and scholar of the supreme wisdom at once reflected, that if the Shaikh should ever arrive at Court, he would certainly estrange His Majes- ty's mind from the Prince by his misrepresentations"

Here, the author tries to justify Jahangir's murder of Abul Fazl by intentionally pointing out faults of Abul Fazl.

30 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Such tendency among early historians, however, is hardly seen in works by later historians especially when the Mughal Empire declines and English held power. As mentioned in previous chapter, the History of Hindustan by Rustam Ali Sahabadi Tarih shows explicit criticism of an emperor and many other works are independent of such pressure from emperors because the power of Mughal emperors decreased significantly and historians, serving other authority, do not have incentives to write in favor of emperors.

Islam is another influential element in historians' writings. Throughout the history of Mughal historiography, it is rare to find works without Islamic perceptions. In every preface of their works, historians express their gratitude to their god. Although many works explain Hindu or other religions, their major parts are on Islam. Even Abul Fazl, who is thought as a great historian who approached history in rational and secular ways, tries to explain Hinduism as something that the Muslims could understand. Additionally, many historians quote verses from Koran in their works. Interestingly, it is also possible to find that a Hindu historian, Sarup Chand Hattri opened his work as if composed by a devout Muslim with praise to God, Muhammad, and his family and companions.

Other Significant Aspects

One noticeable aspect seen in many Mughal historical works is that they include lots of verses while narrating the history. They could be either from already existing poems or authors themselves. Here is a description of Sujan Ray Bhandari's Hulasah al-tavarih (Summary of Histories) in the History of India by Sir Henry Elliot. "Many verses, some said to be original, and some extracted from various authors, are inserted in different passages of the narrative, to which they were considered appropriate." Sometimes, they were from Koran.

It is thought that through verses, Mughal historians may have wanted to give vivid and beautiful description of history to readers. The fact that many Mughal historians were also poets must have contributed to this aspect.

Although limited to only small number of historical works, beautiful paintings or illustrations which support narratives in Akbarnamah and Padsahnamah are what appreciate values of those historical works. Such visual methods must have helped readers to get the sense of history much more easily and contributed to the fame of those two works.

With such various methods to deliver history, Mughal historians may have wanted to accomplish both historical and artistic achievements while narrating the history as easily as possible.

List of Some Mughal Historians and their works

• Abbas Han Sarvani, Tuhfah-yi Akbar Sahi , A Gift to Akbar Sah (completed after 1579)

• Abd al-Haqq 'Haqqi' Dihlavi Buhari (1551-1642), Tarih-i Haqqi, The History by Haqq (1596-1597)

• Abu al-Fazl "Allami" ibn Mubarak, Sayh (Shaikh Abul Fazl ibn Mubarak) Akbarnamah, The Book

of Akbar (1596-1604) and Ain-i Akbari, Akbar's Regulations

• Ahmad Yadgar, Tarih-i salatin-i Afaginah, The History of Afghan Sultans(1558)

31 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA • Asad Big 'Asad' Qazvini (-1631-1632), Halat-i Asad, Big The Times of Asad Big.

• Gulbadan Bigam (1523-1603),Humayunnamah, The Book of Humayun (extends to 1553)

• Jahangir (-1627), Tuzuk-i Jahangiri , The Memoirs of Jahangir

• Kamgar Husayni (-1640-1641), Ma-Asir-i Jahangiri, Literary Works about Jahangir (1630-31)

• Muhammad Kazim ibn Muhammad Amin (-1681), Alamgirnamah, The Book of Awrangzib (1667-

1668)

• Muhammad Masum 'Nami', Mir Tarih-i Sind , The History of Sind (1599~1600)

• Muhammad Muhsin ibn Hanif Siddiqi, Jawhar-i Samsam, The Essence of Swords (1740-1741)

• Muhammad Sarif al-Najafi (-1628,1629), Majalis al-salatin, Assemblies of Sultans (1628-1629)

• Muhammad Tahir 'Asna' (-1666-1667 or 1670-1671), Sah Jahannamah, The Book of Sah Jahan)

• Murtaza Husayn, Hadiqat al-aqalim , The Rose Gardens of Regions (1778-1782)

• Nmat-Allah ibn Habib- Allah Haravi, Tarih i Han-Jahani, The History of Han-Jahan (1612-1613)

• Nur al-Haqq 'Masriqi' Dillavi (-1662), Zubdah al-tavarih , The Choice Part of Histories

• Rustam Ali Sahabadi, Tarih-i Hindi , The History of Hindustan (1741-1742)

• Sarup Cand Hattri (Sarup Chand Khatri), Sahih al-Ahbar, Owner of Notices (1794)

Baburnama- The Memoirs of Babur

The "Memoirs of Babur" or Baburnama are the work of the great-great-great-grandson of Timur (Tamerlane), Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur (1483-1530). In 1494, aged twelve, Babur acceded to an uncertain position as a minor ruler in Fergana, in Central Asia; at his death in 1530 he controlled much of northern India, having founded what would become the "Mughal" empire.

As well as covering key historical events, his life story, the Baburnama, offers a fascinating picture of ordinary (aristocratic) life in Islamic Central and South Asia around 1500. One of the most recent translators declares, Babur's memoir is the first and until relatively recent times, the only true autobiography in Islamic literature." The Baburnama tells the tale of the prince's struggle first to assert and defend his claim to the throne of Samarkand and the region of the Fergana Valley. After being driven out of Samarkand in 1501 by the Uzbek Shaibanids, he ultimately sought greener pastures, first in Kabul and then in northern India, where his descendants were the Moghul (Mughal) dynasty ruling in Delhi until 1858.

The memoirs offer a highly educated Central Asian Muslim's observations of the world in which he moved. There is much on the political and military struggles of his time but also extensive descriptive

32 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA sections on the physical and human geography, the flora and fauna, nomads in their pastures and urban environments enriched by the architecture, music and Persian and Turkic literature patronized by the Timurids. The Memoirs content following chapters and aspects of Babur’s life.

Table of Contents: i. Description of Fergana. ii. Description of Samarkand. iii. Babur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mura Pass. iv. Babur takes Samarkand by surprise, July 28, 1500. v. Babur in Samarkand. vi. Ali-Sher Nawa'i, the famous poet. vii. Babur leaves Samarkand, July 1501. viii. Babur in Dikhkat. ix. Shabaq (Shaibani) Khan's campaigns; winter conditions and mountain springs. x. The acclaiming of the military standards according to Mongol tradition. xi. Babur's poverty in Tashkent.

Contents of Baburnama

Babur begins by describing the geography of Fergana and giving some background history. He then recounts his part in the internecine conflicts between the Timurids (descendants of Temur/Tamer- lane) over Khurasan, Transoxiana, and Fergana and their loss to the Uzbeks under Shaybani. Initially a puppet of others, used for Timurid legitimacy, Babur gradually became a real leader. His fluctuating fortunes saw him take and lose Samarkand twice; eventually he was forced into a kind of "guerilla" existence in the mountains. In 1504 he left Transoxiana with a few hundred companions, acquired the discontented followers of a regional leader in Badakhshan, and took Kabul. From there he began carving out a domain for himself, in a process combining pillage and state-building.

The story breaks in 1508, with a large lacuna in our manuscripts; it resumes in 1519, when we find Babur solidly established in Kabul and campaigning in and around what is now Pakistan. Matchlocks (not mentioned at all previously) are now in regular use, though restricted to the elite. A more personal change is Babur's fondness for riotous parties and use of both alcohol and the narcotic ma'jun, contrasting with a teetotal youth. After another lacuna, the work finishes with the years 1525 to 1529, covering the battle of Panipat, the conquest of Delhi, and the defeat of a Rajput coalition at the battle of Khanua (in which battles artillery played a key role). India was only a consolation prize for Babur, however-he always compares it unfavourably with Kabul and his beloved Samarkand.

33 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Though Thackston claims it is "the first real autobiography in Islamic literature", the Baburnama contains little personal reflection. Babur is frank and open, but tends to describe actions rather than motivations. The Baburnama does, however, extend far beyond the military and political history summarized above. Babur includes descriptions of many of the places he visits and is interested in flora and fauna and techniques of hunting, fishing, and agriculture; there are also set-piece geographical overviews of Fergana, Transoxiana, and the area around

Kabul, as well as a twenty-page description of Hindustan. And on a few occasions he describes events at a distance, outside his own direct experience for example battles between the Persians and the Uzbeks.

A notable feature of the Baburnama is the sheer number of names that appear in it: Babur writes extensively about people, including personal followers he wants to honour as well as more prominent figures. The death of each Timurid sultan, for example, is followed by an obituary covering not just their battles and the events of their reign but their wives, concubines, and children, their leading followers, and the scholars and artists whom they patronised (or just ruled over). Poets and poetry are particularly highly respected: Babur quotes his own and others' verses, and among his youthful exploits he is as proud of a poetic exchange with Mulla Banna'i as of a successful surprise attack that took Samarkand.

Importance of Memoirs of Babur

This is the personal journal of Emperor Babur, founder of the Mughal dynasty. It records the events of his remarkable life from the age of 12 until his death in 1530. His grandson Akbar had the memoirs translated into Persian from their original Chaghatay Turkish so his grandfather’s achievements might be more widely known. This is the largest of four major illustrated copies made during Akbar’s reign.

The translation was ordered by Babur’s grandson, the Emperor Akbar, who ruled the Mughal Empire from 1556 to 1605. He had amassed a great library devoted to subjects such as history, classical Persian literature and translations of Sanskrit texts. Akbar entrusted the work of translating Babur’s memoirs into Persian to an army general and close friend called Abdul-al-Rahim, who enjoyed the title Khan-i- khanan, meaning ‘commander of commanders’

Covering some 36 years in the life of one of Central Asia and India’s most powerful figures, Babur’s detailed and insightful autobiography presents vivid picture of his life and times, the peoples he ruled, and the lands they inhabited. For example, we read in his own words the story of events leading up to the defeat of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi and fall of Delhi:

“During the seven or eight days we lay in Panipat, our men went close to Ibrahim’s camp a few at a time, rained arrows down on the ranks of his troops, cut off and brought back their heads. Still he made no move, nor did his troops venture out. At length, we acted on the advice of some Hindustani well-wishers and sent four or five thousand men to deliver a night attack on his camp. It being dark, they were unable to act well together and, having dispersed, could achieve nothing on arrival. They stayed near Ibrahim’s camp until dawn, when nagarets [kettle drums] sounded and his troops came forth in force with elephants…”

34 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Alongside accounts of military conflicts and strategies, there are well-observed descriptions of land- scapes and cities, local economies and customs, plants and animals. Subjects discussed by the Em- peror Babur and illustrated in this manuscript include Hindu ascetics at Bagram (today in Afghani- stan); the elephant, rhinoceros and buffalo; the peacock, parrot, and stork; the water-hog, and croco- dile; trees and shrubs such as the plantain, tamarind, and oleander; and the author supervising work on his own gardens in Kabul. Babur also provides what is probably the first reliable record of the famous diamond known as Koh-i-Noor, the ‘Mountain of Light’.

Abul Fazl

The most celebrated official historian during the Mughal Age was Abul Fazl, who undertook the gigantic work Akbarnamah, under the specific order of Akbar. Aheikh Abul Fazl, the son of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagaur was born at Agra on January 14 1551. He was a born genius, precocious child who completed his education by his fifteenth year and became a teacher by his twentieth year. In 1573 he was introduced to Akbar, who quickly perceived his sharp intellect and made him his close associate. He rose quickly in Akbar’s esteem and gained one after another very responsible posts in the empire. Whatever he touched he turned into a great success, whether it was in the arena of scholarship, politics, diplomacy or warfare. But he is known to the world mostly a s historian. He wielded a very powerful pen which was well utilized for his monumental work, when Akbar asked him to present a sincere and truthful account of the happenings of the Empire. Abul Fazl states how he set about doing this job, which was all not very easy. Very painstakingly he labored hard to collect the material, interrogated numerous officers, nobles and dignitaries and examined young and old wit- nesses in order to extract exact information from them. He caused a royal decree issued to al the provinces to furnish him every bit of relevant data on administration, social conditions and economic life. Special care was taken to see that correct information was furnished which was to be recited in the royal hearing. The result was the daily inundation of official reports in his office, which became a massive record office. Great pains were taken to obtain the original orders issued to the provinces from the centre, the reports of the ministers and high officers which were all scrutinized and utilized, whenever any doubts occurred, he consulted Akbar himself whose perfect memory, recollects every occurrences in gross and in detail, from the time he was one year old.”

Abul Fazl and Akbarnamah

Abul Fazl wanted to write four volumes on Akbars reign and a fifth volume on the administrative institutions. Abul Fazl was so keen on doing the job well that he revised the original draft five times until it came up to his expectations. The volume on administration was completed in 1593. When the main work, Akbarnamah was completed in 1598, it created a sensation. This work is regarded as the most complete and authentic history of Akbar reign. In terms of the authenticity of information obtained, the variety of topics covered, the critical and analytical methods adopted, the honesty and sincerity of purpose displayed, and the analysis and interpretations presented are all such that it is a class by itself. What Thucydides is to Greece, Tacitus is to Rome and Ibn Khaldun to Arabs, Abul Fazl is to the Mughals. He richly deserves the title of Historiographers- Royal of the Mughals. A contemporary remark about his style, Abul Fazl stands unrivalled. His style is grand and is free from technicalities and flimsy pettiness of other Munshis; and the force of his words, the structure of his sentences, the suitableness of his compounds, and the elegance of his periods are such that it would be difficult for anyone to imitate him.

35 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Akbarnamah is a comprehensive history of the reign of Akbar. The first part deals with Babar and Humayun, the Second part deals with Akbar from his accession to 1602, and the third part is Ain-E-Akbari that deals with the administrative machinery of the Government. It is a mine of information that gives us minute’s details on the extent, resources, conditions, populations, industry, trade and commerce of the empire. Abul Fazl regarded history as a unique pearl of science, which quiets perturbations, physical and spiritual, and gives light to darkness external and internal. He declares that he complied this history with a scrupulous regards for truth. It was his practice to be critical of self and indulgent of others. Akbar’s age witnessed a great awakening in social, political and religious areas, and Akbar himself was the main source for the great change. Abul Fazl attempted to capture the mood of the age nd depicted the manners of the people, so that posterity could appreciate the powerful impact that one enlightened monarch could bring about in all vital areas of human society. What Voltaire was to perform more than a century later in respect of Louis XIV, Abul Fazl had already done it in respect of Akbar the Great, namely to depict the spirit of the age its arts and social life, its administration and culture. Akbar realized the basic needs of the time, a strong monarchy, a liberal outlook which would bring down the barriers between man and man and political stability and social stability which were all needed to push India forward to the level of the most advanced nations of the world. He did succeed to the level as he was ably assisted in his endeavor by a band of selfless associates who were sincerely loyal to him and who genuinely believed in the nobility and necessity of his missions. Akbar needed a kind of wide publicity for his policies and programmes and no medium was more suited in those for the purpose that Abul Fazl. It was the greatness of Akbar that he had a discerning eye which could at once detect who suited most for a work; it cannot be denied that it is not altogether free from a subjective approach. Abul Fazl believed in Akbar as saints believed in God. Abul Fal was first an artist and then a scientist, and hence in many places Akbar’s vices have been minimized and virtues have been exaggerated. His style is not easy, lucid and captivating, but so terse and sophisticated that only serious scholars could make good use of it. Persian is more suited for poetic and artistic purposes, and when an author adopts almost n epic style in prose and attempts to produce a scientific treatise the natural confusion is imaginable. Consequently, Akbarnamah is not on the lips of all those who know Persian, but a sacred and a celebrated book of reference, like an authority on jurisprudence or an encyclopedia, consulted at times of compelling necessity but not read for pleasure.

Assessment

There is a striking difference of opinion regarding Abul Fazl’s veracity as a historian. He is accused of gross flattery, suppression of facts and dishonesty. His History is consequently regarded as not doing justice to Akbar. Abul Fazl is not for a moment to be compared, either in frankness or simplicity, with Comines, Sully, Claredon, and other ministers who have written contemporary history.

There is truth in all this criticism. But when every discount has been made, there is much to be said in the historian’s favour. The new methodology that Abul Fazl introduced-the extensive collection of regional sources and their critical investigation was the most advanced attempt so far made in Indian historiography. The systematic collection of data by the use of official records, and the rigorous investigation of the authenticity of every piece of information make the Akbar-Namh a genuine work of research. Among medieval historian, Abul Fazl alone can lay claim to a rational, secular and liberal approach to history. The new approach was of abiding value, and had the effect of widening the scope of Indian history in two directions. First, in consonance with Akbar’s new concept of a national empire, Abul Fazl’s work went a long way in turning medieval Indian history from the narrow confines of a story of the Muslims in India into a national history in which Hindus and their

36 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA life and culture found a place. Second, alone of the Medieval historians, Abul Fazl left an account not only of the political institutions and administrative arrangements of north India in the sixteenth century, but a description of the country and the manners, customs and popular beliefs of the people. Thus, for the first time, the governed classes were brought to the foreground. The charge that Abul Fazl deified Akbar is true enough. But it must be added that he wove his epic around the personality and achievements of a real hero. He saw in Akbar the ideals monarch whom he made a legend for the Indian people. The halo with which he made his book surrounds Akbar remains undimmed to this day.

Mulla Abdul Quadir Badauni (1540-1596)

Badauni regretted having been born at all; but consoled himself that the unfortunate incident took place during the reign of Sher Shah whom he described as destroyer of the infidels, an epithet which in fact was unjust to the great Afghan sovereign. Abdul Quadir was born in August at Todah, brought up at Bhusawar, while Badaun seems to have been parental home. He studies first under Shaikh Hatim Sambhali and later under the famous Shaikh Mubarak, along with Faizi and Abul Fazl. Faizi testifies to Badaun’s vast and varied learning. The historian mentions his second marriage (1574), but not the first. In 1574 Badauni was presented to Akbar at Agra. It was the time when young, determined emperor was feeling uneasy about the pretentious dominance of Ulema. The intrepid scholar easily challenged the spurious profundity of the Ulema and Akbar was pleased. Badauni was appointed Imam (priest) for prayers on Wednesday on account of his sweet voice, and was given thousand bighas of land- a goodly gift.

But the intimacy between the sovereign and the scholar turned into estrangement. Akbar began to suspect that Badauni was a fanatic. The springs of Badauni’s bitterness were personal and religious. Abul Fazl who had followed him to court now far outdistanced him in imperial favour. And Badauni saw the faith ebbing from the emperor’s heart and thought that it was indanger. The discussion in the Ibadat Khana (Hall of Worship built by Akbar for the purpose of discussing religious and philosophical problems) had so planted doubts in Akbar’s mind that loss of faith in Islam itself was only a matter of time. The Ulama were banished, and Akbar assumed supremacy in spiritual matters as well. And discharging the scholars religious susceptibilities the emperor thrust on him the task of translating the holy book of the Hindus. Badauni’s bitterness found vent in the language which in the times verged on obscenity.

Badauni’s intense zeal for his faith was inseparable from his hatred of Sufism., the Shias, the Hindus, and the liberalism of Shaikh Mubarak and his sons- Faizi and Abul Fazl. He adopted rigidly orthodox attitudes towards the new flexibility, the more liberal thinking, initiated by Akbar’s policies. He criticized everything that Akbar did- not only such religious and social reforms as fixing the age of marriage and establishing poor houses, but administrative measures like the branding of horses and the Mansabdari system. He would condemn Akbar and his program for the benefit of prosperity in his Muntakhab, which he wrote in secret lest he should bring down the wrath of the emperor prophet. The work must have occupied the author for five years before he completed it in 1596. He died the same years.

Sources

The inducement to write the Muntakhab, Badauni announces, was his sorrow for the faith and heart burning for the deceased Religion of Islam. The Muntakhab ut-Tawarikh is a history written with a

37 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA vengeance intended to give a true version of the anti-Islamic heresies and innovations of Akbar’s reign. To Badauni, history was a noble science and instructive art, but he warns that taken as a rational science, its study and contemplation might lead the shortsighted ‘into deviation from the straight path of Muhammad. Badauni mentions only the Tabaqat-I-Akbari of Nizam ud-Din Ahmed and Tarikh- i-Mubarak Shahi of Sirhindi as the sources from which he derived his information to which, he sya, he added something of his own. But he consulted diverse sources like Minhaj’s Tabaqat-i-Nisiri, Barani’s Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, and Amir Khusrau’s Ashiqa. The second volume of the Muntakhab, which contains Badauni’s reactions to the events of Akbar’s reign, is written mostly on the basis of his first hand, personal knowledge. To such information, he adds his own thoughts and what he thinks to be the thoughts of others.

Forms and Content

The Muntakhab is written in three volumes. The first volume is formal history from Subuktagin to Humayun, written in the form of reigns in strict chronological order. But the narrative is impartial to the importance of the rulers. Balban gets five pages while a political non-entity like Kaiqubad is honoured with eight. Badauni admires Sher Shah, but his reforms do not receive attention at all. The second volume comprises the events of the first forty years of Akbars reign set in the form of an annual chronicle. The third volume consists of a series of biographical sketched of the Ulema., the physicians and poets of Akbar’s court. There are somewhat detailed accounts of the Karori system and of the branding of the horses, but the Mansabdari system and the revenue administration receive little attention. But Badauni’s account is our chief contemporary source for the religious and philosophical discussion in the Ibadat Khana, and the account is given first hand. The historian disliked Akbar’s eclecticism and was disgusted with the emperor’s patronage of men of different persuasions to the detriment of the Muslims who, he thought, had the sole title to government office and prefer- ment. There are accounts of famine and earthquakes, the jauhar at Chitor, and of some of the buildings the Suthor had seen.

Historical Causation

Of causation in history, Badauni thinks that the individual acts not in the background of any historical situation, but according to his nature, motives and will. The source of all action is the individual will which creates historical events. Akbar welcomed Abul Fazl to his court because he expected to find in him a man capable of teaching the Ulema a lesson. It is in human volition, the belief that men act of their free will, that Badauni establishes historical causation. It is for this reason that he is so bitter against Akbar and all those who were instrumental in corrupting his mind. For this reason, Badauni attack on his adversaries is invariably of a very personal nature.

Subjectivity

Perhaps the most important features of the Muntakhab ut-Tawarikh is its chronic subjectivity, for its author wrote under great emotional stress created by what he thought was the organized undermining of Islam by Akbar and his sycophants. His highly personal views and interpretation of historical events were devoid of historical perspective. Value judgment abounds and the Shariat, the mainstay of Muslim life was the sole criterion of judgment for him. Of the one and half pages given to Hakim- ul-Mulj Gilani, exactly nine words are devoted to his medical accomplishments, the rest to his pos- tures in disputes between the ulema and the physicians. And medicine being rational science, Ba- dauni throughlu distrusses its efficacy. His value judgments are entirely negative, emotional and

38 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA personal, and made always from the religious point of view. He poured his ire into the Muntakhab which castigated Abul Fazl, in literary abuse, but it is rendered tolerable when we hear him mali- ciously condemning to fell Faizi, a friend who had always helped him and never offended him. And yet, the historian claims that it was not his habit to record the faults of others. Akbar and Abul Fazl escaped similar description of their death for Badauni died before them. According to Khafi Khan the publication of Muntakhab was suppressed by Ja- hangir.

Style

Badauni’s feelings conditioned his style, a feeling not harnessed by reason. The language is racy and outspoken, and feelings sometimes carried it to the verge of obscenity. The Muntakhab vibrates with life and emotion and is a very readable, if not an equally reliable, work. Often, the language is pithy, epigrammatic, packed with meaning.

Assessment

In final assessment, we have to say that Badauni’s Muntakhab is not wholly reliable and that it suffers from many faults; buit we also have to add that it supplements and corrects the over laudatory Ak- barnamah. The bitter historian comes to our aid in regard to some crucial pieces of information which Abul Fazl glosses over as unfavorable to the reputation of Akbar. For instance Badauni’s description of the terrible suffering of the ryots which the Karori system of land revenue entailed. Again, Ba- dauni’s account of Akbar’s religious evolution is of inestimable value. He tells us of the emperor alert mind which speculated on most questions known to man, and of his spiritual yearning which led him to spend whole nights and long hours of the day in contemplation and meditation. Even in his bitter lament for his faith Badauni does not seem to tell an untruth.

Conclusion

In accordance with flourishing The Mughal Empire, historical works by Mughal historians also were abundant and impressive. Under the patronage of either emperors or local government, early historians such as Abul Fazl who wrote Akbarnamah and Hwajah Nizam al-Din Ahmad ibn Muhammad Muqim Haravi who worked on Taqat-i-Akbari left great expectations which enable later historians to work on other great histories and become the base of current knowledge of the history of India. A wide range of subject matters which include ancestors of Mughal emperors, Mughal nobles, independent countries, geography, governmental systems, religions, and many others in India, Mughal historiography is truly respectable. Although some historical works contain a great deal of flattery to authority and religious prejudice, such aspects are also common in other countries and many other historical works try to show relatively detailed and verified history cited by various historical sources. Moreover, it is interesting to read historical accounts in literary language and with visual materials. The Mughal Empire, one of the most prosperous empires in South Asian territory, probably owes its fame partly to the efforts of its great historians.

39 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Nationalist Writings -Response to colonial writers.

Many Indians, affected by nationalism, and some Europeans, took up an examination of colonial stereotypes virtually as a challenge from the second half of the 19th century. They did so on the basis of detailed and meticulous research, which has created excellent traditions of devotion to facts and details and of reliance on primary sources in Indian historical discipline.

Indian historians tried to prove the falsity of colonial historical narrative on the basis of analysis of existing historical sources, as also the hunt for fresh sources. Of course, they also were moved by a feeling of hurt national pride. For decades, their work was confined to ancient and medieval periods. The professional historians did not take up the modern period though, as we shall see, the economists did, basically because of two reasons: (a) most of them were working in government or government- controlled schools and colleges, there was fear that any critique of colonialism would affect their careers; (b) they accepted the contemporary British historical view that scientific history must not deal with recent or contemporary period.

The Indian historians proclaimed the colonial notion of India’s tradition of spirituality as a mark of distinction and of India’s greatness and superiority over the West, especially in terms of ‘moral values’ as compared to the essentially ‘materialistic’ character of Western civilisation. (Paradoxically, this formulation made an appeal to the Indians of middle classes who belonged to moneylending and trading families who daily struggled for acquisition of material goods). At the same time, they denied the Indians’ exclusive devotion to spirituality and stressed their prowess in administration and state- craft, empire building, diplomacy, taxation structure, and military organisation, warfare, agrarian, industrial and commercial development. Many historians discovered in India’s past diplomatic and political institutions analogous to those of contemporary Europe. They vehemently denied the notion of ancient Indian being inefficient in running a state. They hailed the discovery in the beginning of the 20th century of Arthashastra by Kautilya and said that it proved that Indians were equally interested and proficient in administration, diplomacy and economic management by the state. Many glorified Kautilya and compared him with Machiavelli and Bismarck. Many also denied the dominant influence of religion on the state and asserted the latter’s secular character. They also contra- dicted the view that ancient Indian state was autocratic and despotic. The Kings in ancient India dispensed justice to all, they said. Others refuted the view that Indian rulers did not keep in mind the aim of the welfare of the people. Some even asserted the strong presence of the popular element in the state and went even so far as to say that in many cases the political structure approached that of modern democracies. In any case, all of them argued that government was not irresponsible and capricious. There were many limits on autocracy or the power of the rulers. There were many channels through which public opinion became effective. Some even argued that Indian monarchies were limited and often approached constitutional monarchy. For example, the Mantri Parishad described by Kautilya was compared with the Privy Council of Britain. Above all, very often the existence of local self-governments was asserted and the example of democratically elected village panchayats was cited. A few writers went so fare as to talk of the existence of assemblies and parliaments and of the cabinet system, as under Chandra Gupta, Akbar and Shivaji. Quite often, the wide observance by the rulers of international law, especially in the case of war, was also pointed out. They denied the charge that Indian rulers took recourse to arbitrary taxation and argued that a taxation system virtually analogous to that of a modern system of taxation prevailed. K.P. Jayaswal, a celebrated historian of the first quarter of the 20th century, took this entire approach to the extreme.

40 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA In his Hindu Polity, published in 1915, he argued that the ancient Indian political system was either republican or that of constitutional monarchy. He concluded: ‘The constitutional progress made by the Hindus has probably not been equalled, much less surpassed, by any polity of antiquity.’ (This was to counter the European view that Greece was the home of democracy). Basically, the nationalist approach was to assert that anything that was politically positive in the West had already existed in India. Thus R. C. Majumdar wrote in his Corporate Life in Ancient India that institutions ‘which we are accustomed to look upon as of western growth had also flourished in India long ago.’ Thus, interestingly, the value structure of the west was accepted. It is not ancient Indian political institutions which were declared to be, on the whole, greater, but western institutions which were accepted as greater and then found to have existed in ancient India.

Colonial historians stressed that Indians were always divided by religion, region, language, and caste, that it was colonialism alone which unified them, and that their unity would disappear if colonial rule disappeared. This also meant that Indians lacked a sense of patriotism and national unity. Nationalist historians countered the colonial view by claiming that cultural, economic and political unity and a sense of Indian nationhood had prevailed in pre-colonial India. Kautilya, for example, they said, had advocated in the Arthashastra the need for a national king. This need to assert the unity of India in the past explains, in part, why Indian historians tended to see Indian history as a history of Indian empires and their break up and why they treated the period of empires as period of national greatness. In their view Chandragupta Maurya, Asoka, Chandragupta Vikramditya and Akbar were great because they built great empires. Interestingly, this led to a contradiction in the nationalist approach during the Gandhian era. On the one hand India was praised as the land of non-violence and, on the other hand, the military power of the empire-builders was praised. One curious result was that Asoka was praised for his commitment to nonviolence by some historians, others condemned him for the same as it weakened the empire against foreign invaders.

The nationalists wrote approvingly of India’s culture and social structure. In the bargain they under- played caste oppression, social and economic denigration of the lower castes, and male domination. Moreover, while rightly emphasising India’s contribution to the development of civilisation in the world, they tended to underplay the impact of other cultures and civilisations on India’s development. Furthermore, as in the case of political institutions, often the worth of social values and institutions was accepted and then found to have existed in ancient India. Apart from its historical veracity, which cannot be discussed here, the nationalist historians’ approach towards ancient India had a few highly negative consequences. (i) Nearly all achievements of the Indian people in different areas of human endeavour were associated with the ancient period, (ii) It was Hindu culture and social structure in its Sanskritic and Brahmanical form that was emphasised. (iii) Glorification of the past tended to merge with communalism and, later, with regionalism.

In any case the high water-mark of the Indian historical writing on the ancient period of Indian history was reached around early 1930s. Later, it became more and more a caricature of the writings of the earlier period. Nationalist historiography of medieval India developed mostly during the 1920s and after, often to dispute the colonial and communal approaches. Nationalists historians of medieval India repeated more or less the entire nationalist approach towards ancient

Indian history. In particular, they emphasised the development of a composite culture in Northern India as a result of interaction among Hindus and Muslims both at the level of the common people and the elite. They also denied the colonial-communal assertion that Muslim rulers remained foreigners even after settling down in the country or that they were inherently oppressive or more so

41 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA than their predecessors or counterparts in the rest of the world. Above all, they denied that Hindus and Muslims lived in a conflictual situation, ever at each other’s throats.

Despite their tendency to glorify India’s past and to defend Indian culture against colonial denigera- tion, many of the nationalists historians also looked for an answer to the question: how could a small trading company, backed by a small country thousands of miles away, conquer such a large country as India with its hoary past and great civilisations. This indicated the beginnings of a critique of Indian culture and social structure, which, in turn, led to initial steps being taken towards the study of social history, especially pertaining to the caste system and the position of women.

The contemporary nationalist critique of colonialism also led to first steps being taken towards the economic history of pre-colonial India. Also as the national movement developed as a mass movement, attention turned in the 1930s towards a study of the role of the common people in history. This trend fructified, however, only after the 1950s.

It may also be kept in view that the historians we are discussing were handicapped by the limitation of their sources. They had to rely mostly on written sources, though epigraphy and numismatics were beginning to make a major contribution. Archaeology was still in its infancy, while the use of anthropology and sociology was negligible. Economics too was seen as a preserve only of the economists.

Marxist Understanding

The Marxist historians have contributed enormously to Indian historiography. In all field of Indian history, whether we divide it by periods or by topics, the Marxist historians have made significant contributions. In several areas, their works have changed the course of historiography. The Marxist historians do not form a monolithic bloc. As we have seen in our discussion of several trends, there are wide divergences of views among the Marxist historians. However, there are certain common elements among them.

The history of the dynasties was replaced by the history of the common people. More emphasis was now given to the study of economy and society in preference to the political history. The study of broad social and economic systems such as feudalism and colonialism were undertaken and the social, economic and political changes were considered not in the light of the actions of individual statesmen, but in terms of the working out of economy and conflicts between classes. At the level of methodology, Kosambi’s works introduced an interdisciplinary approach to history which encompassed literature, archaeology, linguistics, anthropology, numismatics and statistics. Moreover, the Marxist historiography has made interpretation and explanation more important than narration or description.

Romila Thappar

Views on revisionist historiography

Thapar is critical of what she calls a "communal interpretation" of Indian history, in which events in the last thousand years are interpreted solely in terms of a notional continual conflict between monolithic Hindu and Muslim communities. Thapar says this communal history is "extremely selective"

42 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA in choosing facts, "deliberately partisan" in interpretation and does not follow current methods of analysis using multiple, prioritised causes.

In 2002, the Indian coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) changed the school textbooks for social sciences and history. Romila Thapar, who was the author of the textbook on Ancient India for class VI, objected to the changes made without her permission that, for example, deleted passages on eating of beef in ancient times, and the formulation of the caste system. She questioned whether the changes were an, "attempt to replace mainstream history with a Hindutva version of history", with the view to use the resultant controversy as "election propaganda." Other historians and commentators, including Bipan Chandra, Sumit Sarkar, Irfan Habib, R.S. Sharma, Vir Sanghvi, Dileep Padgaonkar and Amartya Sen also protested the changes and published their objec- tions in a compilation titled, Communalisation of Education. In turn, the historians were accused of offending the sensibilities of some religious and caste groups by their formulations of history.

Thapar's appointment to the Library of Congress's Kluge Chair in 2003 was opposed in an online petition bearing more than 2,000 signatures. Journalist Praful Bidwai criticized the petition as a "vi- cious attack" by communalists who are "not even minimally acquainted" with her work. A number of academics sent a protest letter to the Library of Congress denouncing the petition as an attack on intellectual and artistic freedom. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) supported her appointment by calling her "a liberal with a scientific outlook".

During the 2006 Californian Hindu textbook controversy, Thapar joined Michael Witzel in opposing changes proposed by US-based Hindu groups to the coverage of Hinduism and Indian history in school textbooks. She contended that while Hindus have a legitimate right to a fair and culturally sensitive representation, the proposed changes included unscientific, religious-based material that distorted the truth and pushed a political agenda.

Ideology and Interpretation

Thapar has an interest in the social and cultural history of ancient India. The increasing interest in the historiography of the early period is an indicator of the awareness of the role of ideology in historical interpretation. She has also used comparative method to study similar societies with the evidence both literary and archaeological sources. Other sources include linguistic, ethnographic and other fields of Indology.

Irfan Habib

As a historian, he has few peers. His research on The Agrarian System of Mughal India, published in the 1960s, immediately became a classic. Recognition as a fearless exponent of Marxist historiography rained down on him. His initial work pertained to the medieval era of Indian history. He has ceaselessly produced tracts on aspects of this historical period, each of which bears the stamp of his intellectual depth and clarity of writing. His mind and interest did not, however, long stay confined to any particular, narrow phase of events and occurrences. He soon spread out; nothing from the very ancient period to the outer fringes of modern Indian history has escaped his attention. The point has to be emphasised over and over again: whatever he has written has been the product of scholastic endeavour of the highest order: reasoning, primary data not unraveled in the past, application of such data towards formulating credible hypotheses, and the entire corpus built, stone by stone, into a mag- nificent edifice which can be held in comparison only with other products emanating from Irfan

43 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Habib's mind and pen. It is the combination of quantity of output and quality of excellence which has enabled his works reach the reputation of being the other word for supreme excellence.

Inevitably, he has attracted attention as much within the country as outside. Honours have come to him easily. What is of stupendous additional significance, his interpretation of data, building of prem- ises based on such data and expansion of the underlying reasoning, have never strayed away from their Marxist foundation. He has been unabashedly Marxist in his scholastic activities, and has never made a secret of his intellectual and emotional inclination. No run-of-the-mill braggart, his output, every line of it, every expression of his format, has spelled out his faith and belief. Ours is a hide- bound society; it breathes reaction from every pore. Nonetheless, it has been unable to either bypass or be indifferent to Irfan's towering scholarship. Not only has he been accorded the highest academic distinction in an educational institution which has its fair share of retrograde thoughts and demean- our. Even the country's administrative establishment could not fail to take cognisance of his intellectual prowess. Thus the Chairmanship of the Indian Council of Historical Research was offered to him. He held this position for well over a decade, and it was no vacuous adornment of a throne. He used the opportunity to wonderful effect, guiding and counseling historical research at different centres of learning in the country. The result shows in the secular advance in the quality of history teaching and writing in the different Indian universities.

But research interests have not held back Irfan in a narrow mooring. Alongside his individual research activities and the scholastic work he has encouraged around him, his focus of attention has continued to be his students. He has lived for his students , and it would be no exaggeration to claim that he is prepared to die for them. A little facetious research will prove the point: about half of his colleagues on the faculty of history in the Aligarh Muslim University happen to be his former students. It would still be a travesty to infer that he built his students in his own image. He has been a radical thinker, a weather-beaten socialist prepared to combat all ideological challenges, and yet his catholicism as a teacher is by now a legend. Even those whose stream of thought is not in accord with his wave-length have nonetheless found in him the most painstaking teacher who would not deny a student, any student, what he, rightfully or otherwise, can expect of a teacher. Irfan's style of exposition has an elegance of its own: he is an accredited socialist, and yet his command of language, and the manner in which he puts it across, have the hallmark of the legatee of a benign, civilised aristocracy. Maybe in this matter his heredity has been a natural helper.

That does not still tell the entire story of his dazzling career. It is possible to come across scores and scores of arm-chair socialists and radicals whose faith has not nudged them into political activism. From that point of view too, Irfan Habib is all together out of the ordinary. He has been, for nearly three decades, an accredited member of a revolutionary political party; he has not concealed this datum from any quarters. Quite on the contrary, that identity has been his emblem of pride. He has been prepared to serve the cause of the party whenever called upon, without however compromising or neglecting his academic responsibilities. It is this blend of intense - if it were not a heresy, one could say, almost religious - belief and fearless participation in political activism which has marked him out in the tepid milieu of Indian academia. His activism, one should add, has widened beyond the humdrum sphere of political speech-making and polemical writing (although, even in his absent- mindedness, his polemics has never descended to the level of empty rhetoric). Irfan's social conscience has prodded him into trade unionism, what many academics would regard as waywardness of the most shocking kind. Irfan could not have cared less for such snobbery. He has also encouraged his students to combine radical thought with political engagement. He has been at the forefront of organisers of teachers' movements. To cap all, he has been the main inspirer and mobiliser of the

44 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA non-teaching employees of his university and elsewhere. He has suffered on all these accounts including, for a period, suspension from his university. This was an outrage, and social pressure forced the university to revoke its insensate decision.

To fail to mention his relentless opposition to communal revanchists of all genres will be an unpar- donable omission. Muslim fundamentalists have made him their favourite target; of late, Hindu communalists have joined the ranks of this motley crow d. Irfan has not for one moment cowered before this rabble. A quiet, tranquil person in his natural disposition, there is a reservoir of fire in him which has been continuously directed against society's reactionary scum.

*****

45 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA MODULE II

STATE AND ECONOMY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

Revenue Administration

Introduction

As taxation came to appropriate a sizeable part of the peasant's surplus in countries of the Islamic world, a mechanism had simultaneously to be devised to collect this from the peasantry and distribute it among the members of the ruling class. The crucial element in this mechanism was the iqta, through which were combined the two functions of collection and distribution but without immediately en- dangering the unity of the political structure. The iqta Was a territorial assignment and its holder was designated muqti.

Obligation of Iqta

Nizam-ul-Mulk here emphasizes an important element in the iqta, viz, the Muqti's right to collect and appropriate taxes, especially land revenue, due to the king, during the latter's pleasure. The iqta however, also implied, in return, certain obligations on the part of the muqti to the sultan, the major one being to maintain troops and furnish them at call to the sultan. The revenues he appropriated from the iqta were thus meant to provide him with resources were with to fulfill this obligation. Nizam-ul Mulk himself regards this way of maintaining the bulk of the Sultan's troops as normal, though he records a tradition that earlier kings paid for their army in cash from the treasury, and did not assign iqta`s.

The muqti was thus tax collector, and army paymaster (also commander), rolled into one. The area that the sultan did not give in iqta`s was called khalisa; here the sultan's officials (amils) collected taxes directly for the royal treasury

Origin of Iqta

When the Ghorians conquered northern India, the conquests were initially divided up among commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plunder and collection of tribute. Yet, so similar was the practice of iqta assignments to the conquerors that the commanders were designated muqti's and their territorial jurisdictions were called iqta.

With the establishment of the Sultanate, conditions largely remained the same; but a gradual process seems to have begun that ultimately converted what were autonomous principalities into real Iqta's. First of all, the sultan from Iltutmish (1210-36) onwards enforced the practice of transferring muqti's from one iqta to another. The muqti's were clearly required to provide military assistance at the sum- mons of the sultan; but in the earlier period at least there is no evidence that the muqti was required to maintain a fixed number of troops or to send every year a particular amount to the sultan's treasury. The muqti also seems to have been free to sub-assign small iqta's to anyone he chose, from within his own larger iqta, he also probably normally paid his troops by this means.

46 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Growth of the System

The sultans sought to enlarge their own khalisa lands. ln what is the first reference to khalisa in India, lllutmish is said to have appointed a slave of his as in charge of the khalisa at of Tabarhinda (Bhat- inda). Apparently, Delhi itself together with its surrounding district, including parts of the Doab was in the sultan’s khalisa. A later tradition related that lltutmish paid cavalry soldiers of his own 'central' army (qalb), 2,000 or 3,000 in number, by assigning them villages, which came to be called iqta's (paralleling similar sub-assignments by muqti's). The practice continued under Balban, (1266-86), who in spite of discovering great abuses, did not seek to abolish the assignments, but only to reduce or resume those from which full or proper service was not forthcoming. lf Barani has not read a later practice into the past, the sultans began to insist well before the fall of Balban's dynasty that ‘excess amounts' (Fawazil) must be sent from the iqta's to that Sultan's treasury. One could say that inherent in the calculation of the excess was an estimation of the troops the muqti's were expected to maintain. Sultan Balban's appointment of a khwaja (accountant) along with the muqti suggests perhaps that the sultan's government was now trying to discover what was actually collected and spent within the iqta.

Modification

Major changes occurred during the reign of Alauddin khalji (1296-1 316). Under this sultan there were simultaneously a great expansion in the limits of the empire and an attempt at imposing the full land tax on the peasantry of the older territories. This immense enlargement in resources of the ruling class was accompanied by a number of important measures affecting iqta organization.

As more distant areas became subject to the empire and were assigned in iqta, areas nearer the capital were annexed to the khalisa. lt now covered the whole of the middle Doab and parts of modern Rohilakhand. The system of paying the Sultan's own cavalry troops (hashm) by assignment of villages as iqtas was abolished. The entire revenue of the khalsia was brought into the reasury, and the soldiers were paid in cash. This system continued without changes until the end of the reign of Mu- hammad Tughluq.

Ala-ud-din khalji maintained the practice of assigning iqta's to his commanders. What was new was the extent of the intervention of the sultans bureaucracy in the administration of the iqta. Ala-ud-din Khalji decreed the new system of assessment and collection of agrarian taxes in a large region, the bulk of which as Barani himself shows, was under muqtis. The new position of the muqti in relation to the Sultan's government is revealed in some detail by the chronicler when he describes the situation as it existed prior to the measures taken by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-5).

The tax income (kharaj) from each iqta was estimated at a particular figure by the Finance Depart- ment (Diwan-i-Wizarat). The department remained on constant look-out for an opportunity to en- hance this estimate. Out of the estimated income of the iqta a certain amount was allowed for the pay (mawajib) of the troops (hasham) placed under the muqti or wati. The area expected to yield this amount was apparently set apart by the diwan. The remainder was treated as the muqits own personal iqta, i.e. for his own salary and the expense of his personal establishment of officials. He had to pay into the treasury all realization above the amount allowed for the pay of the army and for his own income. The muqti's were naturally tempted to conceal their true receipts, and so understate the excess payable by them to the sultan.

47 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA At the same time in order to maximize their collections, the muqti's were anxious to control the embezzlement by officials, of their iqtas. Thus, while the sultan's government was intent on prevent- ing concealment and defalcation by the muqti’s the latter harbored similar suspicions against their own subordinates. Harsh measures, including imprisonment and physical torture, were taken as part of audit at both levels. Barani says that Ala-ud-din khalji's minister sharaf Qai had the papers of the village accountants (patwaris) audited in order to check fraud; revenue officials were kept by him for long years in chains and subjected to torture for small misappropriations. Afif alleges that the same minister imposed enhancements (taufir) in the estimated income of the iqta's, as a result of which the entire sultanate wae 'devastated'. These enhancements might well have been based on detections made through his rigorous practices of audit. lqta system during the Ghiyasuddin Tughluq

Ghiyasuddin Tughluq had no radical changes to introduce in this system, except to propound mod- eration. The Finance Department was not to increase the estimate of income by over one tenth or one -eleventh annually. Since the burden of any such enhancement could be passed on by the muqti's who took anything from one -tenth to one twentieth of the kharaj in excess of their sanctioned income. No muqti was, however, to be allowed to take anything from the portion of the iqta resented for the payment of the troops. Similarly, the muqtis were reserved for the payment of the troops. Similarly, the muqti's were warned not to ill-treat any of their official for small amounts (0.5 or 1 percent of the receipts) taken over and above their salaries.

Iqta under Muhammad Tughlaq

Under Muhammad Tughluq (1325-51) we find a further extension of the control of the sultan's government. The two functions of collecting taxes and maintaining the troops now began to be separated. It is possible that the separation arose primarily to obtain larger income. Barani tells us that, "a man of low birth, who took the iqta of Kara, on contract (Muqata'a) at some lakhs of tankas and of Nusrat khan, a merchant, who took the contract for the iqta of bidar and surrounding territories, upon a promise to pay one crore of tankas. lsami similarly recounts how Alishah khalji, having occupied Gobar, paid a fixed amount to the Diwan every year. But then Sharan, a Hindu, who held the iqta of Gulbarga, offered to pay half as much more and obtained charge of Gobar as well. ln the first two cases of contract (muqata'a) recorded by Barani, it is to be presumed that no obligation to maintain or furnish troops stationed rested on the contractors, and the troops stationed in the iqta's must have had separate establishments. lbn Battuta, in his account of the hazar of Amroha, tells us how in fact such dual administration operated.

The hazar of Amroha, he says, had a wali al-kharaj, Arabic form for, the simply, 'Wali', the usual synonym of muqti. The wali (Aziz Khammar) had 1,500 villages under his charge, yielding an (estimated) revenue of 6 million (tankas), where of the wali took just one twentieth for his own pay, and the rest was paid into the treasury. It was out of this amount that 'Aziz Khammar was called upon to send large quantities of grain to Delhi-side by side there was an amir (military commander) of the same territory, He was in command of the troops, an advantage he drove home during a quarrel with 'Aziz, when he besieged the latter in his house with his troops. Presumably, the amir's troops used to claim money for their pay from the wali, for the wali complained that a slave of amir had seized some money from his treasury.

48 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA We are fortunate in possessing in the Arbic work, Nasalik al-Absar, a description of the iqta system as it functioned under Muhammad Tughluq. It says that at army commanders, from Khans heading 10,000 cavalry troops to istahlar (sipah salars), placed over less than a hundred, were assigned iqta's in lieu of their salaries. The estimated income of the iqta, against which the salary was adjusted, was always less than the actual. The significant point is that the troops are said to have been always paid in cash by the treasury and that he iqta's were given only in lieu of the commander personal salaries. This would mean in effect that the appointment of the iqta reserved for the soldiers under the khaljis and Ghiyasuddin Tughluq was now taken out of the commander's hands altogether; only the part sufficient to yield his own salary was left to him as his iqta. lt is easy to see that the kind of division witnessed by lbn Battuta in the hazar of Amroha would be true of all areas taken out of the old lqta's and reserved for the payment of troops.

It is possible that Muhammad Tughluq’s difficulties with his army officers-called Amiran-i-sada (centurians) had their roots in among other things, the arrangements whereby the commanders were deprived of lqta management. Barani himself ascribes conflict with the Amiran-i-sada in the Deogir (Daulatabad) region to the new arrangements for revenue collection there.

Iqta: During Firuz Tughluq

Firuz Tulghluq’s accession (1351) took place amidst a severe political crisis, and he began his reign by promising concessions to the nobility. He decreed that there should be a new estimate of the revenues (mahsul) of the sultanate; and within four years this was prepared, the total amounting to 7,500,000 or 68,500,000 tankas. The figure was designated jama (a term used for the first time); and no change was made in it for the remainder of the reign of the sultan. The fixity of Jama meant that the muqtis would not be troubled on account of enhancements in the payments due from then to the treasury. The auditor of their accounts at the court now became a comfortable and even pleasant business for the muqtis. Firuz also increased the personal pay of his great nobles; wher as the highest personal pay of nobles under Muhammad Tughluq was 200,000 tankas (for Khans), Firuz gave to his khans and maliks, for their-personal income alone, the pay of 400,000, 600,000 or 800,000 tankas, reaching in the case of his Wizir 1,300,000 tankas. ln lieu of this they obtained separate 'iqtas and parganas. lt is to be assumed from 'Afifs language that technically the portion of the iqta assigned for his personal pay of the muqtai remained separte from that assigned for his troops; but in the absence of any mechanism of control the separation seems to have become increasingly nominal.

In general- Firuz Tughluq's policy was to assign lands in iqtas. By an inspiration from God, he distributed the revenues (mahsul) of the empire among the people; even (all) the paraganas and lqta's were distributed. One should infer from this that the khalisa was greatly reduced. Within such of it as reminded he re-established the system of paying soldiers by assigning them the revenues of villages as wajh (a new term), in lieu of their salaries (mawajib). Soldiers who were not assigned wajh, were paid their salaries in cash from the treasury, by way of drafts (italaq, barat) on the iqtas of the nobles, to be adjusted against the payments of 'excess' due from them to the treasury. Afif says that in such cases the soldiers received only half of their claim from the iqta’s ; and it was common for them to sell their drafts (itlaq) to speculators for a third of the pay, the buyers of the paper then went to the iqta's where they apparently received only half of the amount due.

The reign of Firuz Tughluq was also remarkable for the regard paid to the hereditary principle. Ever since the Khalji coup of 1290, the ruling class of the sultanate had been marked by an acute instability

49 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA in composition, a phenomenon tending, in the opinion of Barani, to open its doors to plebeian elements of all kinds. Firuz claims that the conferred officers of deceased incumbents upon their sons. Afif refers to this policy both in general terms and with reference to particular appointments. The inference seems natural that in such cases the same territories continued in the iqta's of the incumbents and their sons. This is indeed explicitly recorded for the wajh assignments, which, upon the death of the troopers, passed on to their sons, and failing them, to sons-in-law, slaves and widows.

No restoration of central control of earlier times was possible under the successors of Firuz. We read that Mubarak shah (1421-34) in 1422 gave the iqta of Lahore to a noble with 2,000 cavalries placed under him. Here, then, the iqta still carried some obligation to maintain troops. Cases of transfer of iqta's also occurred. But these appear to have been exception.

Iqta system under Lodis

Under the Lodis (1451-1526), the system remained essentially similar, but a reorganization occurred. The term iqta now disappear from view, replaced simply by Sarkars and Parganas. These were territorial division, each Sarkar comprising a number of Pargans. The term Sarkar seems to have, originated from its use to represent a noble's establishment. A group of parganas placed under Sarkar of a noble (and thus in older terminology, his iqta) would be called, first, his Sarkar, and, then simply, a Sarkar. Each Sarkar was assigned a Jama, or estimated revenue, whose purpose could only be to lay down, to some extent, the military and other obligations of the noble holding the Sarkar-assignment, Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517) was reputed to have refused to claim the balance if an assignee's income increased beyond the officially sanctioned figure. The principal assignees used to sub- assign portions of their territories, or parganas, to their subordinates who, again, paid their soldiers by the same means. In spite of the weaknesses of central control in the Lodi regime, the essential elements of the old iqta's would appear to have been retained and to have been bequeathed to the Mughals who constructed on their basis their elaborate system of jagirs.

State and Rural Society

Introduction

There is hardly any source of information to study the picture of rural society. However, we can study the rural society by gathering information available in Sanskrit, Apabhramsa and some of the south Indian languages. Although the information on village life available in these sources. It deals with the period from the 9th -10th centuries. They provide us a background, and enable us to understand better the changes and continuities in village life under the Delhi sultanate.

Role of Village

Village was one of the important units of rural society. A village was assigned to a trooper called Zia-uddin, the sovereign having given him the right (haqq) over his poll tax (Jizya) and (the tax on) cultivation (ziriat), so that he might spend the income on himself and his military equipment. The peasant, however fled the assigned village and settled in villages of which the qazis of Thanesar were the maliks (literally, proprietors). Zia-uddin insisted that the emigrants be returned to his village. The qazis retorted that the peasants were 'free men by birth, and could not be forced to go back against their will. This drew the explanation that no one was claiming 'ownership of their persons. What was being pressed was the right to collect the poll tax (Jizya) from the peasants. This was the sovereigns

50 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA right and being a tax on person could not by fact of the payers' emigration pass from the assignee of that right to the maliks of their present villages. As for the kharaj or land tax, these peasants had, by abandoning the land on which the tax was levied, reduced the revenue of that village. Their residence in the village was thus a necessary condition for the collection of the land tax; and for this reason, too they were not to be enticed away by the other maliks whose duty now was to return them to their original village.

Position of villages

The peasants were thus not the masters of their domicile, and were in effect, no better than semi- serfs. But like serfs too they had certain things that they could own, such as seed, cattle and imple- ments. They also sold their produce in order to pay the land revenue in cash. These were sufficient factors for the existence or emergence of economic differentiation within the peasantry. Barani des- ignates men of the highest stratum among the peasants as khots and muqaddams, headmen. The term khot remained in use in the Doab until the middle of the sixteenth century. While it had a longer survival in Gujarat and the Deccan. The other designation muqaddam has come down to the present century.

Position of Khots and Muqaddamn

Before Ala-ud-din Khalji adopted his measure aimed at bringing the khots, they are alleged to have claimed exemption from paying the three major taxes, viz. land revenue (kharaj-jiziya), house tax (ghari), and the cattle tax (charai), Furthermore they levied a cess of their own (qismat-khoti) on the villagers. As a result, the khots became prosperous enough to ride horses, were fine clothes, and even eat betel leaf. Ala-ud-din prohibited the khots from levying any cess and forced them to pay the full land tax on their cultivated lands. He also levied ghari on every house charai on every head of milch cattle thus not exemption the khots here as well. As a result, the khots are said to have become so poor that no trace of gold or silver or money remained in their houses and their wives were compelled to work as maidservants for wages in the houses of Muslims'. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) modified these stern measures to some extent; though still forbidding the khots from levying any cess upon peasants. he exempted them from paying tax on their own cultivation and cattle. Clearly, then the khots and Muqaddam were peasants, but peasants standing on the border land of the rural aristocracy; when hard pressed, they would sink to the level of ordinary cultivators and even wage- earners. When during the time of Firuz Tughluq the pressure on this stratum practically disappeared, horses, cattle, food grain's and goods filled the houses of khots and muqaddams'.

Village Aristocracy

Above the khots and muqaddams stood the rural aristocracy. The composition and power of this class had been subject to much change. The chiefs opposing the Ghorians and the early Delhi sultans are designated rais and ranas by Minhaj siraj. The cavalry commanders on knights of the rajas were called Rawat. Barani follows similar usage in his account of thirteenth-century events. He puts in the mouth of Balban (1266-86) the statement that though the rais and ranas might have in all 100,000 payaks (foot soldiers) and dhanuks (anchers), they could not stand before 6,000 to 7,000 cavalries of Delhi. The Rawats were men of a lower - status than ranas when Malik Chhajiu, governor of Kara, revolted against Jalauddin Khalji (1290-96) rewets and payaks came in enormous numbers to join him. The existence of an earlier feudal hierarchy of raja, ranka and rauta is established fairly well, by epigraphic evidence from many parts of northern lndia. lt would seem that once the major forts

51 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA were occupied by the conquerors, the sultan and his muqtis (governors) made use of the existing political structure for quite some time, imposing tribute on the rais and rankas while expecting them to collect taxes as they did before. As a result, the immediate control of the older ruling class over the land and the peasantry continued. This would explain the kind of transactions recorded in a brick inscription at 1217 found near Jaunpur, and a copper plate from Kasrak (shahjahanpur District) of 1227. The latter inscription acknowledges Iltutmish as the sovereign. ln both records, rautas mort- gage lands against loans among themselves, with a ranka standing surely in the first transaction.

Even when the authority of the sultanate over the country was asserted more vigorously, and an arbitrary tribute was replaced by a land tax assessed on the peasants, the older aristocracy still had a place. This is brought out by the episode of Ghazi Malik, Alauddin khalji's governor of Dipalpur, and Rana Mal Bhatti. The tatter was one of the rais of the region of Dipalpur. When he refused to marry his daughter to Ghazni Malik's brother, Ghazi Malik was advised to demand the years revenue from him all at once.

Ultimately, not able to see the distress of his peasantry, the Rana surrendered his daughter. The interesting point in this story is that the peasantry had seemingly two master. The Sultan's governor and the rana. The governor could initially demand the land revenue from the rana; so presumably the rana normally collected the tax from the peasantry. Upon the rana's inability to pay the amount demanded, the governor would enforce a direct collection from village headmen and chaudhuris. We are left to assume that by now an advanced stage had been reached in the subversion of the older rural aristocracy, though the old forms had not yet been destroyed.,

It is possible, however, that the fourteenth century saw the completion of that process of destruction, which was also at one and the same time a process of transformation of the older aristocracy into a new superior rural class. From the point of view of the sultanate ruling class, the existence of an intermediary class in the country side was essential for its own appropriation of a large amount of agricultural surplus in the form of land revenue. This superior class could not be created out of nothing. It had to absorb elements of the older aristocracy, while perhaps admitting some from the village headmen. The Chaudhuri seems to have been the first representative of this new emerging class.

It is not mentioned in Minhaj Siraj or any earlier Persian source, nor is he to be found in the epigraphic records of the thirteenth century or earlier. But with Barani, writing in the middle of the fourteenth century, he appears as the highest rural magnate answerable for land revenue to the authorities. lbn Battuta defines his position in more express terms- “Sadi in this country is a collection of a hundred villages. The territories of the kingdom are divided into sadis. Each sadi has a Jautari (chaudhuri), who is the chief of the Infidels of the district, and a mutasarrif (official), who collect the taxes."

Choudhary lbn Battuta's reference to sadi is curious. He also refers to a district designated bazari, implying a larger division of 1,000 villages. No other source of document refers to this grouping of villages by hundreds. By the middle of the fourteenth century the basic collection of villages came to be called Pargana, an lndian name, which apparently won recognition in the sultanate rather late. ln the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Chaudhuri was the hereditary Zamindar held answerable for the collection of revenue in each Pargana. Their common association with the office of chaudhuri suggests that the sadi and pargana were in practice identical units. lt is also likely that under other names

52 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA the division had an older history, and was originally the result of a distribution of villages in groups of '84' among the clan of the Gurjara- Pratihara and Chalukya dominions. We may then suppose that the descendants of the chiefs who held control over these units had now largely reappeared as Chaudhuris, doubtless shorn of much of their old powers and authority, but still forming part of the rural aristocracy and taking a share of the revenue.

The Chaudhuris constituted only one element of the superior rural class. It seems that about the middle of the fourteenth century, the alternations in the agrarian system had preceded for enough for the entire rural population to be divided. From the point of view of the revenue receiving ruling class, into just two classes, viz., 'the peasants and zamindars', both to be described as 'subjects only in appearance,' who 'pay revenue only when faced by terror of the army and blows of the dagger. The word zamindar was now pressed into a new use, as a blanket term for the entire superior rural class. Firuz Tughluq in his proclamation issued on the eve of his expedition to Bengal in 1353, implies that zamindars comprised'people like muqaddams, mafrozis, maliks, etc. Muqaddams, as we have seen, were identical with khots. Mofrozis, to judge from Barani's use of the term, were those to whom the government granted control over land in place of the earlier dominant elements. They were thus new persons set up to perform functions of the old aristocracy. Malik was a term used rather freely for any person with any superior right over land, though the linguistically allied term milk and amlak referred to revenue grants. The other words, Zamindars tended to form a comprehensive category embracing all kinds of superior right -holders. lt is possible that the common term also implied a process by which these rights, originally of great variety and complexity, were tending to be shaped in to a simpler or more uniform pattern.

Process of change from 15th century

The process begun in the fourteenth century was possibly interrupted in the fifteenth owing to political circumstances. The Delhi sultanate became very restricted; and independent units, fragments of the great sultanate, went their own separate ways. Chroniclers could no longer record situations true for large regions and there is also a deficiency of documents. Within the reduced limits of the sultanate, we see local hereditary chiefs, the khokhars in the Punjab, the Khanzadas in Newat, the chiefs of Gwalior, of katehr, and so on becoming powerful and exercising authority over large tracts. It is possible that this represented a partial but only a partial revival of the older rural aristocracy.

The tradition preserved of the measures taken by Farid as revenue collector of his Father's districts in Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh during the reign of Sikandar, Lodi (1489-1 517) It shows that villages were divided into two groups. One set was held by the riaya, apparently comprising headmen (muqaddams) and cultivations (muzaris) and the other by zamindars, who too are indifferently designated muqaddams. Of the latter, Farid is reputed to have said, in a manner quite reminiscent of Ala-ud-din Khalji's denunciations of khots and muqaddams.

Another interesting documents of about the same period sheds light on the size of the share of the surplus appropriated by the superior right holders in the areas closer to Delhi. This document, dated 1530 records the transfer of two rights over a village in the district (khital) of Shamsabad in the Doab, the right of hmilk-i-khoti (right and ownership of khoti) and kharaj- in' am (right to land tax, held by grant). The former was sold at the total price of 700 tankas and the latter leased at an annual payment of 300 tankas. Here the chance possession in the same hands of the two kinds of claims to surplus has given us the opportunity of comparing their relative magnitude. The annual net realization of the land tax alone amounted to 43 percent of the capitalized value of the annual income from the local

53 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA magnate’s proprietary right. Surely, the income from proprietary right could not, in these circumstances, have been more than a subordinate share of the surplus. For example, even if the buyer of the khoti right expected to recover the price in as few as five years, his expected net annual income would still have been less than half of the net collection of land revenue. This may give us the measure of the relative wealth and power of the sultanate ruling class and superior rural groups (their income resting on claims upon the peasants based on customs and inheritance).

The Civil, Judicial, Fiscal and Military Administration

Introduction

The sultanate of Delhi was a theocracy and not a secular state. In theory the Sultans were the deputies of the Caliph and were to rule according to the Islamic law based upon the precepts of the Quran. Islam does not separate religion from politics. As per the Islamic law the state is only an instrument to serve the creed in the attainment of its objectives - Muslim brotherhood. Islamic theory meant that the entire Islamic world was united under the religious and political authority of the prophet (Prophel Mohammed). The conduct of ruling authority in the Sultan of Delhi was governed by the quranic injuctions and administer their dominions in a way as to transform the Dar-ul-Harb the land of the infidels into Dar-ul-lslam (Muslim states).

However, the theory of state as prescribed in the Islam had undergone great changes by the time Delhi Sultanate asserted itself. The monarchial form of Government, the basic feature of the sultanate was itself an extra - quranic growth. Most of the Sultans were wine taker, an act which had been strictly prohibited by the quranic law. They had harems which is against the cannons of Islam. Thus, the guiding-principle of the Delhi sultanate was that they should bank upon the Muslim law so far as it was possible for them in a foreign country (lndia) and at the time when they were ruling under different circumstances and for different ends so it was not the reproduction of administration of the Caliph but a modified or Indian form of administration.

Theory of kingship

Civil Administration

The Sultan- The head of the Sultanate always used to be the king who was called the Sultan. Though in theory he had to rule according to the Quran and had also to recognize the authority of khalifa, yet in practice he was despot. He was the state and source of all authority. His word was law and he could defy the authority of the Ulema. The sultan was the chief executive head of the state. He could appoint or dismiss any officer in the state. All officers of the state were responsible to him for their acts of omission and commission. He was also the fountain of justice and could award any punishment to the offenders.

Monarchy - No Hereditary

In the choice of the Sultan, principle of hereditary succession was not adhered to. The dying king had the right to nominate his successor but his nomination was not always accepted. For example, Iltutmish before his death nominated his able daughter, Raziya, as the successor but the nobles having disapproved of his choice raised his son, Rukn-ud-din Firoz to the throne. Similarly, the nobles rejected Balban's choice of Kai Khusrau as his successor and, instead, made Kaiqabad the next king.

54 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA In the time of Khiljis and Tughlaks too it were the nobles who had the final word in the choice of the king. Thus, there was no fixed taw of succession in Delhi sultanate and nobility practically assumed the role of king maker. More this, the sword of the contender was the deciding factor for coming to the throne.

Sultan's Rule - Military Rule

The rule of the Sultans of Delhi was based upon military power. lt was with the help of the military that foreign invaders were repulsed. It was again with the help of the military alone that peace and order was maintained and the Hindus were fully controlled and tyrannized. Without the military force the sultan could not have been able to rule.

Splendor of the Sultan's court

Every Delhi Sultan used to hold a court or darbar which was known far and wide for its splendor and grandeur. The courts were held on various occasions, to revive a particular guest envoy, to celebrate a great victory or some other occasion of festivity. There were certain ceremonies and etiquettes which had got to be observed by the nobles. In some cases the nobles were not allowed to laugh in the presence of the king. They were even kept standing as long as the king was on the throne. In Some cases, when the king was weak the nobles sat on the carpet with the king, in the Darbar. They were required to come to the court in a special dress prescribed by law. The visitors would often come to the court with Nazrana or present for the sultan and the latter reciprocated by an offer of some valuable gift.

Ministers and officers

In the discharge of his duties, he sultan was assisted by some ministers whose number varied from time to time. During the slave period there were four ministers- the Wazir, the Ariz-i-Mumlik, the Diwan-i-lsha and the Diwan-i-Rasalat" More often than not there was also one officer called the Naib of Naib-i-Mumalik, whose office was next only to the sultan. Besides the four ministers mentioned above there were two more raised to the status of minister ship later on. They were Sadr-us-Sadur and Diwan-i-Qaza. Besides these ministers there was controller of Royal House hold and some other offiers. These ministers were supposed to advise the king but their advice was in no way binding upon him.

The Wazir

The most important of all the ministers was the Wazir who was verily the Prime Minister. He was in charge of general administration and chief adviser of the sultan. He would perform the functions of the sultan in his absence from the capital and when the sultan happened to be a minor or fell ill. The Wazir was also the head of the Finance Department. He framed rules and regulations for revenue settlement and fixed the rates of taxes. He also controlled the expenditure of the sultan. ln view of his great powers and position, the Wazir was handsomely paid by assignment of the revenues of a large estate.

55 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Diwan-i-Arz

Diwan-i-Arz was the minister in charge of military affairs. His chief function was to make recruitment in the army and also to prepare descriptive rolls of soldiers and the horses. lt was also his duty to maintain discipline in the army and take care of the equipment for the forces. The Sultan generally took very keen interest in this department. Ala-ud-din Khilji particularly took great pains to raise a strong and efficient army.

Diwan -i-lsha

The department of records and royal correspondence was under his minister. He drafted royal proclamations and sent them for the Sultan's sanction. He also kept all records. He had certain writers under him, who helped him in writing all draft proclamations.

Diwan-i- Rasalat

The next important minister was Diwan-i-Rasalat or the Minister for foreign Affairs. His main function was to maintain diplomatic relations with the foreign rulers. He sent and received envoys. lt was also his duty to see as to what was happening in other states so that his own state was not attacked all of a sudden.

Sdar-us-Sadur

Sdar-us-sadur was the minister of religious endowments and charity. His chief duty was to see to it that the Muslims of the empire regularly adhered to the Islamic practices. He also gave money in charity to the pious and teamed Muslims. ln some of the cases this department extended charity for the marriage of poor Muslim girls.

Diwan-i-Qaza

He was the minister for judicial affairs and it was his duty to look after the administration of justice in the kingdom. He held his own court and heard appeals in the cases previously tried by the lower courts. The chief Qazi was expected to be-a very pious and learned person. Generally, the offices of sadar-us-sadur and Diwan-i-Qaza were combined in one person. lt is worthwhile to remember that in those days Muslims Law only was observed.

Other Departments

Besides these ministers, mentioned above, there were some other departments also. They were Barid- i-Mumalk (head of intelligence and posal department), Diwan-i-Riyasad or department of market, created by Ala-ud-din Khilji, Diwan-i-Amir Kohi or the department of agriculture set up by Muham- mad Tughlak and Diwan-i-Khairat or the department of charity instituted by Firoz Tughlaq.

All the ministers were responsible of the king. They were his subordinates and not his colleagues. There was no system of joint responsibility.

56 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Provincial Administration

The Delhi Sultanate, in the beginning was not divided into provinces but into military commands as 'lqtas'. In the time of AIa-ud-din Khilji, however, the Sultanate was divided into 11 provinces. Under Muhammad Tughluq the number rose to 23.

Every province was under a governor. The chief function of the governor was to maintain peace and order in the province, to enforce royal orders, to lead expeditions whenever, ordered, and to supply soldiers to the king. They were also ' required to furnish an account of their income and expenditure to the central government. The governors were generally disloyal and faithless. Strong kings like Balban and Ala-ud-din Khilji kept them under control by means of an efficient system of espionage. But under weak kings like Muhammad Tughlaq and Firoz Tughlaq, the governors, particularly of outlaying provinces, revolted and asserted their independence. Bengal and later on Deccan were often in a state of revolt against the central government. The governor enjoyed considerable respect and position in his province. He was responsible to the king in his area of Jurisdiction. He was responsible to the king alone for all acts or omission and commission.

Each province was a replica of the empire and had of the province exercised executive, judicial and military functions within his Jurisdiction almost as a dispatch subject to the control of the Sultan. The power and authority of the heads of provinces varied according to the strength or weakens of the Sultan. Under Muhammad bin Tughluq the provincial viceroys declared themselves independent taking advantage of the confusion and weakness of the central government. The viceroy would pay the surplus of the revenue collections after meeting the local expenditure to the sultan. He maintained his own troops, and in items of need would be required to send contingents to the assistance of the centre. The efficient working of the provincial government was hindered by the intrigues and the, selfish pursuits of the nobles and there was no peace and order in most of the provinces. Besides the imperial province, there were hereditary Hindu chieftains who paid tributes to the Sultan and were allowed to rule their ancestral territories without the interference so long as they paid the tributes in time. The villages was more or less self- sufficient remained unaffected by changes of the government at the centre.

A province was divided into units called 'Parganas'. A pargana was an aggregate of a number of villages and was administered by a Choudhri and a collector of revenue. The lowest unit was the village. The village functionaries were Choudhri, Patwari and Chowkidar. There used to be panchayats also in the village which performed the administrative and judicial functions. The villages enjoyed considerable autonomy and for all practical purpose a village was the lowest unit of administration. Normally a village was not disturbed by military and political upheavals and changes in the government. The village was also the main source of income, but village uplitt was very badly neglected. The villages were not connected with the cities.

Judiciary

The Sultan was the fountain head of justice, a justice in the state emanated from him. He was responsible for upholding, maintaining and enforcing the Quranic laws. There was a judicial department called Diwan-i-quazat, a chief Qazi, i.e., Qazi-ul-quzat. But, in fact the chief justice did not function independently; he assisted the Sultan in both the religious and secular cases. The chief Quazi dis- charged the functions of the Sadr-i-sudur while the sultan dealt with religious cases and advised Him with his expert knowledge. As the posts of the Sadr-i-Sudur and Qazi-ul-qazat were heir by the same

57 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA person, in his capacity as chief qazi he would advised the Sultan in secular cases. But when the Sultan was not in session, the chief qazi functioned as the highest court of justice but his decision were liable to be revised by the Sultan. The sultan appointed provincial and district qazis perhaps on the recommendation of the chief qazi .ln important cities an equivalent post called amir- i-dad was be appointed by the sultan. The chief qazi held his court at Delhi, heard appeals from the provincial courts and was assisted by the legal interpreter called tire mufti.

The sultan used to hold his court twice a week and himself decided the most important cases. Cases of the high nobles and officials were always decided by him. Kings like Balban and Ala-ud-din khilji did not spare even the highest officers and nobles if they committed any crime. Muhammad Tughlaq went as far as to present himself in the court as a criminal if he thought that he had committed some illegality.

In all cases including those in which non-Muslims were involved, were decided according to the Quranic law. Punishments were very severe. Even for not very great offences punishments of death and mutilation of limbs were given. Balban and Ala- ud-din Khilji, in particular, were very strict in punishing the criminals.

The penal laws under the sultanate was very severe and the punishment were often mutilation and death. Torture of various kinds were resorted to extort confession. There was no police system under the Sultanate, only in important cities an officer of the name of Kotwal used to be appointed in every province and in every important town, named Muhtasib whose duty was to see that lslamic regulation were observed by the Muslims, five prayers were paid by them daily, as well as to control the market and to regulate the weights and measures.

Fiscal Administration

Land revenue was the chief source of income of the Sultanate. According to Islamic laws land tax was of two kinds- (1) Ushr, the land tax which was charged on lands held by the Muslims. It was 1/10 of the produce. (2) Karaj, it was the tax on the lands held by the non-Muslims. There were two other types of land. The land given to people in gift or charity especially to Muslim scholars and saints. This was free of tax.

The fourth was land directly administrated by the central government called Khalisa land. The revenue collector was appointed in each sub-division.

Normally, the peasants were asked to pay 1/3rd of the produce to the state as revenue.

This revenue system had certain defects. The assessment without measurement was harsh on peasants. The land was given to contractors to collect revenue who extracted as much as possible from the peasants.

Ala-ud-din Khilji was the first of the Delhi Sultans to bring about vital changes in the revenue policy and administration. In the first instance he confiscated lands held as "waqt" or "inam" by the Muslim grantees. He also abolished the special privileges enjoyed by Hindu Muqaddams, Khuts and Choudhris. He got the lands measured and fixed the state share at ½ of the produce. Ghiasud-din Tughlaq softened the rigors of Ala-ud-din's revenue policy and administration. Muhammad Tughlaq got prepared a comprehensive register of the income and expenditure of the Sultanate in order to

58 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA introduce a uniform standard of land revenue and to bring every village under assessment. Another great experiment of Muhammad Tughlaq which brought great odium upon him was his increase to taxation in the Doab. The Sultan did commendable thing by establishing a department of agriculture, Diwan-i-kohi, in order to bring more and more lands under cultivation.

Firoz Tughlaq did a lot to reform in the existing land revenue system He gave ,,taqavi', loans to the cultivation and got constructed many canals to provide them with perennial irrigational facilities. He also increased the salaries of the revenue officers so that they may not exploit the poor peasants. ln essence this land revenue system was continued by the later sultans.

Besides the land revenue which varied from 1/10 to 1/2 of the produce there were the following other sources of income:

Khams lt was 1/5 of the booty acquired in a war. The Sultans like Ala-ud-din Khilji kept 4/5 for the state and gave only 1/5 to the soldiers.

Zakat

It was a tax levied upon the Muslims for religious purposes. It’s rate was 2 1/2 percent of the Property.

Jaziya

It was a tax charged from the Hindus alone and the Muslims were exempted from it. For the purposes of tax, the Hindus were divided into two categories, paying at the rate of 48 dirhams and respectively.

Customs Duties

Customs duties levied on various articles also formed a good source of Income. The king, however, considerably earned by way of foreign trade.

Heirless property

Wherever a particular landlord died without any heir to succeed him, that was: taken over the by the state

Nazranas

Another source of income was the Nazranas or presents given by the people and nobles to the sultan. The presents were given on all important occasions. The tributaries were also required to pay nazrana whensoever the king visited their territory.

Mines and Treasure

One-fifth of the minerals and treasures acquired by a person had got to be given to the state.

Minor taxes

59 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA House tax, grazing tax and water tax were the other minor taxes that supplemented the income of the state.

Military system

The sultans of Delhi maintained a very strong and efficient army because their empire was based upon military force. They needed a big army to suppres internal revolts, crush recalcitrant elements and repeal foreign invasions. But the early sultans depended mostly upon the soldiers supplied by the nobles. The practice was, however, abandoned as it was undependable. In many emergencies these nobles and governors deceived the king, which resulted in his downfall. It was sultan Ala- uddin, who kept a big standing army which numbered 4,75,000 horses, Firoz Tughlaq afterwards set up feudal organizations and began to depend entirely on the forces supplied by jagirdars.

The army consisted of cavalry, infantry and elephant. The cavalry was the strongest and the most effective organ of the army. A horseman was armed with two swords, a dagger and bow and arrows. Some soldiers had only one horse and they were called "Yak Aspa". There were others who had two horses and they were designated as "Do Aspa"" ln the time of Ala-ud-din Khilji, a "Yak Apsa" drew 244 tankas extra. Generally, the military officers were paid by assignment of land revenue while the other troops were paid in cash.

In order to avoid corruption in the army the sultans used to inspect the forces regularly. Sultans like Ala-ud-din khilji introduced the Practice of 'dag'(branding of horses) and 'huliya' (descriptive rolls of soldiers). This was done as a precautionary measure, so that only those soldiers and horse were maintained which had been approved by the king. The army of Delhi Sultans was generally very strong and efficient. In the time of Firoz Tughlaq, however, it was weakened due to the misplaced leniency and weakness of the Sultan.

There were generally four types of troops (a) soldiers who were permanently on the Sultan's services; (b)soldiers in the permanent employment of the governors or nobles of provinces, (c)soldiers employed temporarily during wartime and lastly soldiers recruited in the name of the holy wars.

The army under the Sultanate was not a national army, first consisted of soldier belonging to different nationalities such as the Turks, Tajiks, Persiance, Mongols Arabs and Afghans. lt was not scientifi- cally trained.

The army had three divisions, namely the cavalry, the infantry and the elephantry. It goes without saying that the cavalry comprised the most powerful arm of the army. The cavalry was divided into two grades, those troopers who had two horses each, and those who had only one horse each. There was yet a third grade which was not regarded as proper cavalry although troopers of this group possessed a horse each. The foot soldiers who were mostly Indian Muslims, Hindus and Slaves were armed with spears swords and bows and arrows. The elephant had hauda, i.e., a wooden structure which could accommodate several fighters. On the back of each elephant, there were also incendiary arrows, javelins naptha balts, fireworks, rockets and hand grenades. There was also some of a mechanical artillery for discharge of fire balls, fire arrows, stones etc. The sultan maintained a number of boats tor both river battles and transport of troops by water Ways.

Then Sultan was the commander-in-chief of the army. The army ministry called Diwan -i-Ariz under Ariz-i-Mumalik that looked after the army. But in view of the' importance of the armed forces, the

60 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Sultan himself would look after the organization and upkeep of the army. There used to be general muster of the soldiers and the horses from time to time. But there used to be proxy men in the battle review and production of the same horse for more than one for review at the time of the muster. To do away with this corruption Ala-ud-din instituted the system of muster roll of the troops and branding of horses. But this salutary system was abandoned at the time of Firuz Tughluq. Urder Ala-uddin the soldiers were paid in cash. Bui Firuz Tughluq revived the system of payment by assignment of revenue to the soldiers.

Nobility, Composition Character and Role

Different class of Nobles

Generally, the nobles have been divided into three categories, the khans being the highest category, followed by Maliks and Amirs. However, this categorization was never very clear. To begin with, people holding junior posts in and around the court, such as sarjandar (commander of the king's personal forces), saqi-i-khas (in-charge of water and other drinks etc.) as also those holding the posts of sipahsalar, Sari-i- khail Junior commanders of military forces) were called amirs. Later, the word amir began to be used in a loose sense of signify a person of wealth and influence in the government. The most important categories remained the Maliks, and the Khans.All the top posts in the government were held by persons belonging to these categories. In the lists of nobles given by Minhaj Siraj and Barani, only Maliks are mentioned. The category of khan was the result of Mongol influence among whom the Qa-an (khan) was the commander of 10,000 troops. In the Delhi sultanate, the word, Khan’ was only used to give a special status. Thus, Balban was given the title of Ulugh khan. The nobles were also dignified by being given other titles, such as Khwaja Jahan, lmas-ul-Mulk, Nizam-ul-Mulk, etc. They were also awarded various privileges (maratib), such as robes of different kinds, sword and dagger, flags drums etc. these were greatly valued because they often signified status, and closeness to the sultan. Horses and elephants with costly trapping were also awarded to them on special occasions.

Number of Nobles under Sultans

We do not have any precise idea of the number of nobles in office at any one time. Minhaj Siraj gives a list of 32 Maliks under Iltutmish which included 8 princes who were displaced central Asian rulers. Perhaps, the term Turkan-i-Chahalgani, or the corps of forty Turks used by Barani is a reflection of the number of top nobles. For Balban's reign, Barani gives a list of 36 Maliks excluding qazis. The number of top nobles rose to under Ala-ud-din Khilji, out of which 7 were relations, including sons. From this, we may conclude that till the sultanate suddenly expanded after the death of Alauddin kjalji number of top nobles or Malik in the country was quite small. As we have seen, even among this small group of nobles, there was bitter factional fighting. In this struggle, mutual relationships, ethnicity etc. played a role, the Turks considered themselves superior to all others such as Tajiks, Khaljis, Afghans, Hindustans etc. The Turks ousted the Tajiks-after the death of Iltutmish, and established a virtual Turkish monopoly over high offices. This was broken with ne rise of the khljis. Under the khaljis and the Tughlaqs, lndian Muslims forged ahead, largely on the basis of personal efficiency. However, foreign blood, or descent from a well-known foreign family continued to have considerable social value and esteem, as the Moorish traveler, lban Battutah, testifies.

61 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Social Origin

We do not have much knowledge about the social origin of the high grandees. During the early phase, there was considerable social mobility among the nobles, and people from a wide social background, who had the capacity to attract and maintain a military following (jamiat) or who caught the eye of the Sultan, could, with luck, rise to the position of a Malik. Many of nobles had, in fact, started-their career as slaves, and slowly climbed the social ladder. The open character of the nobility continued to a large extent during the 13th century on account of the rapid rise and fall of dynasties, resulting in large scale displacement of nobles belonging to the previous regimes. Thus, in the 13th century we hardly hear a family whose members continued to hold the position of high grandees for more than one generation.

Role of Khalji and Tughluqs

During the 14th century, with the rise of the Khaljis, and then of the Tughlaqs who ruled for almost a hundred years, the social character of the nobility broadened, and it became more stabilized. With the breaking of the Turkish monopoly of high offices, the zone of recruitment to the nobility broadened. Many Khaljis, Afghas and Hindustanis were admitted to the nobility. No attempt was made to exclude the Turks. However, according to popular perception, even when a noble lost his power and position, the tradition of former dignity and social honor were handed over to his descendants who believed that heir restoration to former power was only a question of time and opportunity.

Along with the clergy, these sections constituted what were called Ashraf or the respected sections. According to contemporary thinking, the state had a special responsibility towards these sections, not only in matters of employment, but for giving pensions to the widows, even providing funds for the marriage of their unmarried daughters.

Generally speaking, there was a broad division among the ahl-i-saif or men of the sword, and the ahl-i-qalam or the litertic. The latter were chosen for judicial and clerical posts" The Ulema also fell in this category. As long as administration was tantamount to a military exercise for realizing land- revenue from recalcitrant chiefs, muqaddams and peasants, the literati had to be kept away from the administration, although it was urged that the wazir should came from the class. In general, the nobles looked down on the literati, and considered them unit for administrative or political matters. Thus, Ala-ud-din khalji not only rejected the advice of Qazi Mughis to arrange a compromise with the Mongols, but ridiculed him for offering advice on military and political matters although he was a nawisanda (clerk), and the son of a nawisanda.

The emergence of a class of ashraf from whom the nobility was expected to be recruited gave it a measure of social stability, but also heightened stratification in Muslim society. The counterpart of the ashraf were the ajalf or kam-asL i.e. the lower, inferior classes consisting of citizens, profession- als and working sections, such as weavers, peasants, and laborers. While such social gradations had existed among the Muslims in west and central Asia, they became even more rigid and pronounced after their coming to India which had a tradition of stratification on the basis of heredity, i.e. caste.

Social Division

Arising from this deep social division was the belief that only persons belonging to the 'respectable' classes had the right to occupy high offices in the state. Hence, there was wide spread resentment

62 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA among the upper classes. Mughammad Tughlaq appointed to high officer, apparently on the basis of their efficiency, Hindus and Muslims belonging to the 'inferior' classes or castes, such as wine, dis- tillers, barbers, cooks, gardeners, shop keepers (bazaris) etc. The experiment failed for a variety of reasons. Firuz Tughluq earned high praise and approval when he chose as nobles only those whose ancestors had been in the service of the king or belonged to the ‘respected' classes. That the prejudice was not against 'Hindustanis' as such but against the so-called inferior classes, whether Hindustani Muslim, is borne out by the fact that Firuz's wazir, khan-i-Jahan, who was a converted Brahman, was acceptable to all sections of the Muslims. This was in stark contrast to the Baraduis or Panruaris, wrongly considered to be low-caste converted, who had come to the top far a brief time after the death of Alauddin khalji, and have been sharply denounced by Barani.

Centralization

We are told by Barani that during the time of Balban when, apparently, the nobles did not have much ready cash in their hands, whenever they wanted to hold a majis or a convivial party their agents would rush to the houses of the sahs and Multanis to borrow money. So that the money from their iqta went to them as repayment, and gold and silver was to be found in the houses of the merchants alone. This situation seems to have changed with the coming of Alauddin khalji and the growth of a new centralized system of land revenue administration which began with him, and continued under the Tughlaqs. ln the new system of revenue administration, there was an emphasis on payment of land revenue in cash" This applied not only to Khalisa territories i.e., reserved territories in come from which went to the central treasury, but even in areas assigned as iqta. Thus, when lban Battutah was appointed a judge and given a salary of 5,000 dinars, it was paid for by assigning him 2/1/2 villages, the annual income of which came to that sum. We now also hear of nobles being assigned large salaries. Thus, a Malik was paid between 50,000 to 60,000 tankas; an amir 30,000 to 40,000 tankas, a sipahsalr got 20,000 tankas. These salaries were even higher Under Firuz Tughlaq. Thus, khan-i-Jahan Maqbul got 13 lakh tankas over and above the expenses of his army and servants, and separate allowances for his sons and son-in-law. Others nobles got salaries ranging from four to eight lakh tankas per year.

This implied unprecedented centralization of the rural surplus in the hands of the central elite. The high emoluments not only implied great affluence for the nobles, but possibility of hoarding of wealth. When Mallik Shahin, who was naib amir-i-malis of sultan Firuz, died, he left behind 50 lakh tankas besides jewels, ornaments and costly robes. Imad-ul-Mulks, Bashir-i-Sultani, who had been sultans’ slave, left behind 13 crores. However, these appear to be exceptions rather than the rule. Apart from being on insurance against uncertainty, the growth of such hoards was also an index of a slow growth of a money economy in the country. However the growth of a money economy in the seems to have led to a change in the attitude towards trade and traders. lban Batutah all alludes to the ships owned by the sultan of Delhi. On one occasion, the sultan, Muhammad bin Tughlaq, placed three ships at the disposal of Shrihabuddin Kazruni, a friend and associate, who had a flourishing overseas trade, and was called a "king of merchants". Almost for the first time, traders began to be involved in the tasks of administration. Thus, Muhammad Tughlaq gave shihabuddin the city of khambayat in charge. lf Battutah is to be believed, the sultan had even promised him the post of the Wazir, but he was murdered at the instance of the Wazir, khan-i-Jahan, while on his way to Delhi.

63 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Participation in Trade

We are also told that Abul Hasan lbadi of Iraq, who lived in Delhi, used to trade with the money of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq, and to buy weapons and goods for him in lraq and Khurasan. Other nobles may have followed the sultan's example, though we have no evidence of it. On balance, it appears that the major investments of the nobles were not in trade but in orchards, the numbers of which grew sharply under Firuz with the growing prosperity of the nobles. However, further development in the direction of productive investments by the nobles had to await the re- centralization of the empire under Akbar.

Socio-cultural outlook

We have little information about the education and cultural outlook and values of the Turkish nobles. Apparently, they were not illiterate even slaves purchased by merchants in the slave market of Sa- marqand and Bokhara were educated before being resold. Although many of the slaves were newly converted, they had imbibed the Islamic religious and cultural norms prevalent on central Asia, Khurapan etc. Nonetheless, they could hardly have imbibed the cultural graces of an old and well- established nobility. Nor could they be expected to be knowledgeable patrons of culture, though it was considered a mark of prestige to patronize poets and writers, sometimes even to give them ex- travagant rewards this began to change with the rise of Amri Khusrau and his companion, Amir Hasan Sijzi, towards the end of the 13th century. Gradually, a new lndo - Muslim culture developed, and many nobles and Sufis actively contributed to it. Thus, Zia Nakkshahi (d. 1350) wrote on many subjects including poetry, and had a number of Sanskrit works translated into Persian.

Role of Ulema

During the sultanate period the Ulemas and Mullas played a vital role in the polities of administration. Since the Sultanate of Delhi was a theocratic state, the Ulemas caste their shadow both in politics and religion of the state.

The powers and position of the Ulema in the state, and its relationship with the secular rulers has been a matter of continuous debate in the Islamic world. After the end of the rule of the first four Caliphs at Mecca, there was a division between the spiritual and secular authority, most of the leading clergymen remaining at Mecca, and the centre of political authority being shifted by the Umaiyyad khalifas to Damascus. With the shifting of the political control to Baghdad, by the Abbasids, who claimed descent from the prophet, and attempt was made to reintegrate spiritual and political authority under their aegis. However, in effect, the political elements often dominated the spiritual. Even this unity, however limited, ended with the breakup of the Abbasid Caliphate towards the end of the 9th century, and the rise of independent kingdoms, mostly under Turkish sultans. (The Turks who were newly converted to lslam, paid great deference to the clergy, the Ulema, who were supposed to interpret lslam to the community). But they kept effective political control in their hands. The attitude of contempt towards the clergy men and lower officials (nawisandam, or writers) for advising about higher political affairs is explained by the remarks of Alauddin to persuade the Mongols to depart by using diplomatic and other, i.e., financial, means Alauddin rejected the advise as "unbecoming", and clinched the argument by saying "you speak thus because you are a nawisanda (clerk or scribe) and the son of a nawisanda. Elsewhere, Barani says that these sections would not distinguish the head of a horse for its tail.

64 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Concept of the State:

It has been argued that the state set up by the Turks was a theocracy because it was based on the Muslim holy law, the shara, which could be interpreted only by the Ulema. In this connection, it may be pointed out that the word "theocracy" was originally applied to the Jewish common wealth from the time of Moses to the rise of monarchy, and is understood as "government or state governed by God directly or through a sacerdotal class". It was also implied that for such a sacerdotal class to govern, it should be organized formally, as in the case of Jewish or Christian Church. It has been said that in the absence of an organized church, the Muslim ulema could not govern, and hence there could be no theocratic state.

The entire discussion is somewhat artificial because a purely theocratic state never existed anywhere for any length of time as also because the term of concept of a theocratic state as set out above was never discussed in India during medieval times. What was discussed and is relevant is whether a truly Islamic state could be set up in India. And at the back of it was the controversy regarding the extent to which Shara as interpreted by the orthodox ulema, could be implemented in India.

This matter was anxiously debated during the sultanate period, was revived under the Mughals, and continued under British rule. It still arises under various forms.

Role of Sultans:

In general, the sultan in lndia, while paying deference to the Ulema, did not feel bound to consult them or accede to their views where matters of state were concerned. Thus, llutmish did not consult the theologians before he declared Razia as his successor. Balban introduced pre lslamic ceremonials in his court including sijda and piobos which were considered un - Islamic by the ulema. In Alauddin khlji’s time, Qazi Mughis declared that the treasures looted by him from Deogir were bait-ul-mat, or part of the public treasury and that as Sultan, and that as Sultan he was entitled to take from the treasury only as much as was allowed to a common trooper. Alauddin rejected the advice of the Qazi and declared.

Although I have not studied the Book (the Quran), nor am I learned (in religious sciences), I am a Muslim of a Muslim stock. To prevent rebellions which thousands perish, l issue such orders as I conceive to be for the good of the state and the benefit of the people. Men are heedless, disrespectful and disobey my commands. I am then compelled to be severe and bring them to obedience. I do not know whether this is according to the shara, or against the shara; whatever I think for the good of the state or suitable for the emergency, that I decree.

Since Barani wrote more than fifty years after Alauddin Khalji, these may not have been the words of Alauddin, but views attributed to him by Barani. Also, they refer to a particular situation, a situation in which Alauddin had to give harsh punishment to prevent rebellions, and to ensure compliance of his orders. They do not imply that Alauddin khalji regularly or wilfully disregarded the shariat. Barani makes the position clear by saying that "when he (Alauddin) attained to kingship, he was quite convinced that government and administration were quite independent of the rulers and orders of the Shariat, and that while the former appertained to kings, the latter had been assigned to qazis and muftis."

65 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA This divergence in the perceived values of the ruler and the ulema was not strange to Alauddin. Muhammad bin Tughlaq issued many secular decrees (zawabits) to supplement the shariat. Even an orthodox ruler, Firuz, forbade cutting the hands, feet, noses etc. of criminals even though it had been sanctioned by the sharia.

Views of Barani

Taking all these factors into account, Barani came to the conclusion that a truly lslamic state based on faith (din-dari) was not feasible in India. All that was feasible was an lslamic state based worldly considerations (dunya-dari). In such a state, the head of the state, the Sultan, had to be a God fearing Muslims; Saiyyids religious scholars, sheikhs etc were to be honored and given employment; holy wars (jihad) and holy campaigns were be waged against the neighboring rajas and chiefs; and Mus- lims not allowed to flout the holy law in their public behavior so that sins and impurity, wickedness and wrong doing sink low. Barani makes it clear, however, what the sultan did in private, or a citizen in his house was not the concern of the state.

Social, Economic and Cultural History of the Medieval Age

Town and Country in Medieval Age: Towns and Cities:

History of the people, their social, economic and cultural life is certainly of great interest to the students of history than the political events or the military campaigns of any period. This is particularly true of the medieval period of Indian history. The real history of Mughal India consists in the socio-economic cultural condition of the people of the period.

During the Mughal period, particularly under Akbar’s rule India had as many as 120 cities and 3,200 towns. These cities and towns differed in origin and history of their growth as well as in character from those of the Western world. While the towns and cities in the West grew centering round industry and commerce those in India, except, the port towns, most of the cities and towns grew on rural bases, that is, rural areas gradually developed into towns or cities due to residence of rulers, governors or high officials or because due to garrisoning of soldiers or encampment of royal army for long at times of expeditions.

Some towns, as has been mentioned above grew in port areas because of the growth of warehouses and influx of indigenous and foreign merchants. Some towns also originated as business marts. What distinguished the Indian towns and cities was that the bases of these towns and cities were rural and not only the foodstuff but also all other consumer goods would come into the towns and cities from the rural areas.

There were a few karkhanas in the capital cities in which articles specially needed by the kings and Emperors, nobles and high officials, such as dresses, used to be manufactured. With the change of time, however, and in particular with the advent of the European merchants, Indian towns and cities also gradually began to assume industrial and commercial character.

We have interesting observations of Ralph Fitch about the plenty and prosperity in the major Indian cities of India during the Mughal period (1585). He observes “Agra and Fathepur are two very great cities, either of them much greater than London and very populous. Between Agra and Fathepur are

66 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA twelve miles, and all the way is a market of victual and other things, as full as though a man were in a market.”

Similarly, Edward Terry refers, to Punjab as a large province and most fruitful. “Lahore is the chief city thereof, built very large and abounds both in people and riches, one of the principal cities of trade in all India.” According to C.D. Monserrate, Lahore was not second to any city in Europe or Asia. Abdul Fazl describes Ahmadabad as a “noble city in a high state of prosperity” and in climate and production of choicest things unrivalled in the world.

The ancient capitals like Kanauj, Vijayanagar, etc. where in a state of decay and the modern cities like Calcutta, Bombay and Madras had not come up. The more flourishing towns and cities besides the ones already referred to above were Delhi, Allahabad, Benares, Multan, Ajmer, Patna, Ujjain, Rajmahal, Dacca, Burdwan, Hughli, Chittagong, etc.

Different parts of the country and important towns and cities were connected by roads which were Kacha, i.e. not metalled. Roads were shaded by trees on both sides and dotted with Sarais for the merchants and the travellers. The city of Agra which was capital of the Mughals for a long time was connected with the rest of the empire by a network of roads. The Grant Trunk Road ran from Dacca in the east to Kabul in the north-west passing through Patna, Allahabad, Benares, Agra, Mathura, Lahore, Attock.

Another important road ran from Agra to Asirgarh in the south and a third from Agra to Ahmadabad. Apart from the roads, rivers afforded excellent means of communication both for human and mercantile traffic. The Ganga, Jamuna, Ghagra, Indus, the rivers of the south and of Bengal were navi- gable and frequently used for the transport of commercial goods and troops.

Society in the Medieval India

India of those days as even of today lived in villages and the society was broadly divided into Hindus and Muslims. The Hindus needless to say formed the great majority of the population; they included the Jains, the Buddhists and the Sikhs among them. The upper classes of the Hindu society mostly belonged to the Brahman, Kayastha, Rajput and Vaishya castes and did neither inter-dine nor inter- marry between them.

There were many other mixed classes in the society. The Baidyas were a mixed class next to the Brahmanas. These apart there were various other castes and sub-castes which grew up as a result of social mixture i.e. intermarriage between castes. There was much conservatism among the Hindus of upper classes.

The Muslims were divided into two major sections, viz:

(a) Those who came with the conquerors or for trade and commerce or employment from countries like Arabia, Persia, Afghanistan, Abyssinia etc. and

(b) The converts from the indigenous Hindu population and their descendants.

As the country was open to foreign traders and travellers, there were also people of various nationalities from Europe, such as the Portuguese, English, Parsis, Chinese etc. The history of the medieval

67 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA period of India like that of the Middle Ages of the European history is largely occupied by the story of warfare of the kings and emperors. The common people and their condition were by and large beyond the attention of the historians except insofar as they hurts themselves, into history by their activities in relation to the kings or emperors.

Abul Fazl and some European travellers of the Mughal period have referred to the contemporary people of India and their condition. Among the European travellers Ralph Fitch, William Hawking’s, Sir Thomas Roe, Francisco Paelsart, Bernier, Tevernier, Thevenot etc. deserve special mention.

The society during the Mughal period was feudal in nature. Nobility and the officials of the state were entitled to high esteem in the society. Their standard of living was very high. Luxury, debauchery, drinking etc. were their special characteristics. Apart from the kings and emperors the nobles also had their harem. From Abul Fazl it is known that the imperial harem had five thousand women. The nobility was characterised by mutual jealousy, conspiracy and recrimination.

Below the nobility, we find the existence of the middle class whose number was comparatively small. Their standard of living was moderate and far below that of the nobles and state officials. Middle class was above the contemporary vices of dinking, debauchery and lavity. But the merchants of the west-coast of India were fabulously rich and their standard of living was also very high.

The condition of the common people, compared to the nobility and the middle class was miserable. They had not the wherewithal to purchased warm clothes, shoes etc. which were luxury items to them. Francisco Paelsart remarked that in normal years although they would have no difficulty in maintaining themselves, in times of natural calamities like flood, drought and famine their condition would beggar description.

Paelsart who lived in India for long seven years during the Mughal rule remarked that the labourers, the grocers, the bearers or servant classes were three sections of the society who were nominally free men but in reality, their condition was no better than that of the slaves.

The common people lived in huddles of mud and reeds. They were poor yet they were subjected to exactions by the state officials. From the time of Shah Jahan there was much repression on the common people, particularly the peasants. Gradually their condition became desperate. The provincial governors and officials realised as much money as they could from the peasants by repressing them.

About the social habits and practices Edward Terry remarks that “None of the people there at any time seen drunk (though they might find liquor enough to do it but the very offal and dregs of that people, and these rarely or very seldom.” In the diet and food habits the Indians were temperate; and they were polite to the strangers. The prominent social practices of the time among the Hindus were Suttee, Kulinism etc. and among the Hindus and the Muslims, child-marriage and dowry-system.

Akbar sought to check the evil practices of Suttee and child-marriage. From the writings of Bolt, Scrafton and Crauford we come to know that social evils increased in Bengal during the eighteenth century. In Maharashtra dowry-system was discouraged. Widow re-marriage was prevalent in certain parts of India.

68 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Among the various types of deterioration in the social life in the eighteenth century, one redeeming feature was the continuity of Hindu-Muslim re-approachment and growth of understanding and ami- ability between the two great Indian communities. The reign of Akbar was remarkably important in this regard, even under Aurangzeb a Muhammadan poet Alwal wrote many Hindi poems and translated Padmavat into Bengali. While the Hindus showed reverence to Muslim Pirs (saints), the Mus- lims did likewise to the Hindu Yogis (Saints).

One of the demoralizing institutions of the society was slavery and there was a regular slave trade. Likewise, eunuchs were bought and sold. Akbar’s attempt to prohibit it did not succeed. The upper classes dressed themselves in long coat and light trousers and turbans. Many wore a .silk or cotton scarf round the waist and slung down the ends of the scarf down the leg. Poor Hindus wore dhotis one end of which was tied round the waist. Poor Muslims put on pyjama and long shirt.

Perfumes and oils were used by men and women, both Hindu and Muslim. Pan served as a sort of lip stick. Hindu women wore saris while the Muslims women wore pyjamas or ghagras. Soap made of pulses or soap berry was used. Muslim men and women used collyrium in their eyes and women coloured their palms and feet with Mehdi.

Among the indoor games chess, cards, games of guites, satranj and among outdoor games hunting, polo (Chaugan) etc. were popular with the high-ranking people. Wrestling, juggler’s feats, magic shows etc. were enjoyed by all. Games like tiger hunting, elephant snaring were the privileges of the Emperor. Music both in the court and in private residences fairs and festivals, specially those spon- sored by the state, for example Nauroj were occasions for enjoyment by all people.

Hindu festivals like Dasserah, Vasant, Dipavali (prohibited during Aurangzeb’s reign) and Muslim festivals of two Ids, Shab-i-barat etc. were festivals of great enjoyment by the respective communities. Occasional fairs were held at Hardwar, Prayag, Mathura, Kurukshetra and many other places of Hindu pilgrimages and also in places of Muslim Pilgrimages like Ajmer, Panipat,” Sirhind etc.

The position of women under the Mughals marked a definite deterioration. Purdah system of the Muslim women and the growing conservatism in the Hindu family life precluding Hindu women except of the low castes from coming out of their houses made the life of the women rather un- enjoyable.

Polygamy was permitted by the Quranic law and a Muslim could take four wives at a time. A Shiah Muslim has no restriction as to the number of wives. While the Hindu ruling class indulged in polygamy the Muslims almost as a rule would have more them one wife. The Emperors and nobles maintained harem i.e. a number of women not formally married.

Economy: Agriculture in the Medieval Period:

The most remarkable feature of the economic system of the Mughals was the gap that kept the producers and the consumers far asunder. The producers were agriculturists, workers in the cottage industries, artisans, producers of consumer’s goods like oil, cloth, sugar etc. workers in the Karkhanas.

The consumers were the rulers, nobles, officers both civil and military, professional and religious classes, slaves, servants and other sundry people. The result was, particularly in view of lack of every

69 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA transport, that the producers received only marginal profits whereas the middlemen and traders got the lion’s share of the profit. This is largely true even today.

Another important feature of the Mughal economic system was the unnecessary burden that the state economy was made to bear due to the huge number of servants and slaves retained by the emperor, nobles and high officials, who practically served more as decoration rather than actual service-hands. This was a great waste of the state income.

The riotous living by the nobles and the officials, their costly jewels, dresses, lavish expenses during the marriage of their children, maintenance of horses, elephants and retainers needed enough money which compelled them to extort the same from the peasants.

Under Aurangzeb agriculture, industry, trade and commerce were very adversely affected by his incessant wars and slack administration. “Thus, ensued the great economic impoverishment of India, not only a decrease of the national stock, but also a rapid lowering of mechanical skill and standard of civilisation, a disappearance of art and culture over wide tract of the country” (Sir J. N. Sarkar).

Agriculture depended on rainfall and naturally failure of seasonal rain fall of heavy down pour resulting in flood would result in failure in agricultural crops which meant famine. There were frequent outbreaks of famine in Mughal India during which the sufferings of the peasants and common people would know no bounds.

Lack of any systematic effort to provide relief to the famine stricken people or to allow remission of revenue collection from the peasants made the condition of the people, the peasants in particular, indescribably miserable. Famine was followed by pestilence which was an additional scourge of the people. During 1556-57 a terrible famine broke out in the north-western India followed by pestilence which took a heavy toll of life.

Badauni who saw the famine-stricken people with his own eyes remarks that “men ate their own kind and the appearance of the famished sufferers was so hideous that one could scarcely look upon them…. The whole country was a desert and no husbandman remained to till the ground.” During 1573-74 Gujarat suffered from similar famine and pestilence and still another in Kashmir in 1595- 96.

Bengal was visited by famine in 1575 and the Deccan and Gujarat during 1630-32. A number of famines broke out during the reign of Aurangzeb. From Akbar downwards, the Mughal emperors tried to relieve the distress of the people, but as there was no systematic effort, nor any famine policy nor any easy means of transport the relief measures were inadequate.

Industries and Trade in Medieval Age:

During the Mughal period the most important economic activity besides, agriculture was the varied industrial production by the people of India. The industrial products could not only meet the internal needs of the country but also supply the demands of the

European merchants as well as merchants from different parts of Asia. Manufacture of cotton cloth was the most important industry during the period under discussion. The principal centres of cotton

70 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA manufacture were distributed all over the country, for instance, the coromandel coast, Patan in Gu- jarat, Khandesh, Burhampur, Jaunpur, Benares, Patna, some other places in United Provinces, Bihar, many centres in Orissa and Bengal.

“The whole country from Orissa to East Bengal looked like a big cotton factory, and Dacca district was especially famous for finest cotton fabrics called muslin—” the best, the finest cloth made of cotton.” According Paelsant, in Chabaspur and Sonargaon in East Bengal”, all lived by weaving industry and the produce has the highest reputation and quality.

“Bernier called Bengal store-house of cotton and silk not only of Hindustan but also of Europe. Edward Terry refers to the flourishing condition of dyeing industry of Bengal. Dyeing and printing were of such high quality that these would not be washed out.”

Silk industry, however, was limited in scope compared to the cotton industry. Abul Fazl tells us that silk industry was patronised by Akbar. Bengal was the most important centre of silk production and silk manufacture. Other centres of silk manufacture were Lahore, Fathepur Sikri, Agra, Gujarat, Be- nares, Bhagalpur, Kashmir etc. From Tavernier we know that Bengal produced silk and silk goods worth two and half million pounds. Three-fourth million pounds worth raw silk used to be exported to foreign countries by the Dutch.

Woolen goods such as blankets, shawl, carpets etc. were woven at Kashmir, Lahore, Alwar, Jaunpur and Agra. The shawl industry flourished due to the patronage of Akbar. The state encouraged manufacture of various articles particularly for the use of the Emperors, nobles and the state officials in Karkhanas to which many skilled workers were engaged.

Saltpetre was manufactured in Bihar and was exported by the European traders to their countries. It was used for the manufacture of gun-powder. Copper mines existed in Central India and Rajasthan. Iron was found in many parts of India. Red stone quarries were there in Rajasthan and Fathepur. Marble came from Rajasthan. Opium, an agricultural produce, was exported after meeting internal consumption. Gold mines were found in Kumayun and in the hills and rivers of the Punjab.

From Abul Fazl and other contemporary writers, we learn that prices of articles such as rice, oil, ghee, spices, vegetables, milk, meat, live-stock were very low. Terry remarks that there was “plenty of provisions” and people “eat bread without scarceness.” From what we know from the foreign travellers and the contemporary writers, we may observe that the people did not grovel in misery since the prices were low, although in times of natural calamities they had to suffer.

Distress of the Peasant: Peasants’ Revolt:

The Mughal revenue system according to Prof. Habib suffered from two infirmities. First, the revenue was set at the highest in order that the military contingents to be supplied by the mansabdars could be met out of the revenue collection of the jagir. Secondly, the revenue was fixed at so high a level that it left only the marginal surplus, that is enough margin for the survival of the peasants, which was the barest minimum needed for his subsistence.

This meant while the appropriation of the surplus produce constituted the great wealth and the wherewithal of the Mughal imperial government to maintain its pomp and splendour as also its military strength, it left the actual producers of the wealth in a state of utter poverty.

71 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA As Paelsart observed, the contrast between the rich and the common people was so great that “the rich in their great superfluity and the utter subjection and poverty of the common people” was the economic picture of the Mughal times. But this was not a static situation, with the passage of time there was a progressive increase in the revenue demand with the rise in prices. Bernier gives us a reasonable explanation of this situation. According to him, “The country is ruined by the necessity of defraying the enormous charges required to maintain the splendour of a numerous court and to pay a large army maintained for keeping the people in subjection. No adequate idea can be conveyed of the sufferings of the people. The cudgel and the whip compel them to incessant labour for the benefit of others.”

A jagirdar who was liable to be transferred from his jagir at any moment or after three or four years was not likely to follow a far- sighted policy of development of the condition of the peasants under him, rather he would allow oppression on the peasants for his personal benefit even if it would ruin the peasantry or destroy the revenue yielding capacity of the land for all time in future.

This narrow selfish outlook of the jagirdars has been nicely described by Bernier in the following lines: “Why the neglected state of this land creates uneasiness in our minds? And why should we expand our money and time to render it fruitful? We may be deprived of it in a single moment and our exertions would benefit neither ourselves nor our children. Let us draw from the soil all the money we can though the peasant should starve or abscond and we should leave it. When commanded to quit, a dreary wilderness.”

Similar observations are to be found also in the writings of Xavier, Hawkins, and Manrique. Indian writer Bhimsen observes that unpredictable and constant transfer of Jagirdars made the agents of the jagirdars to help the rayotwari or istiqlal arrangements. The amils of the jagirdars were also not sure of the tenure of service and as such were unrelenting and tyrannical in revenue collection. What was even worse, the jagirdars even resorted to farming out revenue instead of appointing their own agents for tax collection.

Sadiq Khan, writing during Shah Jahan’s reign observed that lands were being laid waste through bribery, revenue farming the result of which was impoverishment of the peasantry who were literally plundered and robbed. Thus, the system of jagir transfer in the 17th century led to reckless exploitation of peasant population of the country. The imperial administration could check this evil partially for some time only but not permanently, for the imperial regulations left much liberty to the jagirdars, for it was within the discretion of the jagirdars to assist the peasants by granting loans, remission of revenue in times of famine or other calamities or to insist on payment even before harvesting of the crops.

Aurangzeb’s farman in regard to the revenue demand in Gujarat and his regulations prohibiting realising certain taxes remained effective on paper, but not in practice. In the circumstances the burden on the peasantry became so heavy in certain areas that they were even left without the means of subsistence.

As Manrique observes where the raiyats, peasants could not pay the exorbitant revenue were “beaten unmercifully and maltreated” Manucci, who on this, occasion assumes the view point of the rulers, declares that it is the peasants’ habit to go on refusing payment, asserting that they have no money. The chastisements and instruments (of torture) are very severe. They are also made to endure hunger

72 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA and thirst…. “They feign death (that sometimes really happens) … But this trick secures them no compassion.”

The misery of the peasants was such and torture so inhuman that they were obliged to sell their women, children and cattle to meet the revenue demand. The villages which could not pay the full amount, of the revenue-farm were put on a charge of rebellion and the wives, the children of the peasants were sold or carried off and attached to heavy iron-chains sent with their wives and children to various markets and fairs to be sold.

Even when robbery took place within the jurisdiction of a jagirdar or faujdar, the villagers were to find out the culprits and recover the lost properties or compensate the loss. This was also a pretext for the jagirdar or faujdar to sack the village or villages, kill the men folk and sell the women to slavery. Akbar’s ordinance not to seize or sell women or children of combatants was directed to stop the avaricious men who would on false imputation of disloyalty or on mere suspicion would sack and plunder villages and carry away the women.

From the narrative of J. Xavier, we know that Mughal conquest of Kashmir and Gujarat resulted in fall in cultivation and the number of runaway peasants grew due to oppression of the peasants. Under Jahangir’s reign the peasants were “so cruelly and pitilessly oppressed” that the agricultural fields often lay “unsown and grow into wildernesses.” The poor labourers also deserted the villages as a result these were poorly populated.

A historian of the reign of Shah Jahan remarks that “owing to natural calamities, the rebellions of seditious zamindars and the cruelty of ill-fated officers “vast areas were depopulated and despite best efforts of the Emperor and his well-meaning ministers the land looked more deserted than it had been under Jahangir. In Gujarat a Dutch traveller in 1629 noted that “the peasants are more oppressed than formerly (and) frequently abscond.”

The same thing was noted by an Indian writer with regard to Sind which according to him “was the land of the forsaken, of the cruel and the helpless.” This was due to the oppression of the jagirdars. In the Deccan the period before the second vice-royalty of Aurangzeb, desolation was stalking the land and the peasant population dispersed due to the oppression of the governors.

During the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign, a great portion of good cultivable land remained uncul- tivated for want of labourers a large number of whom had perished due to the bad treatment and oppression of the governors, or had left the country.

Khafi Khan gives us a clear picture of the condition of the peasantry under Muhammad Shah. Ac- cording him all experienced and thoughtful persons who used to manage the offices of the state, protect peasantry and encourage the prosperity of the country had departed; the revenue-farmers became veritable sewerage of the revenue- paying peasantry.

As these revenue farmers had no guarantee of being confirmed in their office next year would extort as much as possible from the peasants and sell away both the state’s share and peasants share. They even sell away the fruit-bearing trees and the hereditary lands of the peasants.

Many of the parganas had been so ruined and devasted due to the oppression by the revenue-farmers that these turned into deep forests infested by tigers and wild beasts. “Oppression and injustice of the

73 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA officials, who have no thought of God, has reached such a degree that if one wishes to describe a hundredth part of it, it will still defy description.”

There were, however, certain areas, for instance deltaic Bengal, particularly its eastern portions, parts of Terai etc. where there were extensions of cultivation. But these constituted an insignificant part of the Empire.

Certain points which require to be specially stressed are that (1) flight of peasant population was a common phenomenon during the 17th century of the Mughal period. Famine was an added cause to the oppression by the jagirdars, revenue farmers etc. Accumulation of arrear of revenue demand was another cause of absconding.

There were cases where peasantry gave up cultivation as a profession altogether. As Bernier observes, “some left country to seek a more tolerable mode of existence either in the towns or in the camps, as bearers of burdens, carriers of water or servants of horsemen.” As under the Mughal rule the urban population was numerous there were needs of innumerable peons, menials, labourers and slaves in the towns and cities. According to Manucci in southern India where oppression was equally severe, the lot of people leaving rural areas was only to accept slavery or to resort to armed resistance.

Peasants’ Revolt in the Medieval Age:

Considered from the general inclination of the common people during the period under review, there was no trend toward rebellion. In Malwa, the artisans and the peasants used to carry arms with them, but that was no indication of their war-like inclination.

Paelsart writing about the third decade of the seventeenth century observed “that despite much misery and poverty the people endure patiently, professing that they do not deserve anything better.” But patient endurance also has its limit and the way in which the peasants knew to show defiance was by stoppage of the payment of land revenue. When saturation point was reached under oppression, even a small act of oppression might lead them to rebellion. Villages or areas protected by ravines, forests or hills are naturally convenient for rebellions. Rebellious villages or peasants who ceased to pay land revenue were called Zortalab and mawas as distinguished from revenue-paying villages called raiyati. When the rebellion would be put down the fate of the rebels could only be imagined. “Eve- ryone is killed that is met with and their wives, sons and daughters and cattle carried off.”

It goes without saying that the intensity of oppression varied from place to place as also due to the variance in the character of the jagirdars and their agents or revenue- farmers. As such while the rebellion in the village or group of villages when put down and men were butchered and their wives and children carried away, the neighbouring areas remained placid and unconcerned. But this was always not the thing.

The community of caste often played a cementing factor and in extending the scale of rebellion out of an urge to collectively defend common interests. According to Prof. Habib “In the Jat revolt we have, perhaps, the clearest instance of how an essentially peasant rebellion proceeded along caste lines. The same influence is visible also in the ‘lawless’ activities of such seditious castes as the Mewatis and the Wattus and the Dogras.”

74 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Religious community is another factor that was responsible for extension of the scale of rebellion. Kabir, Nanak, Dadu did not preach militancy but humility and resignation. Their approach to a caste- less society made a deep appeal to the hearts of the masses. They provided inspiration for two powerful revolts, namely, the Satnami and Sikh revolts against the Mughals.

A third factor was that the Zamindars had their own objects in opposing the Mughal ruling class. They at certain stage of the peasants’ revolt assumed leadership or the leaders of the peasants became themselves Zamindars or in desperation the peasants provided recruits for the rebellious zamindars.

Zamindars: Their Evolution in the Medieval Age, Categories: Their Revolts:

The term zamindar connotes holders of certain rights based on revenue collection and there are de- grees of zamindars from those who have rights over to small portions of a village upwards to the ruler of a kingdom. The zamindars have certain features in common. The rights of zamindars did not originate from imperial grants although there were some exceptions to this. Zamindars were commanders of retainers under them and often they were leaders of caste groups.

Literally the term zamindar means ‘holder’ of land. According to Moreland in North India, it meant “a chief, that is a landholder with title or claim antecedent to Moslem rule, commonly a Raja Rao, or some other Hindu king or ex-king, who had become tributary to the Moslem state.” But as there were zamindars in other areas directly administered by the Muslim Emperors which were not within tributary states, the definition of Moreland is not wholly correct. In Bengal, the term zamindar had a wider meaning.

There were landholders the Rajas, whose title to land was antecedent to Moslem rule’ and there were other great landholders not holders of so large estates as those of the Rajas, who traced their origin to fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Even under Murshid Quli Khan a number of zamindari families had originated.

Reference to sanad that is formal grant, patent by the Board of Revenue during early years of the East India Company’s rule does not find corroboration in Ain-i-Akbari. A sanad was, as John Shore stated a confirmation of rights and also an honourable distinction issued to “principal zamindars who enjoyed extensive jurisdiction and the right to be admitted to the presence of the sovereign or his viceroy.”

Smaller zamindars did not enjoy that kind of formal acknowledgement of their rights. Under the Mughal Emperors, there was, however the system of confirmation of the proprietary right on the soil to zamindars, or inheritance of zamindari. According to Shore the Mughal principle of finance established the practice that the “rents belong to the sovereign, and the land to the zamindar.”

It goes without saying the zamindars were a class of intermediaries between the peasants and the state, their primary function being collection of rent. There were three main categories of intermediaries. The first was those who paid tributes. These zamindars were rulers and often called Rajas, Raos etc. The tributes might be in cash or only symbolic payment by way of presentation say of an elephant or horse etc.

75 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The second category comprised the zamindars who paid peshkash that is the revenue payable to the state. In revenue payable the peshkash was also included. Ordinary zamindars formed the third category and they occupied a position inferior to those of the first two categories namely the tribute paying and peshkash-paying zamindars.

The zamindars derived their right and title to the management of the zamindari from a sanad which was in the nature of a contract emphasizing the obligations of the zamindars. Default in payment would render a sanad revoked. A zamindari might be leased out that is given of ijara or even sold out. With the increasing weakness of the imperial administration there was a progressive increase in the autonomy of the Zamindars.

There was a gradation among the landholders. The first among the rank were the zamindars. Next to the zamindars were the chaudhuris below whom in rank were the talukdars. The Talukdars were of two groups the huzuri talukdars who had to pay a fixed revenue to the state. The other groups were of the mazkuri talukdars who paid their rent to the zamindar or chaudhuri. Zamindars during Akbar’s reign were revenue farmers on annual contract basis, with ten percent of the revenue demand as commission and small estate. There were also some hereditary proprietors of zamindari estates.

The ryots were under obligation to pay mal i.e. land revenue, sair i.e. other taxes, abwabs i.e. irregular and extra exactions by the state officials, zamindars or their agents! The zamindars, during the Mughal period, maintained an attitude of hostility towards the imperial administration and often sided with whoever appeared to be powerful and tumult-raising. This is known from Abul Fazl. He also praises Raja Behari Mal who “out of wisdom and good fortune, aspired to leave the ranks of zamindars and become one of the select of the Court.” Prof. Habib very rightly questions if zamindar’s position and when become one of the court were mutually incompatible. Abul Fazl as well as the chroniclers of Aurangzeb mentions of the opportunism and disloyalty of the zamindars.

Prof. Habib states that “In documents written from the official point of view, it is assumed as a matter of course that the main danger to law and order came from the zamindars who refused to pay the revenue and had to be cowed down or destroyed by force either by the faujdar or the jagirdar. Erection of fort by any zamindar immediately aroused the suspicions of the authorities and could apparently be a sufficient justification of punitive action against him.”

The correspondence from Radandaz Khan faujdar of Biswara reveals the condition arising out of non-payment of revenue in an area in the very heart of the empire by the zamindars against whom expeditions had to be sent. The zamindars were also engaged in robbery. Appointment of zamindars direct from the court under Aurangzeb was a method adopted for the purpose of counter-balancing the power of the old houses of zamindars.

One of the important political features of the period under review was the struggle between the zamindars and the imperial administration, often breaking out into open hostility. Manucci, writing in 1700, says “usually the viceroys and the governors are in a constant state of quarrel with the Hindu princes and zamindars—with some because they wish to seize their lands, with others, to force them to pay more revenue than customary……… usually there is some rebellion of the rajahs and zamindars going on in the Mughal kingdom.”

As the zamindars were weaker in comparison with the imperial government, they always tried to adopt a conciliatory attitude towards the peasants whose support was very much needed both for

76 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA defence and fight as well as for finance by way of timely payment of revenue. The zamindars having been conversant with the local customs could make their relation and arrangements with the peasants more flexible than what the imperial administration could do in Khalisa lands or the assignees could do in the lands under them.

The imperial administration in Khalisa lands and the assignees were more interested in realising more and more revenue. Bernier observed that the peasants found “less oppression and allowed greater degree of comfort in the territories of the Raja. Even the court chronicler of Aurangzeb observed that the zamindars” for winning the hearts of and conciliating the peasants, in order that may not cease to obey or pay revenue to them” conducted themselves gently.

Frequently if happened that peasants fleeing the lands under the imperial administration were attracted to the lands of the zamindars. In this way the peasants and the zamindars were often associated in the struggle against the Mughal authorities. The peasants added to the resources of the zamindars by engaging in cultivation and also to their fighting strength by providing recruits.

Although such ill-equipped and ill-trained troops were no match for the imperial force, yet the difficult terrain, interspersed by rivers gave some advantage to such troops and they could continue their struggle. During Aurangzeb’s reign a new feature was added to the nature of the struggle of the zamindars. It was not only defensive, but now assumed also an offensive character.

Peasants Revolts in the 17th and 18th Centuries:

It is customary for the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century writers to emphasise economic and administrative causes behind the upheavals, against the Mughals. It has also been argued by some authors that opposition to the Mughals was due to Hindu reaction or national awakening. Prof. Habib, however, emphasis religious reaction and national consciousness as the motive force behind the opposition to the Mughals.

Jat Revolt:

From Abul Fazl it is known that the peculiar climate of the province of Agra made the peasant masses of the area notorious in the whole of the country “for religion, bravery and courage.” The two sides of the Jumna figured constantly in military operations against the rebellious peasantry of the area.

The Emperor had once to lead personally, an expedition against a Raja of a pargana in Kanauja who used to engage robbers and peasants to defend himself when attacked. During the reign of Jahangir it was reported that “ganwars and cultivators” on the east of Jumna, near Mathura “do- not cease to commit highway robbery, and protected by dense jungle and fastness, live in rebellion, have no fear of anyone and do not pay the revenue to the jagirdars.”

In an expedition which was sent against them resulted in the death of a number of rebels and captivity of their wives and children. This happened in the twelfth regnal year of Jahangir. In 1634 a larger expedition had to be dispatched against the rebels on both sides of the river Jumna who committed robberies on the Delhi-Agra route. Ten thousand of the “human looking beasts were slaughtered” and their women, children and cattle beyond computation were seized.

77 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA In the year of the death of Sadullah Khan, wazir of Shah Jahan, the peasants of the villages near Agra rose in arms. They were surprised by Abdul Nabi, faujdar of the deceased Sadullah Khan, who put to sword or imprisoned all those who could not flee in time. This was the history of the cradle of the Jat rebellion in the reign of Aurangzeb. It is noteworthy that the rebels were not named as Jats, but called ganwars or villagers and in a few cases they were perhaps led by the Rajputs.

Manucci who wrote about Aurangzeb’s time and knew about the Jat revolts called them as peasants. The Jats are “a peasant caste”, who inhabited the villages between Delhi and Agra, and were entered as zamindars in many mahals in the Doab. The Jat rebellion, speaking properly, dates from the time of Gokla Jat, the zamindar of Talpat near Mathura! He collected a large number of Jat soldiers and other villagers and raised a rebellion.

He was killed in 1669, but the leadership passed to his son, Raja Ram Jat and then his nephew, Churaman Jat who is said to have been the son of a zamindar of eleven villages. Over wide areas the peasants refused to pay revenue and took to arms. From a grant ‘of a zamindari it is found that the new zamindar was required to expel the “evil-mannered rebels”, who inhabited the 25 villages near Mathura. In 1681 the Faujdar Multafat Khan of the district around Agra lost his life while leading an attack on a village that refused to pay the revenue. In the same decade for three years a jagirdar failed to get anything by way of revenue payment from his jagirs near Agra due to rebellion.

Leadership of the Jat rebellion was provided by the zamindars and capture-of the estates of other zamindars was the aim of the leaders of the rebellion. In the mid-eighteenth century much of the lands under the possession of the Jats was not in their own hands. The king or Raja who wanted to render assistance to the old zamindars, would bring him inevitably in conflict with the Jats. One net result of the Jat rebellion was extension of Jat zamindari in the middle of the Doab.

About the character of the Jat rebellion it may be said that it was a huge plundering movement. “This was, perhaps, inevitable under the narrow caste-horizons of the peasants and the plundering instincts of their zamindar-leaders.” Gokla plundered the pargana of Sadabad, the pargana around Agra was plundered by Raja Ram and all the parganas under Agra and Delhi had been sacked and plundered by Churaman. “So far as we know”, says Prof. Irfan Habib, the Jat rebels (in spite of Haridas) had no connection with any particular religious movement.

Satnami Revolt:

While the Jat rebellion was unconnected with religion the Satnami (as also the Sikh) rebellions were entirely based on religion and not on casteism. The Satnamis were a sect of the Bairagis, which was founded in 1657 at Narnaul by a native of the place. They were believers in monotheism and abhorred formal rituals and superstition. They did not believe in caste distinctions and would not live on the charity of others. Sympathy with the poor and hostility towards authorities and wealth were their commandments.

“Do not harass the poor, Shun the company of an unjust king and wealthy and dishonest man, do not accept a gift from these or from kings.” Naturally such a religion appealed to the conscience of the poor and the lower classes of the people. A contemporary historian describes the Satnamis as a group of Hindu mendicants also called Mundiyas. In the parganas of Narnaul and Mewat they numbered four or five thousand householders.

78 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA “Although those Mundiyas dress like mendicants, yet their livelihood and profession are usually agriculture and trade in the manner of grain-merchants with some capital. Living according to the ways of their own community, they aspire to reach the status of a good name (nek-nam), which is the meaning of the word satnam. But if anyone should want to impose tyranny and oppression upon them as a display of courage or authority, they will not tolerate it; and most of them bear arms and weapons.”

From another contemporary writer we come to know that they were extremely dirty, foul, filthy and impure. They did “not differentiate between Muslims and Hindus, who eat pig’s flesh and other disgusting things.”

The Satnamis were habitually of rebellious conduct and even before they had rebelled, they did not appear to have been loyal to authorities. They brought the cultivators and their families and possessions in the pargana of Bhatnair under their control and they were “not free from the thoughts of sedition and robbery.” The revolt of the Satnamis in 1672 began as a village affray.

One Satnami while working in a field had hot exchange of words with a trooper who was guarding the corn-heap which led to a fracas and the trooper struck the satnami with a stick breaking his skull. Other Satnamis gathered and beat the trooper almost to death whereupon the Shiqdar sent a contingent of troops to chastise the Satnamis and the hostilities began.

That the rebellion was that of the lower classes of people which gave it a plebeian character can be clearly understood from the composition of the rebellious force of the Satnamis. They were the destitute gangs of carpenters, peasants, and sweepers, tanners who suddenly burst forth in the region of Mewat and fell upon the imperial troops like locusts.

But after their initial success and capture of Narnaul and Bairat they were finally destroyed by the large army sent from the court. Masir-i-Alamgiri compares their valiant defence against the imperial army by remaking that “despite the lack of all materials of war, they repeated the scenes of the great war of Mahabharat.”

Prof. Habib would even feel like calling the rising of the Sikhs a peasant’s revolt on the grounds that Sikhism is a peasant religion and the verses of Guru Nanak were all in the language of the Jats which means, in the dialect of the Punjab village. But these facts as well as the plebeian character of the rebellion, for “most of the chiefs of the highest dignity among the Sikhs”, he points out, “were low- born persons, such as carpenters, shoe-markers and Jats”, prove that the rise of the Sikhs was a peasants’ revolt. On similar arguments Prof. Habib regards that other revolts in northern India as well as the Maratha rise in the south were mainly due to agrarian reasons.

While these revolts had contributed to the fall of the Mughal empire to characterise all of them as mainly due to oppression of the peasants from economic or religious points of view will be over simplification of the causes of the fall of the empire. Oppression of the lower classes constitutes an important factor in the ruin of empires as it definitely did in case of the Persian empire and the poet Sadi in his immortal poem wrote a sort of an epitaph to the falling Persian empire by saying that the glory and empire of the Emperors are gone the same way as the oppressor emperors themselves and their tyranny over the peasants had also thus ended. All the same, there is a risk in taking Sadi literally in case of the fall of the Mughal empire.

79 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The failure of the peasants’ revolts which took place during the Mughal period was due largely to (i) historical environment of the time, (ii) particular correlation of class- forces existing at that time. Lack of new class relation or class force, lack of any new economic relation and lack of capable political leadership led to the failure of the peasants. China’s past history offers a parallel instance.

Maritime Trade in the Medieval Age—Indian Merchants vs. European Traders

The route through which India maintained maritime contact with the Red Sea area was rendered unsafe due to the Turkish control over the area from the Persian Gulf to the Near East. The Red Sea route itself was also interfered with by the Egyptian Government. Early in the seventeenth century Aden was more a garrison under its “rapacious and treacherous” Turkish governor.

Aden and Moch—two leading sea ports— were important commercial centres due to influx of pilgrims and traders from Egypt who purchased eastern products, in return for gold and silver. These ports were main outlets of the maritime activities of the traders of Gujarat, Cambay and Diu. The same ports were frequented by pilgrims and merchants from Lahari Bandar port in Sind, Mughal port of Surat, Bijapur port of Dabhol and the Vijayanagar ports of Cannanore and Cochin.

Indian ships of States commanding the sea coast from the Cape of Good Hope and Madagascar to the East Indies and the Far East brought vast wealth and resources to the Turks. When the Turkish officers came down heavily on the English merchants, the masters of the Indian ships often played the role of mediators of intermediaries; the Turks evidently derived considerable profit from the trade carried on by the Indian ships.

In Mocha there was an Indian colony. The Indians built for themselves “a petty town of slight cabins, along the strand.” Some of the masters of the ships of Nakhuda of the great ships had their own houses at Mocha. Such houses were occasionally venues of discussions between the Indian Nakhudas and Turkish officers. Malik Ambar, a thirty-year-old name sake of the famous Malik Ambar of Ah- madnagar, used to style himself as “Nakhuda of the great ship, captain of Dabul, the port of Bijapur.” This great ship had the capacity to carry 4,000 Khandies (one Khandi = 20 maunds) of goods. Ma- homet, i.e. Mohammad of Cannanore is referred to in the East India Company papers as another influential Nakhuda from Vijayanagar.

Although there were constant frictions between the English merchants and the ‘Turkish authorities, the relation between the English and the India ships were on the whole tolerably good. From the Indian merchants the English traders obtained information of the progress which their predecessors like William Hawkins, Jourdain and Sharpeigh had been making with regard to the development of trade in Surat and Cambay. The Indian Nakhudas played an important role in the release of the Eng- lishmen imprisoned by the Turks at Mocha.

Sir Henry Middleton, the General of the 6th Voyage of the English East India Company towards India, who received great help from the Indian Nakhudas when he and his men were imprisoned at Mocha by the Turkish authorities, reached Surat on September 26, 1611. Denied trade privilege by the Mughal emperor due to the opposition of the Portuguese, Middleton sailed from Surat on Febru- ary 11, 1612. He decided to return to the Red Sea and avenge himself on the Turks, Mughals and the Portuguese.

80 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Nicholas Downton gives in detail the plan the English contemplated of following. “Our best way is to lie in the way of the Red Sea ‘where the English would find’ ships of Surat and Cambay with diverse others, the subjects of the great Mogul but also men of Diu, subject to the Portuguese.” The idea was that the capture of these ships would not only injure the Mughals and the Portuguese, but would be “no small disturbance to the Turks at Mocha, for though there were no goods of theirs thereon, the loss of customs would greatly pinch and vex them and spoil the Turks’ scale’ at Aden and Mocha.

The ships of Dhabol, Malabar and other places would be permitted to proceed unmolested. This would have the effect of warning the Mughals that the English were .not a nation “to be coarsely treated.” Thus, the measures of reprisal would compel the Mughals to duly honour and respect the English. Middleton’s party actually captured two ships- one from Cochin bound for Chaul laden with dried coconut, raw silk etc. and another from Chaul, bound for Ormuz.

Some bales of raw silk were taken away from the Cochin ship and a few bags of rice from the Chaul ship, and the ships were let off. Next Middleton’s fleet lay in wait in the traits of Bad-el-Mandeb to intercept all ships entering the Red Sea. This was to be done in order to avenge the wrong done to the English at Mocha by the Turks, and indirectly warn the Mughal emperor that the subjects of the king of England would not put up with so great abuses un-avenged and captured goods from the Indian ships for compensating their loss in India. They were also determined to seize the Portuguese ships of Diu.

Downton remained at Aden to intercept all Indian ships and divert them into the straits of Bab-el- Mandeb, where Middleton lay in wait. Downton intercepted a ship from Lahari Bandar and took away some of its merchandise. Another ship of 200 tons from Diu and a large ship named Muham- madi from Dabhol were intercepted. The latter being from friendly State was not despoiled.

Although Malik Ambar, the Nakhuda of the ship, was thought to be too much proud and insolent and Downton thought of attacking the ship, the large ship’s speed was too great for Downton’s ship Peppercorn to reach her. Downton in desperation fired as shot at her. From the ship of Diu, which the sailors gave out to be a ship from Cutsnagana, Downton took away a few bales of cotton, cloth, butter and oil.

In the meantime, Middleton intercepted as many as eleven Indian ships, Rahimi (1500 tons), Harsonee (600 tons), Mohammadee (450 tons) of Surat, Sullamettee (450/60 tons), Caderee (200 tons), Agancany (208 tons) of Diu, and Caudree (400 tons) of Dabhol, a big ship from Cannanore, 3 ships from Malabar—altogether eleven ships.

The English employed a thorough method of plunder of the Indian ships which was the daily business of the men under him. All Indian merchant ships were searched one after another. All commodities suitable for the market in England, such as indigo, packs of cloth, etc. and the spoils were divided between Middleton and another Sari who joined him. The Indian merchants were forced to exchange their goods for the English merchandise.

No transit charges of the Indian goods were added to the value of the Indian commodities whereas all rates and taxes etc. were added to the value of the English goods while exchanges were made. The unusual delay in settling the exchange accounts or sale of Indian goods was so sickening to the

81 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Indian merchants that many of them left the goods at the prices dictated by the English, even at a great loss in order to return home.

The Gujarat and Diu ships which were targets of attack being of Mughal and Portuguese ownership were kept under surveillance and ransom was demanded for their release. Even Downton found the process of realisation of ransom “a most troublesome and heart-relenting business” because of the cries of the poor people, difficulty in their getting money and the pressure put on them to pay the ransom with haste and the exhorbitant rate of interest charged by the Turks for lending money to the Indian merchants and sailors. Every ship had to pay a huge amount as ransom.

The news of the fate of the Indian merchants and the ships in the Red Sea reached Surat toward the latter part of 1612. A Mughal ship returning from Mocha in September, 1612 gave out the information of the treatment of the Indian ships by Henry Middleton.

There was great nervousness among the English merchants such as Thomas Aldworth, William Bid- dulph, and Nicholas Withington as to what might befall them. But “influential men came to those Englishmen, assured them that the news need not disturb them and that in spite of the injury done by Middleton to the Indian ships, they would continue to show “honest respect” to the Englishmen. “This is a curious but sad commentary on the naval weakness of the Mughals” and set naval vigilance to sleep and naval expansion unattended.

Industry: European Traders:

The seventeenth century and the major part of the eighteenth, exhibited almost similar industrial organisation and features although a marked process of decline was noticeable. There were extensive and diverse manufactures the premier manufacturing industries being cotton and silk textiles. Orme observes that “on the coast of Coromandel and the province of Bengal, where at some distance from the high road or a principal town, it is difficult to find a village in which every man, woman or child is not employed in making a piece of cloth.”

The manufacture of cloth and silk fabrics was on domestic basis and every weaver’s house was a little textile manufactory. What was especially noteworthy was that the tillers of the soil could spend their time and the agricultural vacations such as after sowing and harvesting seasons in the manufacture of cloth or some kind of work in the loom.

From Bernier we come to know that there was rigid specialisation. For instance, a goldsmith would not work on silver and the hereditary nature of the craftsmanship gave an extraordinary specialisation. A weaver would weave only a particular staff which would naturally give him a special proficiency at work through repetition. The family traditionally followed the same trade.

Foster, Bernier and Abul Fazl referred to Karkhanas which manufactured the articles needed by the imperial household, the aristocracy, the official dom. These manufactories employed a large number of workers who worked for the manufacture of the items of luxury. But these began to disappear gradually.

Metallic industries such as iron, glass, brass, weapons, gold and silver vessels and ornaments etc., other industries like salt petre, salt, jute, sugar, opium, etc. were highly developed. But with the

82 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA decline of agriculture due to lack of initiative and enterprise oppression by the overlords, other industries also began to decline.

With the advent of the European merchants the cotton and silk textile industries received an initial fillip. Textile industry was scattered all over India. Surat was noted for the manufacture of finest Indian brocades, calicoes and muslins. Ahmadabad also manufactured brocades of gold and silver, carpets, satins, taffetas, silk linen and cotton cloth. Burhanpur in Khandesh, Chanderi in Malwa were also important centres of textile manufactures.

Masulipatam, Chicacole, Ellore, Burrampore, Vizagapatam etc. were noted for manufacture of cotton piece goods, muslins, silk calico prints etc. Jaunpur, Benares Allahabad etc. were important centres of calico manufacture, manufacture of chintz, gazi, cotton piece goods. Bihar and Orissa also were centres of manufacture of cloth. Bengal “produced cloth of all kinds, most beautiful muslins, silk raw or worked.” Dhaka held the premier position in Bengal for the manufacture of delicate cloth and muslin Dhaka also famous for embroidery and flowering works.

The Mughal commercial policy was an unwise as bankrupt of economic foresight. The most important illustration is the farman of Farruk Shiyar of 1717 by which the English traders were granted an unqualified right of trading in Bengal and Gujarat, denied to other foreign and even to indigenous merchants, to carry on duty-free trade on an annual payment of a meagre sum of Rs. 3,000/- only.

This while meant a huge loss of revenue to the government, virtually conceded a sort of an extra- territorial right to the English which affected the sovereignty of the Mughal emperor and paved the way for the commercial and eventually the political supremacy of the English in India. The English merchants were permitted to carry on export and import trade only but not to participate in the internal trade of the country. They were issued dastaks, i.e. discharge certificates to cover their export and import trade without having to pay duties at check-points. This English merchant later began to abuse these dastaks.

Nawab Murshid Quli Khan was sufficiently shrewd and wise to see the implications of the conces- sion granted to the English and disobeyed the farman. In the meantime, the Portuguese decline, particularly after the sack of Hugli in 1632 continued without any hope of recovery. The Dutch, the most formidable rivals of the English in India in the first half of the seventeenth century had lost their position Lack of foresight of the Dutch directors, their ignorance of the actual state of things in India and the prospect the Indian trade held out made them keep themselves preoccupied in Indonesia, Cochin, Travancore, Malabar, Ceylon etc. and neglect Bengal. The result was their ultimate ouster.

More powerful and aggressive than the Dutch were the French traders. The only European trading company that contended with the English was the French East India Company. The first half of the eighteenth century saw the ouster of the French and the exclusive commercial supremacy and political accession of the English in India. The advent of the European trading communities and the eventual supremacy of the English in the matter carried with it also, the subjugation of the Indian trade and industries and conversion of India into a raw material producing and supplying country. All this had its impact on the Indian trading community.

India had trade relations with Basra, Muscat, Ormuz, and other ports of the Persian Gulf, China, Arabia, Java, Malacca, Sumatra, Madagascar, Cornorro Islands, Mozambique and other ports of East

83 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Africa. Bengal had flourishing trade in Bengal sugar, cotton cloths, silk stuffs. “The immense commerce of Bengal was the central point to which the riches of India were attracted. Specie flowed in by thousand channels…. the Gulfs (of Mocha and Persia) poured in their treasures into this river (the Ganges)” (Verelst). Bengal had trade relations with Laccadives, Maldive, China, Pegu, Manilla, Ma- laya, Philippines, Persia, Red Sea, African coast, Tibet etc. Persian, Abyssinian, Chinese, Turkish, Arabian, Jewish, Moorish, Armenian traders flocked to Bengal.

In the seventeenth century individual Indian merchants like Baharji Borah of Surat and Malaya Coast controlled the wholesale trade of particular regions. Such merchants were both investors and carriers of the then flourishing internal and external trade. In the east coast merchants like Kanakaraya Mu- dali, Ananda Ranga Pillai, Seshachala Chetty and others were of great repute as investors and carriers of internal and foreign trade.

Bengal merchants had trade relations with Kashmir, Punjab, Gujarat, Malabar, Coromandel, Assam, Cachar etc. In Bihar the European traders purchased salt petre through contact merchants i.e. dalals like Omichand, Digchand, Khwaja Wajid etc. Some of the Indian merchants and bankers even took part in active politics, for instance Jagat Seths and Umichand in Bengal, Arjunji Nathji in Western India.

Seventeenth century and first few decades of the eighteenth was bright both for Indian trade and traders. But the process of drainage of Indian economy started with the growing commercial power of the English and with gradual transformation of the East India Company into a political power in the post-Plassey period the Indian trade and Indian traders began to suffer till the latter were ousted from the field due to unfair competition of the English.

The invasion of the English into the private trade of the country, their abuse of dastaks etc. had the effect of the ouster of the Indian merchants from the field. Scramble for riches and scandalous misuse of dastaks after Plassey unleashed the forces of economic decline and emergence of commercial and political supremacy of the English.

The main principle of the British commercial policy in India was to protect the textile industry of Britain against the competition of the Indian textile manufactures. An Act was passed in 1700 prohibiting use of silk goods and calico-prints of Bengal, Persia, China and the East Indies in England. Raw silk was allowed to be imported into England in 1701.

Added to all this was the cruel treatment of the weavers and tenders which hastened the decline of the Indian trading community and the destruction of the manufactures. The political disintegration of the Mughal Empire sapped the economic vitality of India. External invasion and internal disrup- tion affected easy transit of goods from one part of the country to the other.

Inter-provincial trade gradually came to a standstill. What still lingered was due to the fact that the Mughal Empire took some length of time to die. When it had become incapacitated the economic reins were assumed by the English merchant community.

84 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Regional Powers

Rajputs

The Rajputs regard themselves as descendants or members of the Kshatriya (warrior ruling) class, but they actually vary greatly in status, from princely lineages, such as the Guhilot and Kachwaha, to simple cultivators. Most authorities agree that successful claims to Rajput status frequently were made by groups that attained secular power; invaders from central Asia as well as patrician lines of indigenous tribal peoples were probably absorbed in that way. There are numbers of Muslim Rajputs in north western India and eastern Pakistan, and Rajputs generally have adopted the custom of purdah (seclusion of women). Their ethos includes an intense pride in ancestry and a mettlesome regard for personal honour. They seek hypergamous marriages (i.e., a bride marrying into a social group higher than her own).

The Rajputs’ origins seem to date from a great breakup of Indian society in the northern and north western Indian subcontinent under the impact of the Hephthalites (White Huns) and associated tribes from the mid-5th century CE onward. Following the breakup of the Gupta empire (late 6th century), invading groups were probably integrated within the existing society, with the present pattern of north western Indian society being the result. Tribal leaders and nobles were accepted as Kshatriyas, the second order of the Hindus, while their followers entered the fourth (Shudra, or cultivating) order to form the basis of tribal castes, such as the Jats, the Gujars, and the Ahirs. Some of the invaders’ priests became Brahmans (the highest-ranking caste). Some indigenous tribes and clans also attained Rajput status, such as the Rathors of Rajputana; the Bhattis of Punjab; and the Chandelas, Paramaras, and Bundelas of central India. Rajput ancestry can be divided between Suryavanshi (“House of the Sun,” or Solar people), or those descended from Rama, the hero of the epic Ramayana; and Chan- dravanshi (“House of the Moon,” or Lunar people), or those descended from Krishna, the hero of the epic Mahabharata. A third group, Agnikula (“Family of the Fire God”), is the group from which the Rajputs derive their claim to be Kshatriyas. Rajput habits of eating meat (except beef) and other traits suggest both foreign and aboriginal origins.

The Rajputs emerged into political importance as early as the 7th century. From about 800, Rajput dynasties dominated northern India, and the many petty Rajput kingdoms there were among the main obstacles to the complete Muslim domination of Hindu India. In the early 1020s the Rajput rulers at Gwalior and Kalinjar were able to hold off assaults by Maḥmūd of Ghazna (present-day Ghaznī, Afghanistan), although the two cities did pay him tribute. After the Muslim conquest of the eastern Punjab and the Ganges (Ganga) River valley, the Rajputs maintained their independence in the fast- nesses of Rajputana and the forests of central India. Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī of Delhi (reigned 1296–1316) took the two great Rajput forts of Chitor and Ranthambhor in eastern Rajputana but could not hold them. The Rajput state of Mewar under Rana Sanga made a bid for supremacy but was defeated by the Mughal emperor Bābur at Khanua (1527).

ābur’s grandson Akbar retook the Chitor and Ranthambhor forts (1568–69) and then made a settlement with all the Rajputana princes except Mewar. Accepting Mughal overlordship, the princes were admitted to the court and the emperor’s privy council and were given governorships and commands of armies. Some Rajput nobles further strengthened their ties with the Mughals by arranging marriages between their daughters and Mughal emperors or their sons. The Rajput-Mughal arrangement continued into the early part of the emperor Aurangzeb’s reign (1658–1707), but eventually the emperor’s intolerance turned the Rajputs against him, and the ensuing conflict between the two sides

85 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA became one of the several factors leading to the collapse of the Mughal Empire itself in the 18th century. The Rajputs subsequently fell victims to the chiefs of the Maratha confederacy until they accepted British suzerainty (1818) at the end of the last Maratha war.

Administration of Rajput States

The administration of the Rajput states was based on caste system. Only the people of the higher caste were associated with the administration. Even the king belonged to this caste. The state was divided into a number of units, each under the control of a Mukhiya or leader of the dominant caste.

If the king acted contrary to the interests of that estate or caste-group the leaders could remove him from office and appoint someone else from some caste-group in his place.

This system of administration underwent certain changes after the establishment of the Sultanate. The powers of the king enor•mously increased at the cost of caste-leaders. This was mainly due to two factors.

Firstly, whenever any Rajput state was conquered by the Sultans of Delhi, they would reinstate him as the ruler of the state after accepting the necessary gifts.

Secondly, it was realised that in view of the constant fear of war with the Sultans it was desirable to have a strong and permanent leader and to avoid all internal factions.

The military organisation of the Rajput state was also based on caste system. Each sub-leader of the caste maintained he own units of army, which fought under his own leadership during the war. With the establishment of the Sultanate, the military organisation of the Rajput states also underwent a change.

The King started maintaining an army of his own and became less dependent on his sardars. This army consisted of infantry as well as cavalry. In course of time most of the Rajput states came under the control of the Mughals and the local nobles were made mansabdars on hen dietary basis and granted the necessary jagirs.

These mansabdars had to contribute the necessary contingents of army to the Mughal ruler at the time of need.

Marathas

The small Maratha Kingdom constituted in the seventeenth century in the Western Deccan became a nucleus of what has been described as the second much wider Maratha swarajya (sovereign state) which spread to the north, east and south in the 18th century.

After the Mughal retreat from the Deccan the Marathas expanded and evolved as a loose association or confederacy of military leaders who were denoted as sardars. Formally the sardars held temporary assignments of land revenue. But in practice they tended to become hereditary once they established themselves

86 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Maratha Confederacy

In 1719 Balaji Vishwanath returned from Delhi with firmans for chauth and sardeshmukhi. The Ma- ratha king became the sardeshmukh of the entire Deccan (Aurangabad, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, Hy- derabad and Khandesh) and Karnataka. In 1719 Balaji Vishwanath made a complex division of the collection of chauth and sardeshmukhi between Shahu and his sardars. Out of these collections a fixed share was to be paid to the Raja (sardeshmukhi + 34% of chauth). The Raja thus became largely dependent on his sardars for his finances.

Originally the Peshwa was only a mukhyapradhan or prime minister and his post was not hereditary. When Baji Rao, Balaji Vishwanath's son, became Peshwa in 1720, the office became hereditary. In 1740 Balaji Baji Ra'o (Nana Saheb) became Peshwa. Till Shahu's death in 1749 he was still under the restraint of the Raja of Satra. Thereafter he virtually dislodged the Raja from sovereign power.

The expansion of the Marathas had from an early date predominantly been the work of the Peshwas and their sardars. In the 1740s the Marathas conquered Malwa, Gujarat, Bundelkhand and penetrated, as far as Attock in the north, Rajasthan, Doab, Awadh, Bihar and Orissa. Andra Wink's study shows that all these conquests started as fitna (conquests on invitation).

It may be pointed out that in the 1740s Maratha sovereignty was not yet decisively established in the north and that it was even more fragile and limited in the south.

Bhonsle of Nagpur

The first chauth levies, made in the north-east, independent of the Peshwa, were those made by Par- soji Bhonsle, a descendant of a family of village headmen from Poona district. One of the first sardars to join Shahu when he returned from the Mughal court in 1707, Shahu recognised his Berar conquests and Balaji Vishwanath too sanctioned his exclusive right to Berar, Godwana and Cuttack. In 1743 Shahu assigned the rights of chauth and sardeshmukhi in Bihar, Orissa, Berar and Awadh to Raghuji Bhonsle. However, when Raghuji died in 1755, the Peshwa decided to curtail the Bhonsles by divid- ing the saranjam in three parts and thus weakened them considerably.

Gailkwad of Baroda

Bande, Pawar and Dabhade were among the major Maratha sardars who led raids in the Mughal province of Gujarat in the early 18th century. The Gaikwads who started out as lieutenants of the Dabhades, rose to predominance around 1730.

In 1727 the Mughal subedar of Gujarat assigned to Shahu sardeshmukhi to 10% of the land revenue of the whole of Gujarat and chauth of the south of Gujarat in saranjam, in return for punishing ma- rauders. After Shahu's death, the Peshwa divided the chauth and sardeshmukhi of Gujarat between himself and Dabhade in 1749. In 1751 Gaikwad forced his way in, in place of Dabhade and made Baroda his capital in 1752.

Like the Bhonsles of Nagpur, the Gaikwad dynasty formally enjoyed merely the status of saranjamdars, i.e., assignment holders, not kings. The Mughal province of Malwa which formed the political and commercial nexus between Hindustan and the Deccan had been invaded by the Mara- thas since 1699. The first Maratha outposts were established on the Narmada in 1716 and claims of

87 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA chauth made soon after. After the victory at Daroha Sarai in 1738 the Peshwa was made Malwa's deputy governor in 1741. Meanwhile in the 1730s itself the Peshwa had distributed the collections of chauth and sardeshmukhi between himself and Sindia, Holkar and Pawar. While the Peshwa administered the eastern half of Malwa, the hereditary saranjams of Holkar, Sindia and Pawar were located in the western half. Like the Sindias and Gaikwads, the Holkars were village vatandars of recent origin.

In 1733 they were assigned the district of Indore which subsequently grew into their dominion or dadlat. Technically, however, it remained a saranjam. The Holkars remained loyal to the Peshwa even at the height of their power. Between 1788 and 1793 there were constant clashes between Hol- kar and Sindia with the former lagging behind in terms of territorial expansion.

Sindia of Gwalior

Though associated with the nature of the Sindias, actually Gwalior did not belong to the Sindias till the last quarter of 18th century. This family, which had risen to prominence in Malwa, had Ujjain as its headquarters. Sindia, too, was directly under the Peshwa as a hereditary saranjamdar.

Mahadaji Sindia escaped from Panipat in 1761, after his father's contingent was annihilated and re- established his family's hold over Malwa. After Malhar Rao Holkar's death, he became de facto sovereign of Hindustan

Maratha Administration

The Maratha Empire which was carried out by Shivaji in 1674, also possessed an excellent system of administration. The criticism levelled by the critics that Pax Marathica was based on plunder an followed the principle of demanding payment for not ruling, does not apply to the system of administration set up by Shivaji.

Scholars like Dr. Ishwari Prasad have admitted that “the institution which he (Shivaji.) established were an improvement upon the existing order and were well adopted to promote the well-being of his subjects.” The administration was not based on the discriminatory principles of religion and caste.

Central Administration

The central administration was headed by the king or Chhatrapati. Like the Mughal emperor he was an autocrat and wielded all sorts of powers. No doubt, he was assisted by a council of ministers known as Ashta Pradhan, but the main strings of administration were concentrated in the hand of the king.

The king was not bound to accept the advice of these ministers. In fact, all these ministers and officials were appointee by the king and he issued them directions on every important matter. Though the king enjoyed autocratic powers, he was a benevolent despot and always tried to promote the welfare of his subjects.

The Ashta Pradhan

The eight ministers of the Ashta Pradhan and their duties were as follows:

88 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA 1. Peshwa or Prime Minister

The Peshwa or Prime Minister was responsible for the general administration of the empire. He was not in-charge of any particular departments, rather exercised general supervision over all departments. He ensured necessary co-ordination and co-operation amongst various ministers. He appended his seal to all the government papers, just below the signatures of the king. He performed the duties of a king in his absence.

2. Amatya or Majumdar

Amatya or Majumdar, was the finance minister. He checked the income and expenditure of the state and appended his signatures on all the public accounts.

3. Mantri or Chronicler

Mantri or Chronicler, was the keeper of records. He kept a diary of the various activities of the king and recorded the important events of the court. He checked the list of the visitors invited to the various royal functions. He also checked the food meant for the king to ensure that it was not poi- soned. He usually headed the espionage department and kept the king informed of the events in different parts of the empire.

4. Sachive

Sachive or Home Secretary was in-charge of King’s correspondence. He supervised the drafting of the letters and sent them for King’s signatures. He affixed his seal on these letters and authenticated all official documents. The Sachive also checked the accounts of the market and Pargana.

5. Samant

Samant or Foreign Secretary advised the King in matters of war and peace. He kept a watch on state’s relationship with other powers and advised the king on matters of foreign relations. He also sent and received the ambassadors with the consent of the king. It was also his responsibility to keep the king informed of the important events in foreign countries.

6. Pandit Rao

Pandit Rao was the minister of ecclesiastical affairs. As the royal priest he looked after the religious activities of the king and fixed dates for the various religious ceremonies. He looked after religious institutions in the state and rendered necessary assistance to Brahamans and other needy people. He decided the religious disputes and made grants to religious and learned men.

7. Senapati

Senapati was the commander-in-chief of the forces. He was responsible for the recruitment, organisation and discipline in the army. During the times of war he collected the forces and led them.

89 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA 8. Nyayyadhish

Nyayyadhish or the Chief Justice was the in-charge of the judicial system of the state. He decided important civil-and criminal disputes. It may be noted that all the ministers, with the exception of Pandit Rao and Nyayadhish, were military officers. All such ministers had command of an army and lead them during the times of war.

Departments

For the sake of administrative efficiency, the whole administration was divided into eighteen department. The departments were looked after by the various ministers and they were responsible for their smooth and efficient working.

Provincial Administration

The Marathas under Shivaji had divided their state into number of provinces or prants. Each pro•vince was under the control of a Viceroy, who was an official of the central government. The Viceroy was assisted by eight officials. At the time of Shivaji’s death the whole of the state had been divided into four provinces.

The provinces were further sub-divided into parganas and Tarfs. These were headed by subedar and havildar. The lowest unit of administration was the village, which was under a Patel. The Patel was responsible for the collection of land revenue in the village and was assisted by Kulkarni in the matter of maintaining the accounts.

The village Panchayat continued to enjoy as usual administrative, judicial and welfare functions.

During the time of Shivaji the Jagir system was done away with and substituted by the system of cash payment of salaries to the state officials. The state officials were expected to collect the revenue from the peasants and deposit it with the state treasury.

A proper account of all the cultivatable land was maintained and the state share in the produce was fixed after forming a fair estimate of the expected produce. Furthermore, the lands were classified into various categories on the basis of their productivity and the state’s share was fixed keeping in view the category of the land. Initially the state collected 30 per cent of the gross produce, but later on it was raised to 40 per cent.

With a view to supplement the state income two other taxes— Chauth and Sardeshmukhi—were also levied. Chauth was a military contribution in lieu of protection against the invasion of a third, power. However, Prof. Sardesai is of the opinion that it was a sort of tribute extracted from the hostile or conquered territories. Prof. Jadunath Sarkar is. however, of the opinion that Chauth was a military contribution paid to ward off any attack of the Marathas. The Sardeshmukhi was an additional tax of 10 per cent which the king claimed as the hereditary Sardeshmukh of the country.

90 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Bahmani Kingdom

The Bahmani Kingdom was founded by Alauddin Bahman Shah in the 1347 AD. With its capital at Gulbarga and later Bidar a total of eighteen Sultans ruled over this kingdom. Often at war with the neighboring Hindu Kingdom of Vijayanagara, the Bahamanis disintegrated into independent sultanates called Deccan sultanates after the attack of Krishnadeva Raya and the death of the great Wazir of Bahmani Sultanate Mahmud Gawan.

The first Independent Islamic Kingdom in South India was the Bahmani Sultanate or the Bahmani Kingdom. One of the great medieval Indian kingdoms, the Bahmani Sultanate was founded as a revolt against Muhammad bin Tughlaq of the Delhi Sultanate by Zafar Khan, of Turkish origin, who took the title of Ala-ud-din Hassan Bahman Shah. Establishing a strong rule with nearly 18 kings for about 200 years, the Southern King Krishnadeva Raya defeated the last ruler of Bahmani Empire after which it got disintegrated into 5 states around 1518 AD, collectively known as Deccan Sultan- ates and individually as: Nizamshahi of Ahmadnagar, Qutubshahi of Golconda (Hyderabad), Barid- shahis of Bidar, Imadshahi of Berar, Adilshahi of Bijapur.

Historical Background

In august 1347 AD, the Bahmani Kingdom rose to power under the Turkish Governor Ala-ud-din Hassan Bahman Shah, who revolted against the Sultan of Delhi Sultanate, Muhammad Bin Tughlaq and was favoured by Nazir uddin Ismail Shah (who had revolted against the Delhi Sultanate). The success of the revolt led to the establishment of an independent Deccan state with parts of the current day’s Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh which were within the territory of Delhi Sultan- ate. Setting up the capital between 1347 AD and 1425 AD, in Ahsanabad (gulbara), it was later moved to Muhammadabad (Bidar).

Constantly contesting the Vijyanagar Empire of Hindus, in the south, the power of sultanate reached its peak under Mahmud Gawan (serving as a prime minister and General to several sultans) during 1466-1481. He extended the empire by reconquering Goa which was under the Vijyanagar Empire. He also introduced administrative reforms and controlled many districts directly. His execution was ordered by a sultan and the Empire began collapsing after the sultan drank himself to death. The rampant Bahmani power was disintegrated by Krishna Dev Raya of Vijyanagar Empire and the Gov- ernors of important provinces like Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Berar, Bidar and Golconda, started declar- ing their Independence from Bahmani rule

Bijapur as an expansive successor states captured Bidar and was joined by Ahmadnagar and Gol- conda in struggle against Vijayanagar. All the Deccan sultanates together pooled their resources against the might of Vijyanagar and it suffered a crucial defeat in 1565 AD. At the same time the Deccan sultanates had to succumb to the Great Mughals, and were totally vanquished by Aurangzeb in 1686–87 AD.

Break-up of Bahmani Kingdom

The 16th century saw the Bahmani Kingdom fragment into smaller sultanates each governed by independent dynasty.

91 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Nizam Shahis of Admed Nagar (1490-1633 AD): the Nizam Shahi kingdom was founded by Malik Ahmed Bahri and was later conquered by Shah Jahan (A.D. 1633).

The Adilshahis of Bijapur (A.D. 1490-1686 AD): The kingdom of Bijapur was founded by Yusuf Adil Shah. The Gol Gumbaj, the tomb with world’s second largest dome was built by Adil Shahi ruler Muhammad Adil Shah. It is also famous for its whispering gallery. This kingdom was later annexed by Aurangzeb. Ibrahim Adil shah II wrote a book of songs called Kitab-i-Niwas in Dakhani Urdu; this contains a number of songs with different ragas.

The Imadshahis’ of Berar (1490-1574 AD): the Imadshahi kingdom was founded by Fatullah Khan imad-ul-mulk and it was conquered by one of the Nizam-Shahi rulers of Ahmadnagar.

The Qutubshahis of Golconda (1518-1687 AD): Quli Qutub Shah founded the Qutubshahi dynasty and made Golconda his capital after building the famous Golconda fort. Another Qutubshahi ruler, Muhammad Quli Qutubshah, was the greatest of all and he founded the city of Hyderabad and built the Charminar in it. This kingdom was also later annexed by Aurangzeb. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah wrote the Kulliyat-i-Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah in Dakhani urdu.

The Baridshahis of Bidar (1528-1619 AD): Ali Barid founded the kingdom and it was later annexed by Adilshahis of Bijapur.

Art and Culture under Bahmani Kingdom

The Bahmanis were enthusiasts of architecture and art and encouraged distinct styles with architects from different parts of the Muslim world and blended these with the local styles.

Ala-ud-din Bahman built a large number of buildings including the Jama masjid and the Bala Hisar. The monuments of Gulbarga were also built and when the capital was shifted to Bidar a d a large number of buildings were constructed which include the forts, palaces, mosques and tombs prominent among which are the Rangin Mahal, Gagan Mahal, Chini Mahal and Nagin Mahal (currently are in broken form).

The Persian scholar Mahmud Gawan (minister of Muhammad Shah III), built the well-known Mad- rasa in 1472 AD (building with three stories and has lecture halls, a library, a mosque and residential houses) which stands as a specimen of Bahmani architecture.

The Bahmanis got many forts rebuilt and modified for their suitability in case of military require- ments. These included the covered passages and bastions as an addition. Few forts were built at strategic places, keeping this structure in mind; some among these are the Gulbarga, Daulatabad, Gawilgarh, Narnala, Parenda, Raichur, etc

The architectural works also include idgahs (prayer houses) built at Daulatabad, Gulbarga, Bidar and Kovilkonda. Their special feature is the parapet cresting and a dome in the middle above the central prayer-niche. Prayer niches were also provided in the walls. However some exquisite tombs were also built that had features like a square configuration on a raised area with sloping walls which gives an impression of single mass, low flat domes, high and slender arched doorways, with the use of enamelled tile work. Few of the significant tombs include the Ala-ud-din Hasan, Muhammad I and Muhammad II at Gulbarga and the tomb of Hazrat Zain-ud-din at Khuldabad.

92 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Another significant contribution to the architecture is the Ibrahim Rouza . 'Rouza' meaning garden was built by the ruler Ibrahim. The tomb is known for its minarets, stonework, calligraphic inscrip- tions, parapets, etc. and

A blend of both northern and southern styles with distinct elements can be seen. Gumbaz (the largest dome in the world) and Charminar in Hyderabad are also world-famous examples of Bahamani architecture.

An important heritage in the Indo-Islamic art was left by the Deccans, which included the language and Islamic tradition that spread in South India. Bahmani Kings patronized Hazrat Banda Nawaz (1321-1422 AD) the great Sufi saint (his dargah of Gulbarga is a pilgrimage to the Hindus and Mus- lims alike). He founded the Madrassa (institution) being a great scholar of Islamic wisdom, from his own funds on the line of universities of Samarkand and Khorasan.

Administration

Under the Bahmini system of administration the king was supreme. Though he acknowledged the suzerainty of the Abbasi Khalifa in theory and described himself as the right hand of the Khalifa on his coins, in practice he enjoyed absolute powers. He was the supreme administrator, the chief commander of the army and the chief judicial officer.

The Sultan was assisted by a Council of Ministers, but was not bound by their advice. In fact these ministers held office as long as the Sultan wished. The designations assigned to the various ministers in the Bahrain administration were quite different from those of the ministers under the Sultans.

For example, the Chief Minister was known as Wakil-e-Sultanat and the Finance Minister was known as Amir-i-Jumla. Similarly, the Foreign Minister was known as Wazir-i-Ashraf and the Peshwa was known as Wazir-i-Kul. The function of these ministers had been well defined.

The Chief Justice under the Bahmini state was designated as Sadr-i Jahan and was responsible both for the religious affairs as well as supervision of the charitable institutions.

The state was divided into four provinces, each under a Governor or Tarafdar. The four provinces of the Bahmini kingdom were Gulbarga, Daulatabad, Berar and Bedar. The Tarafder was responsible for the collection of revenue of the province.

He main•tained an army under his command and was authorised to make all civil and military appointments in the province. The tarafdars could be transferred from one province to another by the Sultan. The Provinces were further sub-divided into Parganas. Each Paragana had a number of villages under it. Thus, we find that the village was the lowest unit of administration.

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93 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA MODULE III

RELIGION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

Islam

The Muslims first came to India in the eighth century AD mainly as traders. They were fascinated by the socio-cultural scenario in this country and decided to make India their home. The traders who came to India from Central and West Asia carried back with them traces of Indian science and culture. As a result they became cultural ambassadors of India by disseminating this knowledge to the Islamic world and from there to Europe. The immigrant Muslims also entered into matrimonial alli- ances with the local people and learned to live together in harmony. There was mutual exchange of ideas and customs. The Hindus and Muslims influenced each other equal-ly in dress, speech, manners, customs and intellectual pursuits. The Muslims also brought with them their religion, Islam which had a deep impact on Indian society and culture. Let us find out more about Prophet Moham- mad and Islam in this lesson

Prophet Mohammad preached Islam in the seventh century AD in Arabia. He was born in AD 5 71 in the Quraysh tribe of Arabia. He migrated to Madina from Mecca in AD 622 and this marked the beginning of the Hijira Era. According-to the Muslim belief, Quran is the message of Allah revealed to Mohammad through his archangel Gabriel. It has been translated into several languages.

The five fundamental principles of Islam are:

(1) Tauhid (belief in Allah)

(2) Namaz (prayers, five times a day)

(3) Roza (fasting in the month of Ramzan)

(4) Zakat (giving of alms)

(5) Haj (pilgrimage to Mecca)

Prophet Mohammad’s sayings are preserved in what is called the Hadith or Hadees. After his death the Caliphate was established. There were four pious Caliphs.Islam talked of equality, brotherhood, and the existence of one God. Its arrival particularly made a profound impact on the traditional pattern of Indian society. The rise of both the Bhakti and the Sufi movements contributed immensely in this regard. Both the Bhakti and the Sufi movements believed that all humans are equal, God is supreme and devotion to God is the only way to achieve salvation

Sufism

94 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Sufism is a term used to refer to mystical religious ideas in Islam. It had evolved into a well-developed movement by the 11th century. Sufis, stress on the importance of traversing the path of the Sufi pir enabling one to establish a direct communion with the divine. Sufism or mysticism emerged in the 8th century and among the early known Sufis were Rabia al-Adawiya, Al-Junaid and Bayazid Bastami. Fundamental to sufism is God, Man and the relation between them that is Love. They believe that from man emerged the theories of ruh (soul), qurbat (divine proximity) and hulul (infusion of the divine spirit) and that from relation between God and Man ideas such as Ishq (divine love) and Fana (self-annihilation) come into being. The Sufis were regarded as people who kept their heart pure; they sought to communicate with God though their ascetic practices and doctrine of divine love and union with God. The murid (disciple) passes through maqamat (various stages) in this process of experiencing communication with the divine.

The khanqah (the hospice) was the center of activities of the various sufis orders. The khanqah was led by shaikh, pir or murshid (teacher) who lived with his murids (disciples). In time the Khanqahs emerged as important centres of learning and preaching. By the twelfth century the sufis were organized in silsilahs (orders). The word silsila meant chain and it represented signifying an unbreakable chain between the pir and the murid. With the death of the pir his tomb or shrine the dargah became a centre for his disciples and followers.

In the 10th century Sufism spread across important regions of the Islamic empire. Iran, Khurasan, Transoxiana, Egypt, Syria and Baghdad were important Sufi centers. Al-Ghazali, (1059–1111 C.E) is among the most venerated of Sufis. He reconciled Islamic mysticism with Islamic orthodoxy, providing Sufi mysticism a secure place in Islam. He stressed on the need for the disciple to follow the guidance of the spiritual master. He also emphasised on the supreme authority of the holy Prophet and the need to obey laws in both letter and spirit

The Sufi movement in India commenced in the 11th century C.E. Al Hujwiri, who established himself in north India was buried in Lahore and regarded as the oldest Sufi in the sub-continent. Among the important Sufi Orders in the history of Medieval India were those of the Chishtitiya, Suhrawardiya, Qadiriya and Naqshbandiya. Chisti and the Suhrawardi silsilahs were popular during the Sultanate period. The Suhrawardis were active in Punjab and Sindh while the Chishti’s were active in Delhi, Rajasthan and parts of the western gangetic plains. By the end of the sultanate period they had spread to the eastern regions of the gangetic plain (Bihar and Bengal) and into the Deccan. During the medieval period the Sufis played an important role in interpreting and elaborating on Islamic theological concepts like Wahdat ul Wujud (unity of being) and also encouraged the development of practices like Ziyarat (the practice of visiting tombs).

The Sufi movement as it emerged in India had the following features:

• The Sufis were organized in a number of different silsilahs (orders) • Most of these orders were led by some prominent sufi saint or pir. It was named after them and was followed by his disciples.

95 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA • The Sufis believed that for union with God one needs a spiritual guru or Pir. • The sufi pirs lived in Khanqahs with their disciples • The Khanqah (the hospice) was the centre of Sufi activities • The Khanqahs emerged as important centres of learning which were different from madrasas the centres of theology • Many Sufis enjoyed the musical congregation or sama in their Khanqahs. A musical form called the qawwali developed during this period. • The ziyarat or pilgrimage to the tombs of the Sufi saints soon emerged as an important form of ritual pilgrimage. • Most of the Sufis believed in the performance of miracles. Almost all pirs were associated with the miracles performed by them. • The different Sufi orders had diverse approaches about the matters of polity and state.

The Chishti Silsilah

The Chisti Order was established in India by Muinuddin Chishti. He seems to have moved into India after the invasion of Muizzuddin Muhammad Ghori and subsequently to Ajmer in 1206. The fame of Khwaja Muinuddin grew after his death in 1235, his grave was visited by Muhammad Tughlaq after which the mosque and dome were erected by Mahmud Khalji of Malwa in the fifteenth century. The patronage of this dargah peaked after the reign of the Mughal emperor Akbar.

The Chishtis believed in:

• love as the bond between God and individual soul, • the tolerance between people of different faiths, • acceptance of disciples irrespective of their religious beliefs, • attitude of benevolence to all, • association with Hindu and Jain yogi’s, and • use of simple language

The Chishti presence in Delhi was established by Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki who settled in Delhi from his homeland in Transoxiana in 1221. This was at the time of the Mongol invasions when there was a steady flow of people from central Asia fleeing from the Mongols. His presence in Delhi was a threat to the Suhrawardis who sought to force him to leave by levelling charges against him. The Sultan of Delhi, Itutmish, dismissed these attempts eventually forcing the Suhrawardis to relent. The Chishti pirs laid great emphasis on the simplicity of life, poverty, humility and selfless devotion to God. The renunciation of worldly possessions was regarded by them as necessary for the control of

96 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA the senses that was necessary to maintain a spiritual life. Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti argued that highest form of devotion to God was to redress the misery of those in distress, fulfilling the need of the helpless and to feed the hungry. They refused to accept any grant for their maintenance from the Sultans.

The other important Chishti Baba Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, established himself at Hansi (in Har- yana) on the route between Multan and Lahore. Nizamuddin Auliya, was the best known Chishti saint of the Sultanate period. He lived in the fourteenth century, during a period of political change and turmoil. During his lifetime he was witness to the establishment of the Khalji rule after the death of Balban and subsequently the establishment of the Tughlaq’s. There are numerous stories surrounding the life of Nizamuddin Auliya, famous among them were stories of his confrontations with the Sultans of Delhi. The Khwaja is said to have maintained a strict policy of not involving himself with the various groups and factions of the Sultan’s court in Delhi earning him the respect of many. Na- siruddin Chiragh Delhi was another of the Chishti saints of Delhi. He played an active role in the political affairs of the period.

All these enabled Sufis to maintain a loyal and dedicated following.

In the 13th century the Chishti Order was established in the Deccan by Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib. Between the 14th and 16th centuries many Chishti Sufis migrated to Gulbarga. This was accompanied with a change where some of the Chishtis began accepting grants and patronage from the ruling establishment. Muhammad Banda Nawaz is among the famous pirs in the region. The Deccan city of Bijapur emerged as an important centre for Sufi activity.

The Suhrawardi Silsilah

This Silsilah was founded by Shihabuddin Suhrawardi in Baghdad. It was established in India by Bahauddin Zakariya. He founded the Suhrawardi Order, based in Mutan, which was under the control of Qubacha. He was critical of Qubacha and openly favored Iltutmish over his rival. His ways were different from that of the Chishtis. The Suhrawardis, unlike the Chishtis, accepted, maintenance grants from the Sultans. They believed that a Sufi should possess the three attributes of property, knowledge and hal or mystical enlightenment. Suhrawardi saints argued that this was necessary to ensure that they served the poor better. He stressed on the observance or external forms of religious belief and advocated a combination of ilm (scholarship) with mysticism. Practices like bowing before the sheikh, presenting water to visitors and tonsuring the head at the time of initiation into the Order that the Chishtis had adopted were rejected. After his death the silsilah continued to play an important role in Punjab and Sindh.

Naqshbandi Silsilah

In India this order was established by Khwaja Bahauddin Naqshbandi. From the beginning the mys- tics of this Order stressed on the observance of the shariat and denounced all innovations or biddat.

97 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Sheikh Baqi Billah the successor to Khawaja Bahauddin Naqshbandi settled near Delhi, and his successor Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi attempted to purge Islam from all liberal and what he believed were ‘un-Islamic’ practices. He opposed the listening of sama (religious music) and the practice of pilgrimage to the tombs of saints. He opposed interaction with Hindus and Shias. He criticised the new status accorded by Akbar to many non-Muslims, the withdrawal of the Jizyah and the ban on cow slaughter. He believed that he was the mujaddid (renewer) of the first millennium of Islam. He maintained that the relationship between man and God was that between the slave and the master and not the relation of a lover and beloved. He emphasised the individual’s unique relation of faith and responsibility to God as creator. He tried to harmonise the doctrines of mysticism and the teachings of orthodox Islam.

The Qadri Silsilah

The Quadiriyya silsilah was popular in Punjab. Sheikh Abdul Qadir and his sons were supporters of the Mughals under Akbar. The pirs of this Order supported the concept of Wahdat al Wajud. Among the famous Sufis of this order was Miyan Mir who had enrolled the Mughal princess Jahanara and her brother Dara as disciples. The influence of the sheikh’s teachings is evident in the works of the prince. Shah Badakhshani another pir of this silsilah while dismissing orthodox elements, declared that, the infidel who had perceived reality and recognised it was a believer and that a believer who did not recognise reality was an infidel.

During medieval period there was constant tension between the liberal and orthodox views in Islam. The Sufis featured on both sides, while there were those like the Chishtis who held a liberal view and argued in favour of assimilation of local traditions there were others like sheikh Abdul Haqq of the Qadiriyya silsilah who held the view that the purity of Islam was being diluted. This Orthodox view was represented by the ulema that argued from the perspective of being upholders of the shariat. The liberal opinion found its voice among many sufis who argued against the narrow definition of Islamic laws by the ulema.

The Bhakti Movement

The Bhakti movement in Indian history represents a movement that popularized devotional surrender to a personally conceived supreme God. Its origins are traced to the Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions of ancient India. It was in south India that it grew from a religious tradition into a popular movement based on religious equality and broad-based social participation. The movement led by popular saints reached its climax in the 10th century C.E. In its attempt to embrace the concept of bhakti the movement in different regions drew from diverse traditions and assumed different forms in different parts of the sub-continent.

The bhakti movement attempted to break away from orthodox Brahmanism. The movement gathered momentum in the early medieval period. Historians have attempted to associate the origins of the bhakti movement in India with the advent of Islam and the spread of Sufism. They argue that the Turkish conquest paved the way for a reaction against the conformist Rajput-Brahman domination.

98 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The rise of bhakti movement is considered by some scholars as a reaction against feudal oppression. The anti-feudal tone in the poetry of bhakti saints like Kabir, Nanak, Chaitanya and Tulsidas are seen as illustrations of this point. There is no single opinion about the origins of the bhakti movement that can be sustained. It is clear from the poetry and the philosophy of the bhakti saints that they broke away from orthodox Brahmanism. They believed in religious equality and identified themselves with the sufferings of the common people.

Some scholars feel that the socio-economic changes in the early medieval period provide the necessary backdrop to understand the emergence of the Bhakti movement. During the 13th and 14th centuries the demand for manufactured goods, luxuries and other artisanal goods increased leading to a movement of artisans into the cities. The artisans were attracted to bhakti because of its ideas of equality. These groups were dissatisfied with the low status accorded to them by Brahmanical system. The movement gained support from these classes of society. There were also a few variations in places like Punjab where not only Khatris but Jat peasants as were also attracted to this movement.

The bhakti movement in the early medieval period represents an important movement of reform and change. After the rise of heterodox movements of the 6th century C.E the bhakti movement represents another phase of Indian history in which new ideas and practices emerged influencing the country as a whole initiating reform movement.

The Bhakti movement in north India

The bhakti movement in the north included socio religious movements that were linked to one of the acharyas from the south and is sometimes seen as a continuation of the movement that originated in the south. Though there were similarities in the traditions of the two regions, the notion of bhakti varied in the teachings of each of the saints. The Nirguna Bhaktas like Kabir rejected the varnaash- rama and all conventions based on caste distinction and championed new values, helping the emergence of new groups and new unorthodox/protestant sects. The Saguna Bhaktas like Tulsidas on the other hand upheld the caste system and the supremacy of the Brahmins. They preached religion of surrender and simple faith in a personal god and had a strong commitment to idol worship.

Monotheistic Bhakti

Kabir (c.1440–1518 C.E.) was the earliest and most influential Bhakti saint in north India. He was a weaver. He spent a large part of his life in Banaras. His poems were included in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth. Among those who were influenced by Kabir were Raidas, who was a tanner by caste from Banaras, Guru Nanak who was a Khatri from Punjab and Dhanna who was a Jat peasant from Rajasthan.

• There are similarities in the teachings of the various monotheistic Bhakti saints in North In- dia. Most of the monotheists belonged to the low castes and were aware that there existed a unity in their ideas. They were also aware of each other’s teachings and influence. In their

99 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA verses they mention each other and their predecessors in a manner suggesting ideological affinity among them. • All of them were influenced by the Vaishnava concept of Bhakti, the Nathpanthi movement and Sufism. Their ideas seem to be a synthesis of the three traditions. • The importance given to the personal experience of Bhakti saint with God was another common feature among the monotheistic bhakti saints. Nirguna bhakti and not saguna bhakti was what they believed in. They had adopted the notion of bhakti from vaishnavaism but they gave it a nirguna orientation. Though they called God using different names and titles their God was non-incarnate, formless, eternal and ineffable. • The Bhakti saints refused any formal association with the organized dominant religions of the time (Hinduism and Islam) and criticized what they regarded to be the negative aspects of these religions. They rejected the authority of the Brahmans and attacked the caste system and practice of idolatry. • They composed their poems in popular languages and dialects spoken across north India. This enabled them to transmit their ideas among the masses. It helped their ideas to spread rapidly among the various lower classes.

Vaishnava Bhakti

In the 14th and early 15th centuries Ramananda emerged as a popular vaishnava bhakti saint in north India. Though he was from the south he lived in Banaras because he considered it to be the link between the South Indian bhakti and North Indian Vaishnava bhakti traditions. He looked upon Ram and not Vishnu as the object of bhakti. He worshiped Ram and Sita and came to be identified as the founder of the Ram cult in north India. He like the monotheist bhakti saints also rejected cast hierar- chies and preached in the local languages in his attempt to popularize the cult. His followers are called Ramanandis. Tulsidas also championed the bhakti cause. In the early 16th century Val- labacharya, a popular bhakti saint popularized the Krishna bhakti. Among those who followed in his footsteps were Surdas (1483–1563) and Mira Bai (1503–1573).

The vaishnava bhakti movement in Bengal was very different form its counterparts in north India and the south. It was influenced by the vaishnava bhakti tradition of the Bhagavata purana and the Sahajiya Buddhist and Nathpanthi traditions. These traditions focused on esoteric and emotional aspects of devotion. In the 12th century, Jayadeva was an important bhakti saint in this tradition. He highlighted the mystical dimension of love with reference to Krishna and Radha. Chaitanya was a popular bhakti saint from the region; he was looked upon as an avatara of Krishna. Though, he did not question the authority of the Brahmans and the scriptures. He also popularized the sankirtan (group devotional songs accompanied with ecstatic dancing). With him the bhakti movement in Ben- gal began to develop into a reform movement with the notions of caste divisions that came to be questioned.

100 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA In Maharashtra the bhakti movement drew its inspiration from the Bhagavata purana and the Siva Nathpanthis. Jnaneswar was a pioneer bhakti saint of Maharashtra. His commentary on the Bhagavad Gita called Jnanesvari served as a foundation of the bhakti ideology in Maharashtra. Arguing against caste distinctions he believed that the only way to attain God was through Bhakti. Vithoba was the God of this sect and its followers performed a pilgrimage to the temple twice a year. The Vithoba of Pandarpur became the mainstay of the movement in Maharashtra. Namdev (1270–1350) was another important bhakti saint from Maharashtra. While he is remembered in the north Indian monotheistic tradition as a nirguna saint, in Maharashtra he is considered to be part of the varkari tradition (the vaishnava devotional tradition). Some of the other important bhakti saints of Maharashtra were the saints Choka, Sonara, Tukaram and Eknath. Tukaram’s teachings are in the form of the Avangas (dohas), which constitute the Gatha, while Eknath’s teachings that were in Marathi attempted to shift the emphasis of Marathi literature from spiritual to narrative compositions.

There are two types of Bhakti cult, which has been analysed as under:-

I) Shaivism

Shaivism had its origin in the very ancient past. The Harappan religion has as one of its important components the worship of Pasupati Mahadeva, a deity described as Proto-Shiva. In the later- Vedic religion, Rudra came to be considered as the Vedic counterpart of Pasupati Mahadeva. Panini, for the first time refers to a group of Shiva-wroshippers of his time as Shiva Bhagavatas in his Maha- bhasya (second century B.C.).

The word Shiva means auspicious. Shiva’s many names, attributes and epithets indicate his diverse functions: - a) As the personification of the disintegrating power of time, he is called ‘Kala’ b) As the Cosmic Lord of Dance, he is called Nataraga (Nataraja) c) As the Supreme Yogi, he is Mahayogi d) As the Giver of Bliss arising from absolute knowledge, he is Sankara

Shiva is usually worshipped in the form of Phallus (linga), the source of manifestation and life, which inevitably contains the seeds of disintegration and death. The female generative organ (yoni) represents Shiva’s shakti, the personification of his cosmic energy. When represented together, they signify the two great generative principles of the universe.

Shaivism in South India flourished in the beginning through the activities of the Shaiva Saints pop- ularly known called the Nayanars. Their poetry in Tamil was called Tevaram.

Branches of Shaivism

101 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA 1) Pasupatas

This is probably the earliest known Shaiva cult, which flourished in Orissa and in Western India from the seventh to the eleventh centuries. The founder of the Pasupata cult was Lakusila, said to be an incarnation of Shiva. His special emblem was a club. The paupata doctrine was dualistic in nature. Pasu (the individual soul) was eternally existing with the Pati (the Supreme soul), and the attainment of dukkhanta (end of misery) was through the performance of yoga and Vidhi (means).

2) Kapalikas

An extreme Tantric cult which flourished from about the 10th to the 13th century A.D in Karnataka, it was probably an offshoots of the Pasupata movement. The kapalikas (Skull bearers) were adherents of an ancient ascetic order and centred on the worship of the terrifying aspects of Shiva. They were preoccupied with magical practices, and attaining ‘perfections’ (Siddhis). They ate meat, drank intoxicants, and practiced ritual sexual union as a means of achieving consubstantiality with Shiva. Human sacrifices and wines were also offered.

There were other brancehes such as Kalamukhas of Karnataka, Kashmiti Shaivism, Virasaivas of South India, etc.

II) Vaishnavism

Vaishnavism, as the name implies, means the particular theistic religion of which Vishnu is the object of worship and devotion as the Supreme God. The first step in the evolution of Vaisnavism was the identification of the Vasudeva Krishna with the Vedic deity Vishnu. The earliest evidence regarding the identification of Narayana with Vishnu is probably to be traced in Baudhayana’s Dharma-Sutra.

Branches of Vaishnavism

1) Bhagavatas

The Bhagavata is the theistic devotional cult which originated several centuries before the Christian era. It is based mainly on the Bhagavat Gita, but later Bhagavata Purana and Vishnu Purana became the main texts.

2) Pancharatras

According to the tradition, the Pancharatras teachings were the first systematized in about 100 A.D. by Sandiya, who stressed the need for devotion to Vasudeva Krsihna. The Pancharatras postulate a supreme Brahman, who reveals himself as Vishnu, Vasudeva and Narayana and whose power gives birth to the universe.

3) Vaikhanasas

102 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA This ritualistic cult was founded by the legendary Vaikhanas whose teachings were disseminated by four ancient sages: Atri, Marici, Bhrigu and Kashyapa. Image worship is important in this movement and is said to be a development of symbolic rituals.

Bhakti Saints

Ramanuja (1060-1118): the earliest exponent of the Bhakti movement was Rmanuj. He travelled all over India and finally settled in Srirangam. He established Vaisnavism on a sound foundation. He founded Vasistavaida Siddhata or qualified Monism and according to him, the way to salvation lies through Karma, Gyan and Bhakti.

Vallabhcharya (1479- 1531): Born in Varanasi, he propounded Suddhavaita Vadanta (Pure non- dualism) and philosophy called Pustimarga (the path of grace). According to him, salvation is through Sneha (deep rooted love of God).

Namadeva: Namadeva lived in the 14th century and he was a tailor who had taken to banditry before he became a saint. His poetry which was written in Marathi breathes a spirit of intense love and devotion to God. Namadeva is said to have travelled far and wide and engaged in discussions with the Sufi saints in Delhi.

Chaitanya (1485-1534): Chaitanya was the greatest saint of the Bhakti movement. Born at Navadwip in Begal, his original name was Vishwambhar Mishra. He was responsible for the popu- larity of Vaishnavism in Bengal and he also started the Achintayabhedabhedavada School of theology. He preached the relgion of intense faith in one Supreme Being whom he called Krishna or Hari. He adored Krishna and Radha and attempted to spiritualise their lives in Vrindavan. He settled permanently at Puri where he died. After his death, his followers systematized his teachings and organized themselves into a sect called Gaudiya Vaishnavism.

Mirabai (1498-1546): A great saint of the Bhakti movement, she was the only child of Ratna Singh Rathor of Merta. She was married to Rana Sanga’s eldest son and heir-apparent Bhojaraj inn 1516. She was highly religious from her childhood and a follower of the Krishna cult of Vaishnavism. After the death of her husband, she devoted herself completely to religious pursuits. Mirabai is said to have composed numerous devotional songs.

Tulsidas (1532-1623): He was a great poet and a devotee of Rama. He composed the famous Ram- charitamanas in Hindi, expounding the various aspects of Hindui dharma.

Surdas (1479-1584): As a saint and poet, he preached the religion of love and devotion to a personal God. Surdas was a devotee of Krishna and Radha. He made use of Brajbhasha in his works.

Kabir: Born near Benaras, he led the life of a normal householder. A disciple of Ramanada, his mission was to preach a religion of love which unites all castes and creeds. He emphasized the unity of god whom he calls by several names, such as Rama, Hari, Allah, etc. he strongly denounced Hindu

103 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA and Muslim rituals. He also denounced Caste system and untouchability. His dohas and sakhi (poems) are found in the Bijak. After Kabir’s death, his Muslim disciples organized themselves in Ma- ghar, and the Hindu disciples were organized into an order by Surat Gopala, with their center at Benaras.

Status of Women in Medieval India

The Medieval period starts with the entry of Muslim invaders in India. The span of this period was about 500 years from the Era of Delhi Sultnate to Mughal era. In the Indian history, the medieval age is considered to be “Dark Age” for the women when many foreign conquests, which resulted in the decline in women’s status. Very few names of women are found in this period who became the ruler and showed their talents in various fields. One is Razia Sultan who occupied the throne of Delhi. Some other women, Gulbadan Begum, Nurjahan, Jahan Ara , Mumtaj Mahal became famous because of their intellectual talents, aesthetic values and active participation in the state affairs. Gulbadan Begum passed the poetic talent, which can be seen in Humayun-Nama, which she wrote. Nur Jahan was the famous Muslim queen of Mughal India who was the combination of beauty and bravery. Another was Mumtaz Mahal, the queen of Shahjahan who was a rare example of beauty and brain with aesthetic taste.

History of Medieval India has some women with heroic deeds. Chandbibi as a savior of Fort of Ahmadnagar, Tara Bai who resist the onslaught of Aurangzeb, Mangammal , the green memory of South India, Ahalya Bai Holkar, the genious administrator are the some examples of their bravery. The Mughul princesses like Jahanarah, Roshanara, Zebunnissa who were poetess, played their active role in supporting their brothers Dara Shikoh and Aurangzeb in the administration.

Most of the princesses or daughters of high officials were skilled in art, paintings and poetry. History says that Rajput princesses were given proper knowledge of administration, art, archery, poetry, politics etc. Rani Padmavati, Jodha Bai, is some famous names in this regard. The daughter of Shahja- han, Jahanaara was an excellent in poetry. Some other women were also famous in the Mughal era. One of them was Jija Bai, the mother of Shivajee who sacrificed her life in grooming her son as a yodhdha against the Mughal rule. She was a strong-headed woman.

Mughal period brought many changes in women’s lives and made her subordinate and inferior to men. The society was patriarchal which gives autonomy to male dominance. The status of women started falling with the arrival of Muslims when various customs were imposed on women like Sati Pratha, child marriage, widow remarriage etc. Women were considered inferior to the men in this period, not only physical but mentally too. They were denied to study Vedas and could not go for higher studies. Although there are some instances that court ladies and queen’s maids were able to compose very good Sanskrit and Prakrit verses. According to the famous Indian philosopher ‘Vat- syayana’, a woman should be expert in cooking, spinning, grinding, knowledge of medicine, recita- tion and many more. Even in Buddhism, Jainism and Christians, there was some liberal view on women’s education, as they do not consider gender in uniting with God. According to Huein Sang ,

104 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA a Chinese traveller Sanghmitra, the daughter of King Ashoka, Rajyashree, the sister of Raja Harsh- vardhan were the famous scholars of their time. The Women from south India were more previledged and empowered than thei counterparts living in Nothern India. Priyaketaladevi, queen of Chalukya Vikramaditya, Jakkiabbe used to rule seventy villages from South India were some administrators who ruled their area. Domingo Paes, famous Portuguese traveller testifies to it. He endorsed that women of that period had expertise in wrestling, blowing trumpet and handling swords with equal perfection as men. Nuniz, another famous traveler to the South says that women were so learned that they take part in writing accounts and recording the affairs of the kingdom. To keep the preserve the prestige and purity of blood, Hindus started giving their daughters in marriage at early age, even before attaining puberty. The plight of women can be imagined by one of the shloka of Tulsidas where he writes “Dhol, gawar, shudra, pashu, nari, ye sab tadan ke adhikari” means the animals, illiterates, lower castes and women should be subjected to beating. The child brides were denied all social interactions including their intellectual, physical, and spiritual development. This type of thinking also crept into the minds of Indian people and they also began to treat their own women like this. But this system gave various problems like early motherhood, weak health of mothers, repeated birth, high rate of maternal mortality etc.

One more reason for the decline in women’s status and freedom was that original Indians wanted to shield their women folk from the barbarous Muslim invaders. Love and inter-caste marriages were not allowed. In the case if the girl’s father could not find a suitable groom for his daughter, then she was allowed to marry with her own while living with her father after attaining puberty. Sometimes girls were permitted to opt Swayamvara. Women were dependent on male members of their family. If the husband deserts, impotent or died, women were allowed to remarry. If husband abandoned even a guilty wife, the woman will get maintenance. According to some scholars women had possessed property rights and the woman was entitled to get her husband’s property after the death of her husband in case she has no son. Even daughters also had right to succeed to the properties of the widow. Sati was obligatory.

They were debarred to do take part in various activities other than farming and weaving. Lack of education, loss of the access on their streedhan or dowry made them more powerless and prone to exploitation. They were unable to take any decision on political, social or economic front. The home was considered best place for women.

There was tradition of Polygyny as Muslims followed that practice. Women were considered an object to satisfy the sexual desires of male only. Polygyny was also started in Hindus like Muslims. The wives have to obey their husbands. Social evil like female infanticides started taking place among Rajputs and higher castes, as there was a belief that birth of a son give salvation to their parents and perform the last rights. So, sons were preferred.

With the influence of Muslim culture, Pardah pratha came into existence and girls and women were supposed to hide themselves from the eyes of male members, even if they are their family members. As polygamy was a norm for these invaders, they picked up any women they wanted and kept her in their “harems”. Although we found the Pardah pratha among Kshatriya during the Dharma Sastra

105 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA period. Dowry system was common and it was given by the father and relatives of the bride at the time of marriage in the form of gifts, ornaments etc. But in the medieval period, the custom was slightly changed and the custom in which the bride along with gifts and cash were given to the bride- groom was started. In Vedic period, this streedhan ensures security and it was not compulsory. The fathers of the girl were giving gifts etc as per their financial status.

But in the medieval period this became compulsory in the name of dowry. This compulsion gave rise to the custom of female infanticide because it became a burden to the families having low financial condition. Widows, especially Hindu widows had very hard and miserable life in the absence of any freedom, social contacts and worldly pleasure. There was restriction on Widow Remarriage. The widows were supposed to live a pious life in the name of their husbands. Their condition was very pathetic. Society had no good idea about the woman who go for remarriage in Hindus. This cruelty on widows was one of the main reasons for the large number of women committing Sati. Muslim widows could marry again after the death of her husband. Caste system was very strong at that time.

To save the glory and honour from the enemies, jauhar pratha was followed by the upper caste women, especially in Rajputs. Rani Padmavati is the example of this pratha who are known to place a high premium on honour for protecting the sanctity of the women and the whole clan.

Sati pratha was also one of the examples of injustice, which women faced in that period. Sati was considered better than living as a widow as the plight of widows in Hindu society. Although ‘Medhatiti’ had different opinion as he thinks that Sati is like committing suicide so one should avoid this. The custom of Devdasi was took place in medieval Indian history in which a woman was considered the brides of God. Actually, this was the example of sexual exploitation of women in the name of religion. Some researchers say that Hindus accepted some changes in their clothing, food habits, social customs in the influence of Muslims. The lower strata of the population was remained free from some social evils like purdah, divorce etc. women were free to remarry. Up to certain extent, Muslim women had enjoyed more freedom in the context of divorce and remarriage. They can have their share in husband’s property even.

After a long gap, the liberal stream of Bhakti movement opened the door of women’s freedom in medieval India with the help of some female poet-saints. They helped the women to make them accepted in the male dominated society. Akkamahadevi, also known as Akka or Mahadevi from the southern region of Karnataka and a devotee of Shiva in the 12th century CE. Mirabai, or Mira were among them who was the devotee of Lord Krishna. But in general, the status of women had deterio- rated in the society during this period and they suffered from many social evils during the period of Muslim rulers or Sultanate and became a living article of pleasure only.

Sikhism

The teachings and philosophy of Guru Nanak form an important part of Indian philosophical thought. His philosophy consists of three basic elements: a leading charismatic personality (the Guru), ideology (Shabad) and Organization (Sangat). Nanak evaluated and criticized the prevailing religious

106 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA beliefs and attempted to establish a true religion, which could lead to salvation. He repudiated idol worship and did not favour pilgrimage nor accept the theory of incarnation. He condemned formal- ism and ritualism. He laid emphasis on having a true Guru for revelation. He advised people to follow the principles of conduct and worship: sach (truth), halal (lawful earning), khair (wishing well of others), niyat (right intention) and service to the lord. He denounced the caste system and the inequality it caused. He argued that the caste and honour should be judged by the acts or the deeds of individuals. He laid stress on concepts of justice, righteousness and liberty. His verses mainly consist of two basic concepts, Sach (truth) and Nam (name). The bases of the divine expression for him were formed by, the Sabad (the word), Guru (the divine precept) and Hukam (the divine order). He introduced the concept of Langar (a community kitchen). Guru Nanak identifies himself with the people or the ruled. Though the Sikh guru’s stressed on equality the social differentiation among the followers continued. It was only towards the end of the 17th century that Guru Gobind Singh reasserted the idea of equality.

In 1699 C.E. Guru Gobind Singh attempted to resolve the differences among the various Sikh groups and created the Khalsa. This institution removed the masands as intermediaries. Thereafter every Sikh was to have a direct link with the Guru. To create a sense of unity among the Sikhs the Guru started some practices which were to be followed by Sikhs. These were initiation through the baptism of the double-edged sword, wearing uncut hair, carrying arms, adopting the epithet Singh as part of the name.

The idea of Guru Panth was another institutional idea that emerged during this period. It sanctified the collective authority of the Khalsa Panth, which equated the Panth with the Guru. Guru Nanak in his last days had nominated a successor and paid homage to him, this gave rise to the idea that the Guru and the Sikh were interchangeable. This created a problem for the institution of the Sangat (that was a collective body of the Sikhs) in which God was said to be present. When Guru Gobind Singh created the Khalsa he chose the panj piyare (the five beloved) and requested them to administer the pahul (amrit chakhha) to him. With this the difference between the Guru and the Khalsa was sym- bolically removed. Guru Gobind Singh is believed to have said that the Khalsa is his own roop (form).

Guru Nanak was from the Khatri mercantile caste whereas his followers were mostly rural Jats. It was Guru Gobind Singh who inaugurated the Khalsa among the Sikhs. Guru Arjan compiled the Guru Granth Sahib. After the death of Guru Gobind Singh the tenth Guru the tradition of guru ended. It was believed that the spirit of the guru did not pass onto any successor but instead remained within “Shri Gurugranth Sahib”.

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107 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA MODULE IV

SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE

Introduction

Muslim rule started in India with the unset of 13th century C.E. and lasted for around five hundred year and concluded with the death of Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707 C.E. During this period considerable work was done in various sphere of science and technology. Sciences such as mathematics, medicine, astrology, astronomy flourished. It is also true that in Medieval India, science was not patronized as a state policy by Kings or the Sultans. It is also unfortunate that science and technology was not pursued rigorously as it was being developed in Europe. Huge monuments were constructed, observatories were built, texts were translated but the volume was too low in comparison to the west. In spite of all these hurdles, sciences flourished in a scanty manner.

Sciences in Medieval Age

By this time, the traditional indigenous classical learning had already received a setback. The pattern of education as prevalent in Arab countries was gradually adopted during this period. As a result, Maktabs and Madrasas came into existence. These institutions used to receive royal patronage. A chain of madrasas, opened at several places, followed a set curriculum. The two brothers, Sheikh Abdullah and Sheikh Azizullah, who were specialists in rational science, headed the madrasas at Sambal and Agra. Apart from the talent available locally in the country, learned men from Arabia, Persia and Central Asia were also invited to take charge of education in madrasas. The Muslim rulers attempted to reform the curriculum of primary schools. Some important subjects like Arithmetic, Mensuration, Geometry, Astronomy, Accountancy, Public Administration and Agriculture were included in the courses of studies for primary education. Though special efforts were made by the ruler to carry out reforms in education, yet sciences did not make much headway. Efforts were made to seek a kind of synthesis between the Indian traditional scientific culture and the prevalent medieval approach to science in other countries.

Let us now see what developments took place in various fields during this period. Large workshops called karkhanas were maintained to supply provision, stores and equipment to royal household and government departments. The karkhanas not only worked as manufacturing agencies, but also served as centres for technical and vocational training to young people. The karkhanas trained and turned

108 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA out artisans and crafts persons in different branches, who later on set up their own independent karkhanas.

Mathematics

Several works in the field of Mathematics were produced during this period. Narayana Pandit, son of Narsimha Daivajna was well known for his works in Mathematics-Ganitakaumudi and Bi- jaganitavatamsa. Gangadhara, in Gujarat, wrote Lilavati Karamdipika, Suddhantadipika, and Lilavati Vyakhya. These were famous treatises which gave rules for trigonometrical terms like sine, cosine tangent and cotangent. Nilakantha Somasutvan produced Tantrasamgraha, which also contains rules of trigonometrical functions. Ganesa Daivajna produced Buddhivilasini-a commentary on lilavati-containing a number of illustrations. Krishna of the Valhalla family brought out Navankura on the Bijaganit of Bhaskara-II and elaboration of the rules of indeterminate equations of the first and second orders. Nilakantha Jyotirvida compiled Tajik, introducing a large number of Persian technical terms. Faizi, at the behest of Akbar, translated Bhaskara’s Bijaganit. Akbar ordered to make Mathematics as a subject of study, among others in the education system. Naisiru`d –din-at –tusi, was another scholar of Mathematics.

Biology

Similarly, there were advancements in the field of Biology. Hamsa deva compiled a work in the field of Biology entitled Mrga-paksi-sastra in the thirteenth century. This gives a general, though not always scientific, account of some animals and birds of hunting. The Muslim kings, who were war- riors and hunters, maintained a fleet of animals such as horses, dogs, cheetahs and falcons for hunting. Animals, both domesticated as well as wild, have been described. Both Babur and Akbar, in spite of being busy in their political preoccupations and war, found time to study the work. Akbar had a special interest in producing good breeds of domestic animals like elephants and horses. Ja- hangir, in his work - Tuzuk-ijahangiri - recorded his observations and experiments on breeding and hybridization. He described about 36 species of animals. His court artists, specially, Mansur, produced elegant and accurate portraitures of animals. Some of these are still preserved in several mu- seums and private collections. As a naturalist, Jahangir was also interested in the study of plants. His court artists have drawn around 57 plants in their floral portraitures.

109 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Chemistry

The use of paper had begun during the medieval period. An important application of Chemistry was in the production of paper. Kashmir, Sialkot, Zafarabad, Patna, Murshidabad, Ahmedabad, Auranga- bad and Mysore became well known centres of paper production. The paper making technique was more or less the same throughout the country differing only in preparation of the pulp from different raw materials. The Mughals knew the technique of production of gunpowder and its use in gunnery, another application of Chemistry. The Indian crafts persons learnt the technique in evolved suitable explosive composition. The work Sukraniti attributed to Sukracharya contains a description of how gunpowder can be prepared using saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal in different ratios for use in different types of guns. The principal type of fireworks included those which pierces through air, produce sparks of fire, blaze with various colours and end with explosion. The work Ain-I-akbari speaks of the regulation of the Perfume office of Akbar. The attar (perfume) of roses was a popular perfume, which is supposed to have been discovered by Nur-jehan.

Astronomy

Astronomy was another field that flourished during this period. In astronomy, a number of commentaries dealing with the already established astronomical notions appeared. Mahendra Suri, a court astronomer of Emperor Firoz Shah, developed an astronomical instrument Yantraja. Paramesvara and Mahabhaskariya, both in Kerala, were famous families of astronomers and almanac-makers. Nilakantha Somasutvan produced commentary of Aryabhatiyaa. Kamalakar studied the Islamic astronomical ideas. He was an authority on Islamic knowledge. Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh-II of Jaipur was a patron of Astronomy. He set up the five astronomical observatories in Delhi, Ujjain, Varanasi, Mathura and Jaipur.

Medicine

The Ayurveda system of medicine did not progress as vigorously as it did in the ancient period because of lack of royal patronage. However, some important treatises on Ayurveda like the Sa- rangdhara-Samhita and Chikitsasamgraha by Vangasena, the Yagaratbajara and the Bhavaprakasa of Bhavamisra were compiled. The Sarangdhara-Samhita, written in the thirteenth century, includes use of opium in its material medica and urine examination for diagnostic purpose. The drugs men-

110 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA tioned include metallic preparation of the rasachikitsa system and even imported drugs. The Ra- sachikitsa system, dealt principally with a host of mineral medicines, both mercurial and nonmercu- rial. The Siddha system mostly prevalent in Tamil Nadu was attributed to the reputed Siddhas, who were supposed to have evolved many life-prolonging compositions, rich in mineral medicines. The Unani Tibb system of medicine flourished in India during the medieval period. Ali- in Rabban summarized the whole system of Greek medicine as well as the Indian medical knowledge in the book, Firdausu-Hikmat. The Unani medicine system came to India along with the Muslims by about the eleventh century and soon found patronage for its growth. Hakim Diya Muhammad compiled a book, Majiny-e-Diyae, incorporating the Arabic, Persian and Ayurvedic medical knowledge. Firoz Shah Tughlaq wrote a book, Tibb-e- Firozshahi. The Tibbi-Aurangzebi, dedicated to Aurangzeb, is based on Ayurvedic sources. The Musalajati-Darshikohi of Nuruddin Muhammad, dedicated to Darashi- koh, deals with Greek medicine and contains, at the end, almost the whole of Ayurvedic material medica.

Agriculture

In the medieval period, the pattern of agricultural practices was more or less the same as that in early India. Some important changes occurred in the introduction of new crops, trees as well as horticultural plants by foreign traders. The principal crops were wheat, rice, barley, millets, pulses, oilseeds, cotton, sugar-cane and indigo. The Western Ghats continued to yield black pepper of good quality and Kashmir maintained its tradition for saffron and fruits. Ginger and cinnamon from Tamil Nadu, cardamom, sandalwood and coconut from Kerala, were becoming increasingly popular. Tobacco, chillies, potato, guava, custard apple, cashew and pineapple were the important plants which were introduced to India during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It was during this period that the production of opium from poppy plants began in Malwa and Bihar regions. Improved horticultural methods were adopted with great success. The systematic mango-grafting was introduced by the Jesuits of Goa in the middle of sixteenth century. Imperial Mughal Gardens were suitable areas where extensive cultivation of fruit trees came up. For irrigation, wells, tanks, canals, rahat, charas and dhenkli-charas (a sort of a bucket made of leather used to lift water with the help of yoked oxen) were used. Persian wheel was used in the Agra region. In the medieval period, agriculture was placed on a solid foundation by the State by introducing a system of land measurement and land classifica- tion, beneficial both to the rulers as well as the tillers.

111 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Influence of Arabian Sciences in India

The scientific cooperation between India and the Arabs dates back to the time of Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad when a number of books on astronomy, mathematics, and medicine were translated from Sanskrit into Arabic. From then on, the ancient scientific knowledge of India continued to influence Muslim scientists. Arab interest in Hindu sciences was parallel to their interest in Greek learning. The cooperation begins with the time of Caliph al-Mansur (C.E.753-774). The Caliph, not only caused the translation of Brahma-siddantha, but also, he asked for a work to be prepared from it which might serve as foundation for computing the motions of the planets. This was done by Ibrahim al-Fazari and Yaqub Ibn Tariq in cooperation with Hindu pundits in 750 and the book was called Sindhand al-Kabir. This Siddhanta translation was possibly the vehicle by means of which the Indian numerals were transmitted from India to Baghdad. With the help of these Hindu Pundits, Al-Fazari, translated Brahmagupta’s other book Khandakhadyaka and gave it the Arabic name of Arkand. Both works were extensively used, and exercised great influence in the development of astronomy in the Islamic world. It was on this occasion that the Arabs first became acquainted with the Hindu system of astronomy. They learned astronomy from Brahmagupta (7th Cent. C.E.) earlier than Alexandrian scientist Ptolemy. The Greek and Sanskrit texts on mathematics and astronomy were used by Muslim scientists as bedrock to develop new fields. Hindu mathematics left a more lasting impression on the Arab sciences. What we call today Arabic numerals, were in fact Indian numbers. The Arabic word for numbers is Hindsah, which means from India. This way of writing numbers, including the way to write a ‘zero’, was very exciting to mathematicians. Arab scientists in Iraq, especially Muhammd- ibn Musa al-Khawrizmi (C.E. 9th Cent) used the new numbers to develop algebra. The English word algorithm is derived from his name. Some mathematical and astronomical terms were borrowed from Sanskrit. Ethical writings of Chanakya (Shanaq) and works on logic and magic were translated as catalogued by Ibn Nadim in his 10th century, Kitab al- Fihrist. Ibn al-Muqaffa translated Pancatantra into Arabic as Kalila-wa-Dimna. The fascinating story of Sindbad was partly of Indian origin. Parts of Mahabharata were rendered into Arabic by Ali Jabali, in C.E.1026. A large number of Sanskrit medical, pharmacological and toxicological texts were translated into Arabic under the patronage of Khalid Barmaki, the vizier of Caliph Al-Mansur. Indian medical knowledge was given a further boost under Caliph Harun al Rashid (C.E. 786-809) who ordered the translation of Susrata-Samhita into Arabic. For over five hundred years Muslim & other writers continued to apply to works on arithmetic the name Indian. Prime Minister Yahya bin Khalid Barmaki deputed ambassadors to India to invite distinguished scholars, physicians, & philosophers to Baghdad. In appointing translators, the

112 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Caliph made no distinction of creed or color. The Muslims were very keen on informing themselves of the customs, sciences, and religions of the people whom they came into contact with. Yaqoob Kindi’s (C.E. 873) account of India was based on the evidence of the envoys sent to India to procure medicines and to report on Indian religions. Ali Ibn Hyusayn Masudi (C.E.956) visited India and wrote about Hindu beliefs, their history from legends, and complimented them on their achievements in their sciences as the cleverest among the dark people. Baghdad’s book seller Ibn al-Nadim, Al- Biruni, Al-Ashari, Al-Shahrastani and many other writers devoted chapters in their books to Indian religions and sciences. Sulaiman-the merchant visited India in 851C.E and praised Hindu’s proficiency in medicine, astronomy and philosophy. Contact with Hindu sciences came to an end when the political grip of Baghdad on Sind was loosened. During the Mughal rule of India, science & technology developed mainly due to the interests of Emperors and Sultans, particularly in astronomy, agriculture, engineering, architecture and medicine. A number of encyclopaedias and dictionaries were penned. Initially dictionaries were needed as new ideas were being developed as a result of interaction between Sanskrit and other languages. During the later period of Mughal rule, new ideas were accepted from European science and technology. In sciences the Hindus had developed elaborate systems in mathematics, astronomy and medicine; the Muslims were obliged to Hindus and Greeks for these departments of knowledge. In due time Muslims built up original structures of their own scientific systems. When Muslims arrived in India, they brought their own knowledge which was not inferior to Hindus. The Hindus did not disdain to incorporate what they found new. Thus, the Hindus astronomers took from the Muslims a number of technical terms, the Muslim calculation of longitudes and latitudes, and various other items of calendar, Zij. Abu Rehan al-Biruni (d.1053 C.E.) was the first scientist of Islam who made a deep study of Hindu sciences. He was the first scholar to study India and the Hindu scientific literature. He has been described as the founder of Indology. He studied Sanskrit diligently and was so proficient in it that he could translate into, as well as from Sanskrit. Hindu scholars gave him the title of Vidya-sagar (ocean of knowledge). Until the 10th century, history most often meant political and military history, but this was not so with him. In his Tahqiq-al-Hind, he described India’s cultural, scientific, social and religious history. Due to military incursions of King Mahmud of Ghazna in India, Hindu scholars had moved to remote religious centers. In this charged atmosphere Biruni imposed upon himself the strict discipline of scientific objectivity. He tried to explain Hindu doctrines without any bias, avoiding any kind of polemics. Biruni’s approach to Hindu sciences was comparative, making analogies between Greek and Hindu civilizations. His comparison of two civilizations led him to the conclusion that Hindus could not

113 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA bring sciences to classical perfection, and that scientific theories of the Hindus ―are in a state of utter confusion, devoid of any logical order, and in the last instance always mixed up with the silly notions of the crowd. Al-Biruni regarded the essence of Hindu religion as a form of monotheism, idol worship as ignorant passions of the people. He was the first to introduce the study of Bhagavad Gita to the Muslim world, and the first Muslim to study the Puranas and to translate Patanjali and Samkhya into Arabic. In considerable detail he outlined the principles of Hindu astronomy, geography, mathematics and medicine. Biruni translated a Sanskrit book Batakal, as Bátanjal. From this work he extracted a great deal which he made use of in his magnum opus Qánún Mas'údi, a 1500- page work on mathematics, geometry and astronomy. All that the sages of India have said about numbers, ages, and eras (tawarikh), has been exactly given by Abu Rehan in his translation of the Batakal.

Contributions of Sultans of Delhi

Jalal al-Din Khilji (d.1296 C.E.) is the first Muslim sultan of Delhi to have showed some intellectual curiosity for Hindu learning and Sanskrit studies. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1351 C.E.) was a great scholar versed in logic, Greek philosophy, mathematics, astronomy and physical sciences. He had knowledge of medicine and was skilful in dialectics. He also was an expert calligrapher. He enjoyed the society of Hindu yogis and extended his patronage to Jain divines. Zia al-Din Nakhsabi’s adaptation of 52 short stories from Sanskrit into Persian in 1330 C.E. entitled Tuti Nama (Book of Parrot) is the outstanding achievement of Tughlaq’s reign in this field. The Sultans of Delhi were very much interested in mechanical machines like pulleys and piers. In the book Sirat Feroz Shahi (1370 C.E.) 13 such instruments were listed which were used in transporting stones and heavy building materials. A manuscript of Sirat is preserved at Bankipur library. During the rule of Sultan Nasir Shah (1500-11C.E.) a scholar by the name of Muhammad-ibn-Daud translated many Arabic books into Persian which was then the official language of the state. Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq (1388 C.E.) allowed more than a third of a million pounds (36 lacs) to learned men and pious endowments. A number of Madrassas were opened to encourage literacy. He set up hospitals for free treatment of the poor and encouraged physicians in the development of Unani medicine. He commissioned translations of medical works from Sanskrit. He ordered a work on Hindu astronomy and astrology to be translated into Persian under the name of Dalaile Firoz Shahi. Works on music and wrestling were also translated. Ziya al-Din Barani (1357C.E.), wrote a chronological history of Tughlaq’s rule, entitled Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi. Genuine interest and patronage of Sanskrit learning began with Sultan

114 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Zain al-Abidin of Kashmir (1420-1470 C.E.) who commissioned the translations of Mahabharta and Rajatarangini into Kashmiri language, which was first indication of Muslim interest in the pre-Mus- lim Hindu history of India.

Contributions of Mughal Sultans

The Mughal Emperors (1526-1858 C.E.) took a keen interest in the development of astronomy. They patronized astronomers in their royal courts. The works thus produced were mainly zijes (astronomical tables) and calendars. Many scientific works brought from outside of India like Bahauddin Am- uli’s (1574-1621C.E.) Khulasa tul-Hasab, and Tusi’s Tahrir Uqlidis and Tahrir al-Majisti. Attempts were made to write commentaries and translate these works. As a result, the intermingling of Indian mathematical tradition with Arabic and Persian did take place enriching the country. Emperor Hu- mayun (1556 C.E.) built a personal observatory near Delhi, while Jahangir and Shah Jahan were also intending to build observatories but were unable to do so. Mulla Chand, a court astronomer of Em- peror Nasiruddin Humayun produced ―Tashil Mulla Chand, which was a redaction of Zije Ulugh Beg. Muslim patronage of Hindu learning reached its highest watermark in the court of Emperor Jalal al-Din Akbar (d.1605C.E.). Some of the Hindu nobles in his court wrote in Persian and Sanskrit, like Raja Manohardas and RajamTodar Mal (d.1589C.E.) who translated Bhagavata Purana into Persian. Akbar had a stupendous library composed entirely of manuscripts written and engraved by skilful penmen. The volumes in his library numbered only 24,000 but they valued at $3,500,000. He patronized poets and learned men. He supervised the translation of Mahabharta into Persian. In the preface to his Persian translation of Mahabharata, Abul Fazl says: ―Akbar initiated a policy so that in his age the pillars of blind following were demolished and a new era of research and enquiry in religions matters commenced. In 1578 C.E., he ordered Abul Fazl to translate the New Testament into Persian. No copy of this translation is extant, but it appears he made the translation with the help of the Catholic Fathers. The translation of Ramayana was undertaken by Abdul Qadir Badauni on the express command of Akbar in 1585 C.E. and completed in 1590 C.E. The Harivamsa Purana, supplement to Mahabharta, was translated by eminent Persian poet Mulla Sheri. A translation bureau, Maktab Khana, was established in the Diwan Khana of Fatehpur Sikri, its members included Faizi, Abul Fazl, Naqib Khan, Badauni and Shirazi. The Sanskrit scholars explained the original to the Persian scholars, who made the translation s into a literary language. All the translations of Sanskrit works prepared during Akbar’s reign were illustrated by the court painters. Some Muslim nobles like Abdul Rahim Khani-i-Khana, Abul Fazl and Faizi knew some Sanskrit and translated from it. In

115 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA 1584C.E., Akbar ordered Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni to translate from Sanskrit into Persian Singha- san Battisi, embodying the stories of Bikarmajit and the 32 statutes. A learned Brahmin was appointed to be Badauni’s collaborator to interpret Sanskrit text for him. The Persian work was entitled Naama-i-Khirad (The Wisdom Augmenting Book). Next year Akbar ordered Abul Fazl to translate from Arabic into Persian Hayatul Haiwan, the celebrated zoological dictionary, compendium of folk- lore, and popular medicine, authored by Musa al-Damiri (d.1406 C.E.). Faizi paraphrased the first two puranas into Persian verse. Taj al-Ma`ali translated a Sanskrit work and is called Mufarrih al- Qulub. Father Monserrate presented to Akbar an Atlas sent to him by Archbishop of Goa. He had written in his travelogue that he had seen Akbar working on machines and giving instructions on how to make new machines. This is how he described Emperor Akbar: ―He is a great patron of learning, and always keeps around him erudite men, who are directed to discuss before him philosophy, theology, and religion, and to recount to him the history of great kings and glorious deeds of the past. He has an excellent judgment and a good memory, and has attained to a considerable knowledge of many subjects by means of constant and patient listening to such discussions. Thus, he not only makes up for his ignorance of letters (for he is entirely unable either to read or write), but he has also become able clearly and lucidly to expound difficult matters. He can give his opinion on any question so shrewdly and keenly, that no one who did not know that he is illiterate would suppose him to be anything but very learned and erudite. Shaikh Abu al-Faiz ibn Mubarak-pen name Faizi (1547-95) was a poet laureate of Emperor Akbar. At the suggestion of Akbar, Faizi translated, Bhaskaracharya’s (1114-60) Sanskrit work on mathematics, Lilavati into Persian in 1587 C.E.; containing theorems of arithmetic and algebra. The translation was so popular that Ataullah Rashdi Lahori translated Bhaskaracharya’s other books on algebra and measurement. Faizi, a prodigious author of 100 books, translated few mathematical problems from Latin into Persian also. The famous book covering the administration of Emperor Akbar, AIn-I-Akbari written by Abul Fazl Allami ibn Mubarak (d.1602), described West and Central Asian astronomy. Abu-al-Fażl’s greatest literary accomplishment was the monumental Akbar-nāmah in 3 volumes. Among his many works is a Persian translation of the Bible. Authors of later generations admired his style and sought to imitate it. Zije Ulugh Beg, prepared by Sultan Ulugh Beg (1393-1449 C.E.) in Samarkand was translated into Sanskrit, entitled Ulakabegijica.

116 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Knowledge System

The medieval period marks the coming of Muslims in India. By this time; the traditional indigenous classical learning had already received a setback. The pattern of education as prevalent in Arab countries was gradually adopted during this period. As a result, Maktabs and Madrasas came into existence. These institutions used to receive royal patronage. A chain of madrasas, opened at several places, followed a set curriculum. Apart from the talent available locally in the country, learned men from Arabia, Persia and Central Asia were also invited to take charge of education in madrasas. Some important subjects like Arithmetic, Mensuration, Geometry, Astronomy, Accountancy, Public Ad- ministration and Agriculture were included in the courses of studies for primary education. Though special efforts were made by the ruler to carry out reforms in education, yet sciences did not make much headway. Efforts were made to seek a kind of synthesis between the Indian traditional scientific culture and the prevalent medieval approach to science in other countries. Large workshops called karkhanas were maintained to supply provision, stores and equipment to royal household and government departments. The karkhanas not only worked as manufacturing agencies, but also served as centres for technical and vocational training to young people. The karkhanas trained and turned out artisans and crafts persons in different branches, who later on set up their own independent karkhanas. The Royal workshops (Karkhanas) played an important role in the administrative system of the Sultanate. The needs of the royal household were met through Karkhanas. The karkhanas were of two types - (i) Manufacturing place (ii) Store House. Under Feroz Tughlaq, there were as many as 36 Karkhanas. Each Karkhana was supervised by a noble who had the rank of a Malik or a Khan.

Literature and Languages

Sanskrit literature

The medieval period witnessed the growth of a rich corpus of literature that accompanied the development of new languages. The conventional view among historians was that the patronage of the Sanskrit language had declined because the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate led to the patronage of Persian. But this period witnessed the growth of a rich corpus of Sanskrit literature. This period is marked with composition of poetical works called the Kavya (poetical narrative) and the texts that codified laws called the Dhramashastras.

117 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA During the first half of the medieval period Sanskrit received patronage from the numerous smaller political establishments in central and south India. In western India Hemachandra Suri was an important Jain scholar who composed works in Sanskrit, as was Chaitanya. There were also many dra- mas written during this period. A new style of writing called the champu also emerged during this period. It was a form that mixed both prose and poetry. Among the Sanskrit works that were written with the patronage of the Rajput kings were their family histories like the Prithvirajavijaya and the Hammirmahakavya. Among the historical poems of the period was the Rajavinoda, a biography of Sultan Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat written by his court poet, Udayaraja. Another important work was Kalhan’s Rajtarangini, which presented a history of the kings of Kashmir. It was written in the 12th century C.E. The second Rajtaranginni was written by Jonaraja who wrote the history of the kings of Kashmir from Jayasimha to Sultan Zainul Abidin and the third was written by Srivara who wrote the history of the region till 1486. Apart from these there were the prabandhas which were semi historical texts written during the period.

After the 15th century the patronage of the Sanskrit language was maintained in the southern courts of the rulers of Vijayanagar, Nayakas of Tanjor and the chiefs of Travancore and Cochin. The various genres of Sanskrit literature like Mahakavyas, Slesh Kavyas, Champu Kavyas, Natakas and the historical Kavyas continued. Among the important writers of this period were Govinda Dikshita (Sa- hitya Sudha and Sangitsudhanidhi being among his important works); Appaya Dikshita (in the court of the Nayaka ruler of Vellore); Nilanatha Dikshit (who was a minister in the court of the Nayaka of Madurai); Chakrakavi (who was patronized by the rulers of Kozhikode).

The historical Kavyas gave a glimpse not just of the exploits of the various rulers but also a glimpse of the social perception of the writers. Some of the Mughals like Dara-Shukoh also came to be mentioned in these Kavyas. The Mughal prince is also credited with the composition of a prasasti in honour of Nrisimha Sarasvati of Benaras. There were also a few works composed in the courts of the rulers of Bijapur and Golconda, but Sanskrit literature during this period began to decline.

Persian literature

With the establishment of the Delhi sultanate a new language and literary style was introduced into the sub-continent. The development of Persian literature in the sub-continent entered a new era in the writings of Amir Khusrau. He was a poet born in a family of Turkish immigrants and began as a poet in the reign of Sultan Balban. He was a disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya and was patronized in

118 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA the courts of Jalaluddin Khalji, Alauddin Khalji and Ghiyasuddin Tughluq. He is said to have composed ninety-nine works on different themes and numerous verses of poetry. His poetry was written in the different forms of lyric, ode, epic and elegy. His writing style represents the first instance of Persian styles being composed in the Indian context. This came to be known as the Sabaq-i-Hindi (the Indian style). Among the important works composed by him are, Mutla-ul-Anwar, Shirin Khusrau, Laila Majnun and Ayina-I-Sikandari, these works were dedicated to Alauddin Khalji. Amorig his five Diwans (Ghazals) are Tuhfat-us-Sighar, Baqiya Naqiya and Nihayat-ul-Kamal. He also wrote masnavis (narrative poems), which have been of great historical and literary value. Among these are the Qiran-us Sa’dain, Miftah-ul Futuh (dealing with the military success of Jalauddin Khalji), Tughluq Nama (describing Ghiyasuddin Tughluq’s rise to power) and the Khazain-ul Futuh (giving an account of Alauddin Khalji’s conquest of the South). Among the other important Persian poets was Shaikh Najmuddin Hasan who was also one of the poets in the court of Alauddin Khalji. His ghazals earned him the title, S’aid of Hindustan.

The court chronicles were an important feature of the literature during the period of the Delhi Sul- tanate. Some important of these were, the Tabaqat-I-Nasiri by Minaj-us Siraj, Futuh-us Salatin by Isami and the Futuhat-I Firozshahi by Feroz Shah Tughluq.

Ziauddin Barani made the most important contribution to Persian literature during this period. The Tarikh-I Firozshahi and the Fatwa-I Jahandari are his important works. The Sufi literature of the period developed a new form called the malfuzat that was in the form of a dialogue of the Sufi saints. The most famous of these was the Fawaid-ul Fu’ad written by Amir Hassan Sijzi containing the anecdotes of the Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and Khair-ul-Majalis containing the anecdotes of Sheik Nasiruddin Mahmud. During this period there were many works that were translated into Persian. The Tuti-Nama (book of the parrot) by Zia Nakshabi was the first Persian translation of Sanskrit stories. The Mahabharatha and the Rajtarangini were also translated into Persian during this period. The number of translations of Sanskrit works into Persian grew during the reigns of Feroz Tughluq and Sikandar Lodi.

Like that of the sultanate, Persian also continued as the official language of the Mughal court. The Mughal rulers and princes also maintained a tradition of writing. The first Mughal emperor Babur, himself a literary figure, wrote his memoirs in Turkish which was subsequently translated into Per- sian by Abdur Rahim Khan Khanan. Humayun composed a Persian diwan. Prince Dara Shukoh wrote

119 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA a biographical account of the Sufi saint Miya Mir and his disciples in the Sakinatul Auliya. He also wrote the Majm’aul Bahrain (Mingling of two Oceans). There was a new genre of Persian literature known as the Sabaq-i-Hindi (the Indian style) created during this period by the Persian poets visiting and living in the sub-continent. Writers like Faizi, Urfi, Talib, Ghani Kashmiri and Bedil were among those who benefited from the patronage they received from the Mughals.

Among the important works of Faizi was Tabashir al Sabh. He also authored many translations of Hindu religious books. Abdur Rahim Khan Khana a talented scholar and poet lived during the reign of Akbar and Jahangir. Akbar patronized great scholar historian Abul Fazl. He is said to have maintained a library of more than four thousand books. He is known for the patronage he extended to many writers of the period. The poets Ali Quli Salem and Abu Talib Kalim were important poets during the reign of Shah Jahan. The latter is said to have authored the Padshahnama. Persian literature in the south received patronage from the Adil Shahi rulers of Bijapur, here Malik Qummi and Mulla Zuhuri were regarded as important Persian poets. The Qutab Shahis of Golconda patronized poets like Muhammad Hussain Tabrezi. The development of Persian literature in the Mughal court played an important role and influenced the development and growth of regional literature. Lan- guages like Punjabi, Pashtu, Sindhi and Kashmiri were strongly influenced by Persian.

Growth and Development of Regional Languages

The growth of regional languages like Hindi, Bengali, Assamese, Oriya, Marathi and Gujarati during the medieval period was an important development. These languages can be traced to the 7th and 8th centuries when they seem to have broken away from their Prakrit base. In the south Malayalam emerged as an independent language in the 14th century. The growth of these regional languages coincided with a growing regional sentiment and the emergence of regional polities. This resulted in the decline of Sanskrit that was being replaced by Persian and some of these regional languages as a medium through which the administrative machinery functioned. The rise of the Bhakti movement and its propagation using these languages also enabled the growth and development of these languages.

Hindi and Urdu

Regional dialects like Braj bhasa, Haryanvi and other dialects spoken in regions around Delhi and Punjab influenced the development of Urdu during its formative stage. The basic structure of the

120 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA language consisted of Khari Boli (a mixture of various dialects spoken in the region mentioned above). The language adopted the Persian script and literary tradition. The word Urdu is of Turkish origin referring to an army or camp. It seems to have been a language that emerged from the dialect spoken in the Turkish camp between officials and the soldiers. Hindivi is said to be the language out of which Urdu and Hindi eventually developed. The works of Amir Khusrau are regarded to have laid the foundations of this language. The use of this language in the Deccan from the 14th century onwards led to a literary speech called the Dakhni. The major centres of this language were Gujarat, Bijapur, Golconda, Bidar and Aurangabad. The oldest writer of this tradition was Sayyid Banda Na- waz Gesudaraz who was an important Sufi in the Bahmani kingdom. The sultan of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah II himself was a great patron and author of a book on music in the Dakhni language.

Hindi evolved during the Apabhransa stage between the 7th – 8th centuries and the 14th century. It was characterized as Veergatha Kala (age of heroic poetry) or the Adi Kala (early Period). The various Rajput rulers patronized these poems written in the rajasthani dialect of Hindi and that glorified chivalry and bravery. Among the famous works are the Prithviraja Raso of Chand Bardai, and other poems like the Visaldeva Raso and Hammir Raso. The authenticity of many of these works is doubted because of the various interpolations made to the original draft. There are other works of Buddhists and Jains that can be ascribed to this period.

The development of the Hindi language underwent another transformation during the 14th and the 15th centuries with the increasing use of the language in expressing Bhakti traditions and ideas. Kabir adopted a style called the ultabasi, which consisted of paradoxes and enigmas. While bhakti saints like Tulsidas used the Awadhi dialect of Hindi others like Mira Bai used the Marwari dialect of Rajasthan and Surdas used Braj bhasha. The Sufi saints also used the development of the new dialects as a medium to reach out to a larger audience. While the Chishti saints used Hindi while composing and singing their devotional music.

Bengali

The folksongs called Charyapads composed between the 10th and 12th centuries are the earliest specimen of the Bengali language. The works of Kavindra and Srikaranandi are regarded to be among the important early works in Bengali. The growth of the Bhakti movement and the composition of various hymns associated with Chaitanya further provided a stimulus to the development of this language. Brindabandas’s Chaitanya Bhagavata or Chaitanya Mangal was one such contribution to

121 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Bengali literature that not only gave a valuable account of the saint’s death a decade later but is also regarded as being reflective of the social condition prevailing at that time. The Chaitanya-Chari- tamrita by Krishnadas Kaviraj was another important account. Lochandas is associated with the introduction of a new style of folk songs called Dhamali. Narrative poems called the Mangal Kavyas also grew popular during this period. They propagated the importance of local deities like Chandi and transformed Puranic gods like Siva and Vishnu into household deities. The narrative form of the Mangal Kavyas was derived from the Puranas.

Asamese and Oriya

The 13th century works of Hema Sarasvati Prahladacharita and Hara Gauri Samyada are regarded as the first works in Assamese. The literature in Assam also developed in response to the bhakti movement. Shankaradeva who introduced Vaisnavism in Assam also helped stimulate the growth of As- samese poetry. His disciple, Madhavadas wrote the Bhakti-ratnavali dealing with aspects of bhakti and the Baragitas that depicted the life of Krishna in Vrindavan. There were also translations of the Puranas into Assamese. In Orissa the works of Saraladasa are regarded as the first works of Oriya literature. There were numerous kavyas composed on Puranic themes by Madhusudana, Bhima and Sasasiva. The Rasa Kallol written during this period also deals on the theme of the love between Radha and Krishna. Other important works are the Ushabhilasa of Sisu Sankara Dasa and the Rukminibibha of Kartik Dasa. The works of Upendra Bhanja (1670–1720 C.E ) were important as they ushered a new era of Oriya literature in the succeeding period.

Literature in South India

In the south Villiputturar was an important literary figure of the period. The tradition of using San- skrit words and literary expressions is ascribed to him. Other important works in Tamil are commentaries written by Vaishnava scholars and also commentaries on works of the Sangam age like the Tolkappiyam and the Kural. There were also a number of philosophical works and commentaries that were written on the Puranas. Many of the works in Tamil literature were related to Shaivism and Vaishnavism. Among the important works of the medieval period was the Irusamayavilakkam written by Haridasa, the Sivadarumottaram and the Saiva Samayaneri both written by Marainanarbandar. In the realm of philosophy, the notable works were the Cidambarapuranam (1508) by Purana Tirumalainathan and the Palanittalapuranam by Balasubramanya Kavirayar.

122 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA During this period the most famous Telugu poet was Errapragada who popularized the Champu genre of literary writing (mixed form of verse and prose). He also translated the Bhagavata Purana into Telugu. The Vijayanagar ruler Krishnadeva Raya wrote the Amuktamalyada in Telugu. The most celebrated poet in his court was Allarrani Peddana and Nandi Timmaha who wrote the Parijatapa- harana. Bhattumurti or Rama Raja Bhushan is known for the Vasucaritra and the Hariscandra Nalo- pakhyanam (that narrates the story of Nala and Raja Harishchandra).

In the Kannada speaking regions Jain writers dominated the literary compositions of the period. The works of Basava and his followers who popularized the Virasaiva movement in the region also form an important aspect of Kannada literature. The patronage of the Hoysala rulers further helped the development of the language. The Vadi Vidyananda of Geroppa is an anthology of Kannada poets. The Jain scholar Salva wrote works like the Trilokararara (on cosmology), Aparajiyasataka (on Philosophy) and the Bharataesvaracarita (the story of the famous king Bharata).

Malayalam emerged as an independent language during this period. The language was in oral form and the earliest work composed in the 14th century was the Rama Charitam. The works of Rama Panikkar who wrote Bharata Gatha, Savitri Mahatmyam and the Bhagavatam are considered important in Malayalam.

Music

Information on music of the sultanate period is limited. The important phase in the development of music during this period belongs to the time of Amir Khusrau. It is during this period that the qawwali style is said to have developed. He is also credited for the development of many modern ragas like aiman, gora and sanam. He is credited with the creation of a new musical instrument, the sitar that was a combination of the Indian vina and the Iranian tambura. The Turks are credited with bringing musical instruments like rabab and sarangi into South Asia.

In Vrindavan Swami Haridas promoted music and is considered to have taught Tansen who was at the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar. Tansen is regarded as an important exponent of the Hindu- stani classical music and is credited with introducing ragas as the Miyan ki Malhar, Miyan ki Todi and Darbari. Raja Mansingh is said to have played an important role in the perfection of the Dhrupad style of North Indian Music. In the south a system of ragas known as the Janaka and Janya ragas existed during this period. The Swaramela Kalanidhi by Ramamatya of Kondavidu written in 1550

123 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA C.E. describes 20 Janan and 64 Janya ragas. By the 18th century several new forms of music like Tarana, Dadra and Ghazal had come into existence.

Paintings

The developments in painting during the sultanate period have not been studied because of the limited samples. The closest view that one has of murals in the sultanate is to the numerous literary references. The earliest reference to murals is in a qasida in praise of Iltutmish, which describes the figures depicted upon the spandrels of the main arch that was raised to welcome the envoy of the Caliph. In another reference, in the Tarikh-I Ferozshai there is a reference to the Sultan seeking to ban the tradition of figural paintings on the walls of the palaces of Delhi. Quaranic calligraphy also became popular across South Asia during this period. The earliest copy of the Quran (dated 1399C.E.) was written in Gwalior. The manuscript was decorated with a variety of ornamental mo- tifs. By the 15th century the kingdoms of Gujarat, Malwa and Jaunpur emerged as important centres of art.

Paintings in medieval India entered a new phase under the Mughals. They altered the character of painting across north India. The Mughal paintings are defined by the styles and subjects popular at the imperial court. The early origins of the Mughal School of painting can be traced to Kabul. During the reign of Humayun two Persian artists, Mir Syed Ali and Abdus Samad were patronized. Akbar deputed them to illustrate manuscript of Hamzanama. This manuscript of 1,400 pages was compiled by artists drawn from Gwalior, Gujarat, Lahore and Kashmir. It is during this period that many features of Mughal painting developed. Many paintings of this period are collaborative efforts with two or even four painters working on one painting. Among the important features of the paintings of this period are restricted movement of the figures, fineness of lines of drawings and flat depiction of architectural columns. The Mughal paintings are also marked with a naturalism and rhythm, the clothing of the objects assumed Indian forms and the use of subsidiary scenes in the background. The two most common themes in Mughal paintings of this period are specific events in the court and the portraits of leading personalities. During the reign of Jahangir there were other changes in the style of Mughal paintings.

The paintings of the Jahangir period accentuate a formalist style and have broad margins which are well decorated with the depiction of flora and faces of human figures, the naturalistic representations matured during the reign of Jahangir. The use of trees, birds, streams and rivers in the backdrop of

124 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA the paintings became very popular. There are interesting scenes of love and portraits of women members attached to the royal court in Mughal paintings of the Shah Jahan period, while the paintings of the Aurangzeb period provide glimpses of the Mughal emperor during his campaigns. As in architecture the Mughal paintings also gave way to the growth and development of regional styles that tried to replicate the same features and characteristic decorative designs.

Rajput paintings that are also of the same period consist of various different court styles, correspond- ing to the various Rajput kingdoms. The Rajput paintings during the 16th and 17th centuries used many representations of mythology and of court scenes. The Rajput paintings are spread over a larger geographical region, with each region forming a separate sub topic in the artistic scheme. The other styles that were popular were the regional styles of the Deccan and the regions of Bengal, Gujarat and Orissa.

The Rajput paintings further flourished in the eighteenth century when many of the artists shifted to the courts of their new patrons. This also coincided with the emergence of many smaller regional styles of paintings. These paintings are known for the intensity of the colours that they use and depict hunting scenes, portraits of individuals and of musical sessions. The main styles of this painting were the Mewar, Bundi and the Kishangarh schools.

Architecture

Architecture of the Delhi Sultanate

New architectural forms and styles were introduced in India during the medieval period. The arch and dome were new architectural additions of the period. The use of lime-mortar in the construction of buildings and houses altered the building techniques. The development of the true arch was important feature of the architectural style of the period. The true arch required stones and bricks to be laid as voussoirs in the shape of a curve and bound together firmly by a good binding material. The arches were made in different shapes but the dominant one was the pointed form. In the 14th century a variant of the arch, called the four-centred arch was introduced by the Tughluqs in their buildings.

There are only a few instances of early Turkish buildings in the sub-continent where newly quarried material has been employed. In most of the buildings of the period the richly carved capitals, columns and shafts of older buildings are reused. Stone has been used abundantly in the masonry work of this

125 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA period. The material commonly used for plastering buildings was gypsum. Apparently, lime-plaster was reserved for places that needed to be secured against water leakage as in roofs, canals and drains. In the later period gypsum mortar became popular in buildings.

Medieval Architecture during the Sultanate Period

Monuments like the Quwwatul Islam mosque (1198 C.E.), Qutab Minar (1199–1235c.E.), Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra (1200C.E.) and Iltutmish’s tomb represent the early forms of Indo-Islamic architecture. The early buildings show signs of being worked upon by local craftsmen while the later buildings show the development or the maturing of the Indo-Islamic style. In these monuments one can see the gradual development of dome and the true arch. The best examples of this are the tombs of Iltutmish (1233–34 C.E.) and Balban (1287–88 C.E.). The Alai Darwaza in the Qutub complex (1305) and the Jamat Khana Masjid at Nizamuddin (1325 C.E.) are examples of Khalji period. Here one notices changes marked by the distinct influence of the Seljuq architectural tradition. The employment of the true arch shaped like a pointed horse shoe; the emergence of true dome; use of red sand stone and decorative marble reliefs; the emergence of the lotus bud fringe on the underside of the arch and the new masonry were the important features of this new style. The new architectural style of the Tughluq period is represented with the use of stone rubble as the principle building material, the battering of walls and bastions, a new type of arch called the four centred arch, the emergence of the pointed dome and the introduction of an octagonal plan of tomb building. Another important feature of Tughlaq architecture was the “batter” or sloping walls. This gave the structures an effcct of strength.

During the subsequent period numerous tombs were built using the octagonal plan while others were built using the square plan. The Architectural monuments of the Sur’s can be divided into two periods, the first with buildings at Sasaram (1530–40 C.E.) like the tombs of Sher Shah’s father and Sher Shah himself. The second phase from (1540–45 C.E.) is represented by buildings like the Purana Qila in Delhi and the Qilai Kuhna Masjid inside the Qila. The slight flatness in the curve towards the crown is indicative of the last stage before the development of the four-centred arch developed during the Mughal phase.

126 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA Regional Variations

During this period there was a development of various regional architectural forms. In eastern India there was the development of two distinctive schools in Bengal and in Jaunpur. The most prominent buildings of the Bengal school belong to the Malda district in the remains of the two cities, Gaur and Pandua. Here there is an introduction of two important features. The first was the ‘drop arch’, which had a span greater than its radius and centres at the import level. The second was the method of raising the roof in a system of arched bays where small domes supported by diagonally arranged brick pendentives that helped transition from a square to a circular base. Another development in this period was the transition from constructing bamboo houses to brick structures, during which a special form of a curved roof developed. The best illustrations of the architecture styles from Jaunpur are the mosques. The styles here bear close resemblance to the Tughlaq style. The use of the arch and beam are notable features of this style.

In western India the development of regional architectural forms is notable in 14th century Gujarat. Here there is a distinctive change in the art form from the 14th into the 15th century. In the former there was a large scale use of building material from demolished temples and in the latter there is a development of a new style in which the layout of the mosques copied the architectural imprint of temples. In central India the development of new art forms is noticeable in the Malwa region; the cities of Dhar and Mandu are illustrations of this style.

Another important region that developed its distinctive style was the Deccan where the Bahmani kingdom created a very different architectural style as compared to the northern architectural forms. The Deccan style developed with the fusion of the Tughlaq style from the north and the Iranian style. The development of the architectural style here coincides with the shifting of the kingdom’s capital from Gulbarga (1347 C.E.) to Bidar (1425 C.E.) and eventually to Golconda (1512 C.E.). In the first phase in Gulbarga the architectural style is representative of a distinctive Islamic architecture that followed the Tughlaq style. In the second phase there is an adaptation of Iranian architectural styles, this is accompanied with the use of coloured tiles, mural paintings and a change in the shape of the domes.

Another important regional development in the Deccan was Vijayanagara art. The distinctive style is best illustrated using the architectural forms in the city of Hampi. Besides palaces and temples the city also had an extensive network of waterworks and public buildings such as the elephant stables

127 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA and the Lotus Mahal. The unique features of this style were the use of pillars for architectural and decorative purposes. The climax of temple architecture at Vijayanagara occurred under the Tuluva rulers. The architectural tradition was accompanied by a vibrant sculptural tradition that used many mythological figures and narratives. The shrines on Hemakuta hill, Virupaksha temple and the Hazara Rama temple are examples of Vijayanagara temple architecture.

The Architecture of the Mughal Empire

This period witnessed large scale architectural activities that represented the peak of Islamic art in India. It was also a period where there was a great exchange of ideas and styles that led to the creation of a style that was very different from the Sultanate period and that had many features of local or regional styles. The Mughal Emperor Akbar initiated the grand projects that symbolize this period.

Among the early structures of this period are the two mosques built by Babur at Sambhal and Panipat in 1526 C.E. Babur is also credited with the laying out of gardens at Dholpur and at Ram Bagh and Zahra Bagh at Agra. Two mosques one at Agra and the other at Hissar belong to the reign of the second Mughal emperor Humayun. The grandness of Mughal architecture began with the construction of Humayun’s tomb and its design by Mirak Mirza Ghiyas from Persia. He brought with him Persian craftsmen to work on the tomb. This tomb is the earliest specimen of a garden enclosure and is raised on an arcaded sandstone platform. The tomb is octagonal and crowned by a high dome. The dome is a double dome, which is built in two layers one which provides the ceiling to the interior of the building and the other, which provides the outer layer that crowns, the building.

During the reign of Akbar many indigenous styles were encouraged leading to the common use of sandstone, the use of arches (mainly in a decorative form) and the decoration that comprised mainly of boldly carved or inlaid patterns complemented by brightly coloured patterns on the interiors. Among the important monumental projects undertaken was the building of Agra fort, within the fort were many structures that were built in the Gujarat and Bengal styles, which were subsequently demolished by Shah Jahan who remodelled the fort and its interiors. The Janangir Mahal conceived as a robust building in red sandstone, is a fusion of Hindu and Islamic building designs. The combination of beam and bracket form the principal structural system, the same styles are seen in the palace fortresses of Lahore and Allahabad. Mughal architecture under Akbar entered a new phase with the construction of Fatehpur Sikri. This city-palace was built entirely of red sandstone between 1571– 1585 C.E. The buildings could be studied under two categories, religious and secular. Among the

128 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA religious buildings are, the Jami Masjid, the Buland Darwaza and the tombs of Shaikh Salim Chishti. The secular structures are the palaces, administrative buildings and other structures. The Jama Masjid uses a typical plan of a mosque with a central courtyard, arcades on three sides and a domed skyline. In its courtyard lies the tomb of Salim Chishti. Among the palaces are buildings known as the Jodh Bai palace, the Panch Mahal (the size of this five storey structure that diminishes as one goes higher), the Diwan-i-Khas (is in the form of a rectangle and is two stories from outside) and the Diwan-i- Am. Among the other buildings here are the Hathi Pol and the Karkhana buildings.

The important buildings of the reigns of Jahangir include the Tomb of Akbar at Sikandara, and the tomb of Itmad ud Daula. The tomb at Sikandara is designed as a tomb enclosure enclosed by a garden, the tomb itself is three stories high the first being an arcaded platform making the basement the middle portion is in three tiers of red sandstone while the highest one is made of white marble which is open on top with a screen surrounding it. The tomb of Itmad ud Daula built in 1622–28 C.E.marks a change in architectural style from the Akbari period. This enclosed tomb with a dome roof is enclosed with a beautiful marble tracery. Jahangir is also known to have laid the famous Mughal gardens in Kashmir.

Among the important monuments of the reign of Shah Jahan are the Lal Qila (in Delhi), the Moti Masjid (at Agra), the Jami Masjid in Delhi and the Taj Mahal. The Lal Qila is designed as a rectangle along the banks of the river Yamuna. There are two gates, the Delhi and Lahore gates. There is a moat that runs all along the fort except on the riverside. The important buildings inside the fort are the Diwan-i-Am, Diwan-i-Khas and the Rang Mahal. The Moti Masjid in Agra was an experiment with an alternative scheme of an open prayer hall that had also dispensed with the minarets and replaced them with chhatris on the four coners of the prayer hall. The Jammi Masjid is a larger version of the Jammi Masjid in Fathepur Sikri. It is built on a large platform; within the mosque there are colonnades on three sides with the sanctuary along the fourth. There are three marble domes rising above the sanctuary. The Taj Mahal represents the grandest project of Shahjahan. The construction of the Taj began in 1632 C.E. and was completed by1643 C.E.. The plan of the complex is rectangle with a high enclosure wall and a lofty gateway in the middle. The main building of the Taj stands on a high marble platform at the northern end of the enclosure. There is a huge dome that covers the top of this structure, with an inverted lotus finial. The decorative features of the building consist mainly of calligraphy and inlay work in the exterior and pietra dura in the interior.

129 HIS2CO3 STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE MEDIEVEL INDIA The Moti Masjid at Lal Qila in Delhi, the Badshahi Masjid in Lahore and the mausoleum built for his wife Rabia ud Dauran at Aurangabad are the main examples of Mughal architecture under Au- rangzeb. The mausoleum at Aurangabad was modeled on the Taj Mahal. Of architectural monuments after Aurangzeb the tomb of Safdar Jang in Delhi is representative of the continuation of the tradition of the Mughals by the regional decorative Styles. Another feature of the art of this period was the decorative art in Islamic buildings that was introduced in the sub-continent for the first time. These decorative styles were usually in the form of calligraphy, geometrical figures and foliation. In calligraphy quranic sayings were inscribed on buildings in an angular, sober and monumental script called kufi. The calligraphy was found on different parts of the buildings as on doorframes, ceilings, wall panels, etc. The geometric shapes on the other hand were used in different variety of combinations. The generating source of these designs was the circle, which was then developed into a square, tri- angle or polygon. These forms were then elaborated by, multiplication and sub division, by rotating and by symmetrical arrangements. Of the flotations, the dominant form of decoration employed in the sultanate buildings was the arabesque. It was characterized by a continuous stem that split regularly, producing a series of leafy secondary stems which split again to reintegrate into the main stem.

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