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Khwaja Sira: Culture, Identity Politics, and "Transgender" Activism in Pakistan

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Khwaja Sira: Culture, Identity Politics, and Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE June 2014 Khwaja Sira: Culture, Identity Politics, and "Transgender" Activism in Pakistan Faris Ahmed Khan Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Khan, Faris Ahmed, "Khwaja Sira: Culture, Identity Politics, and "Transgender" Activism in Pakistan" (2014). Dissertations - ALL. 56. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/56 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract In 2009, the Pakistani Supreme Court began granting rights to gender ambiguous people who are locally known as khwaja siras. The Court organized this population into taxonomic groups and ordered the government to ‘mainstream’ them. These actions were based on certain cultural assumptions and occurred amid uncertainties about who khwaja siras really were. Meanwhile, khwaja siras began to mobilize in an effort to control their public image. Based on fourteen months of ethnographic fieldwork on the identity politics of khwaja siras in Karachi, this dissertation seeks to understand the ways in which gender ambiguous people constructed, negotiated and represented themselves both within their social networks and in the wider society, as well as the factors underpinning their public portrayals. I conceive khwaja sira politics as a ‘game’, that is, as the art of manipulation and concealment. I argue that the games of secrecy and deception in which this minority population engaged were responses to the stigma they experienced in everyday life. Khwaja sira relationships with the general public were strategic game-like interactions that were meant to conceal knowledge, misrepresent gender variant people, and confuse opponents. They allowed khwaja siras to maintain ambiguity about their corporeality, conceal their sexualized lifestyle, and seek inclusion into mainstream society. These everyday forms of agency and deceit emerged on a larger scale and in far more sophisticated ways in the realm of activism. However, social stigma was so pervasive that it permeated into the khwaja sira cultural system, impacting the self-esteem of its members and triggering identity wars between them. These fissures were replicated within activist spaces where they often stifled efforts to empower khwaja siras. The games of secrecy and deception that gender variant people played both facilitated and undermined their movement. These empowering and conscious acts of self- preservation enhanced their security within an oppressive social environment. However, khwaja sira politics did not promote understanding of gender and sexual difference. These provisional solutions perpetuated ambiguity about khwaja siras, temporarily grazing the surface of their struggles without promoting long-term stigma reduction. Khwaja Sira: Culture, Identity Politics, and “Transgender” Activism in Pakistan by Faris A. Khan B.A., Hanover College, 2005 M.A., Brandeis University, 2008 Dissertation Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology Syracuse University June 2014 Copyright © Faris A. Khan 2014 All Rights Reserved Acknowledgements This dissertation would not have been possible without the hospitality and warmth of my khwaja sira friends and contacts (for whom I have used pseudonyms here and throughout this dissertation). My fieldwork was facilitated by the assistance and generosity of those affiliated with Gender Solidarity Society (GSS), Male Health Society (MHS), and Association of Khwaja Siras (AKS) (pseudonyms), as well as all the khwaja sira interviewees who gave me their time and shared their life stories with me. My research assistant, Nadia, was instrumental to this study, and a substantial amount of data that I managed to collect during fieldwork was due to her dedication and diligence. Nadia helped to conduct interviews, assiduously answered the questions I posed, helped me draw intricate maps, and patiently explained complex cultural concepts. I am also grateful to Payal, the president of GSS, for making me a part of her organization, treating me as a family member, entrusting me with important tasks, being a nurturing maternal figure, and for allowing me to pick her brain about matters related to my investigation. I am thankful to Kareem at MHS for his generous input and for allowing me to participate in the activities of his organization. I am also profoundly grateful to Shazia, Shani Baji, Maina, Soni, Sohail, Hajra, Ameer Bhai, and Nadeem for their time, patience, hospitality, and friendship. I owe my gratitude to my teachers at Syracuse University who fostered my scholarly and professional development over the course of this project. I am forever indebted to my outstanding advisor, Susan Wadley, who mentored me through every phase of my dissertation project, from inception to defense. She reviewed extensive drafts of my writing, and provided invaluable feedback that enabled me refine my work. I drew comfort from knowing that I could rely on her for support throughout this challenging journey. I would also like to thank my dissertation committee members for encouraging me to think beyond the confines of my initial narrative. Cecilia Van Hollen generously extended her support, provided insightful suggestions, and always gave her time and energy when I needed it. John Burdick inspired me to broaden the scope of my dissertation, challenged my ideas, and provided encouragement at the time when travel constraints compelled me to make the difficult decision of switching my geographical area of focus. Gayatri Reddy gave generously of her time, offered invaluable advice, and posed thoughtful questions that pushed me to think through my ideas. I am also indebted to Deborah Pellow, Geraldine Forbes, Sadaf Ahmad, and Ann Gold and for their time, invigorating insights, and support. This project was supported by the Claudia De Lys dissertation research and writing grant awarded by the Department of Anthropology at Syracuse University, the Maxwell Dean’s Summer Fellowship at Syracuse University, the Bharati Memorial Summer Research Grant, awarded by the Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs at Syracuse University, and the American Institute of Pakistan Studies (AIPS) short-term research fellowship. Finally, I would like to acknowledge my family for their unstinting love and assistance during the many trials and tribulations I encountered over the course of this project. Kevin Dalvi provided unconditional support through stressful times, encouraged me when I was dejected, served as a sounding board, proofread sections of my dissertation, and lent me an ear when I needed to think out loud. Naz Khan provided a steady stream of encouragement and generously v offered to help me with various pieces of my dissertation. Both she and Riaz Khan offered material support, informal conversations and an outside perspective that helped to sharpen my understanding of various aspects of my study. I would like to thank Nida Khan for her critical insights and for offering me a place I could call home in Lahore, and Sahr Khan for her exuberance and encouragement over the course of the project. vi Table of Contents Acknowledgements v List of Illustrations viii Note on Transliteration ix PART ONE: SETTING THE SCENE 1 Chapter 1. Introduction 2 Chapter 2. Gender Ambiguity in Islam, South Asia and Contemporary Pakistan 37 PART TWO: CULTURE AND SUBJECTIVITY 58 Chapter 3. The Khwaja Sira Universe 59 Chapter 4. Stigma, Ambiguity and Conflict 104 Chapter 5. Oppression, Marginalization and the Games of Deception 151 PART THREE: ACTIVISM 214 Chapter 6. Internal Identity Politics: Activism, Stigma and Social Differentiation 215 Chapter 7. Identity Politics, Strategic Essentialisms and Incoherence 254 Chapter 8. Transnormativity and the Games of Khwaja Sira Activism 279 Chapter 9. Conclusion: Trodden Paths, New Directions 323 Glossary 332 References 340 Curriculum Vitae 357 vii List of Illustrations Figure 1. Maps of Pakistan and Karachi 20 Figure 2. Hijra and zennana identities and corporeality 68 Figure 3. Beautification 77 Figure 4. Initiation 92 Figure 5. Guru-Celā kinship structure 95 Figure 6. Mother-Daughter structure 96 Figure 7. Dancing at Sehwan 108 Figure 8. Saima performing at a birthday party 140 Figure 9. Karachi slums 174 Figure 10. Gulabo posing in her guru’s ‘abāaiya 179 Figure 11. Payal’s earning area 188 Figure 12. Activists at an NGO 226 Figure 13. A khwaja sira’s national identity card 272 Figure 14. Outside the Supreme Court 276 Figure 15. Khwaja siras protesting 288 Figure 16. Activists on the set of a television talk show 311 viii Note On Transliteration I have used an Urdu transliteration system for all non-English words in the text. This system has also been applied to all non-Urdu words that are either considered to be a part of the Urdu language (e.g., Arabic) or were spoken in tandem with Urdu. I have italicized these words only the first time they appear in the text. For the ease of reading, the names of people, places and organizations are presented using their common English spellings. ix PART ONE: Setting the Scene 1 Chapter 1: Introduction Nadia took out another Capstan, lit it with a matchstick, and took a deep puff. Seconds later she exhaled thick cigarette smoke. “They lie so much!”
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