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Female Ambiguity and Liminality in Kham Magar Belief Augusta Molnar

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Female Ambiguity and Liminality in Kham Magar Belief Augusta Molnar Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 4 Number 2 Himalayan Research Bulletin, Monsoon Article 6 1984 1984 Female Ambiguity and Liminality in Kham Magar Belief Augusta Molnar Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Molnar, Augusta (1984) "Female Ambiguity and Liminality in Kham Magar Belief," Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 4: No. 2, Article 6. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol4/iss2/6 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FEMALE AMBIGUITY AND. LIMINALITY IN KHAM MAGAR BELIEF Augusta Molnar As I tried to decide upon an appropriate contribution for this special issue, quite a few of the influences that John Hitchcock has had upon my research and my way of thinking sprang to mind. These influences include insights that are both directly anthropological and ones that are more general intellectual tools. One invaluable insight of the second sort that I gained as John's student was one he himself no doubt acquired as a student of English literature, before he turned to anthropology. At Madison, while editing my work, he always stressed the importance of clarity of writing, beyond the actual ideas being espoused. A clearly written idea is a well-formed idea, he told me repeatedly. If you are having trouble expressing your point on paper, it is most likely that you do not really understand that idea. Let's take your idea apart,he would say. Sure enough, I found that I had as much difficulty making my point clear to him verbally as I had writing it down. A simple point perhaps. But I have seldom found exceptions to it and find it particularly useful in tailoring my writing both to an anthropological and to a non-anthropological audience. · Anthropologically, John Hitchcock's most important contributions for my own research have been his theories about the Magar people and culture. In my own studies of the Kham Magar, an ethnic group inhabiting a region south and west of Dhorpattan in Western Nepal, I have drawn heavily upon his Nepal research. He is most widely known for his ethnography of the Magar, written for a student audience (Hitchcock, 1966). But his theoretical contributions go beyond this to include work on Magar shamanism (Hitchcock 1974b, 1976), discussions of the origins and identity of those groups that identify themselves as Magar, such as the Chantel and the northern and southern Magars (Hitchcock 1965), and analysis of the different ecological adaptations of the transhumant and sedentary Magar farming communities (Hitchcock 1974b). In this essay, I draw particularly upon his analysis of the social ambiguity resulting from the division of Magar society into wife-giving and wife- taking lineage groups according to rules of prescribed matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In one article Hitchcock (1978) examines the reflection of this ambiguity in the Magar attitude toward witchcraft in a shaman's song/ myth of the Nine Witch Sisters. His analysis of the interaction of the social and the ideological is pertinent to my own work among Kham Magar women and in the flexibility I find inherent in Magar social and economic roles. Kham Magar Women's Background In previous publications (Molnar 1980, 1981), I have examined the social and economic flexibility characterizing Kham Magar society that affords women a variety of role options. A sizable number of Kham Magar women live socially and economically independent of male kin to a greater degree than is commonly reported elsewhere in Nepal. Socially, the flexibility in Kham Magar society stems from a system of matrilateral cross- cousin marriage, which links wife-giving and wife-receiving lineages; women retain strong dual kin affiliations after marriage in both their natal and marital lineages. From a social perspective, women's circumstances combine with their conscious use of this dual affiliation to determine the role options available to them. Women's economic flexibility stems from a complementary pattern of responsibility between the sexes in the household and from the delegation of considerable authority over resource allocation to women. As a result, women enjoy a large degree of economic independence among the Kham Magar and can support themselves in a variety of social situations. The flexibility that enables women to choose between different role options, however, also lends a certain ambiguity to women's position in society. At marriage, a woman becomes a member of her husband's lineage, yet she is never · fully incorporated into that lineage. She remains affiliated to her natal lineage and may decide to return to that lineage under various circumstances such as divorce, widowhood, or conflict with a co-wife. Her relationships with natal and affinal kin are thus potentially in conflict. Even if she remains married and bears her husband's children, she may choose to ~ide with her brothers instead of her husband, in the event of conflict between the two lineages. Or she may identify so strongly with her husband and their children that she precipitates the inevitable split in the joint household earlier than her in- laws would prefer. The problematic nature of woman's position is also inherent in her role as childbearer. Her fertility is valued as a means of per petuating her husband's patriline, yet fertility is not assured. These are some of the ramifications of women's roles in Magar society that I have described elsewhere. In this essay, I am concerned with the perceptions of women in the religious and ideological sphere as they reflect the problematic nature of women's position in Kham Magar society.l The Female in Kham Magar Belief I will examine the female in Kham Magar beliefZ from two perspectives: ambiguity and liminality. These two perspectives paint a picture of women's roles that complements the one resulting from a socio- economic perspective. In order to discuss the concept of ambiguity, I will draw upon two myths: a local myth of the Baraha complex , Bhuju and Baraha, and a myth of the first shaman, The Shaman's Song3 recorded and analysed by Hitchcock (1974b, 1976, 1978) among the Bhujel.4 In both of these myths, the ambiguity of a woman's affiliation t o two lineage groups, her own and her husband's, is given expression. The first myth deals with a complex of gods collectively called Baraha. At the time, Baraha is the name used by the Kham Magar to refer to a central nature diety. There are a number of myths concerning Baraha. In some, Baraha.is seen as a single god, and in others as a number of gods.S In general, Baraha is worshipped in the high summer pastures of each Kham Magar community and is said to protect the flocks from harm. Individual households sacrifice a sheep at one of the several shrines clustered in the high pasture for the well- being and prosperity of their families and the well- being of their herds. The particular myth I will analyse involves the story of Baraha's arrival in the pasture area around Ngank.har. Baraha is the god of the high Himal (mountain) called Pipal. He has seven sons, all called Baraha. One day Baraha goes to the domain of [father] Sat Salle a god/king who lives in the pasture area called Jal Jalla,6 an area exploited by the villagers of N gankhar, my research site. Bar aha is searching for a wife for his seven sons. There in Jal Jalla, he meets the daughter of Sat Salle and arranges for her marr iage with his sons. This daughter, whose name is Bhuju, consults with her brothers before leaving Jal Jalla for Pipal Himal. Her brothers tell her that if she is unhappy with her husbands, she is always welcome in Sat Salle's abode and that she must return to her maiti (natal home) and their territory if anything goes wrong. -- Bhuju goes to the Pipal Himal to live with her husbands. Pipal is cold and snowy all the time, however, and she soon longs for the lush, mountain pastures of Jal Jalla. She plots with the husbands to conquer Jal Jalla and regain her homeland. Baraha has a dream in which he attacks her brothers and Sat Salle and conquers them, appropriating Jal Jalla as his own. He calls Bhuju to him and the two consult. They bot h decide that it is an omen and that they will be victorious. The seven sons and Baraha begin a war with Sat Salle that lasts a long time. There are many battles. In one battle they go to the area near Ngank.har and meet two Kham Magar archers on their way hunting. The gods call to the archers and tell them that when the archers hear a scuffle in the sky the f ollowing day, they are to shoot off their arrows. This act will rally Baraha's forces to charge against Sat Salle's forces. The next day, the archers hear a great hurricane wind and shoot their arrows faithfully. When the wind subsides, Baraha and his followers have defeated Sat Salle and Baraha is now god of Jal Jalla. His daughter- in- law, Ehuju, becomes one of the forms of Baraha worshipped in the high pasture. Because of the help given to Baraha by the archers, the Kham Magar are given protection by Baraha.
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