Operation Inherent Resolve Lead Inspector General Report to the United States Congress
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
Squaring the Circles in Syria's North East
Squaring the Circles in Syria’s North East Middle East Report N°204 | 31 July 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Search for Middle Ground ......................................................................................... 3 A. The U.S.: Caught between Turkey and the YPG ........................................................ 3 1. Turkey: The alienated ally .................................................................................... 4 2. “Safe zone” or dead end? The buffer debate ........................................................ 8 B. Moscow’s Missed Opportunity? ................................................................................. 11 C. The YPG and Damascus: Playing for Time ................................................................ 13 III. A War of Attrition with ISIS Remnants ........................................................................... 16 A. The SDF’s Approach to ISIS Detainees ..................................................................... 16 B. Deteriorating Relations between the SDF and Local Tribes .................................... -
From the Line in the Sand: Accounts of USAF Company Grade Officers In
~~may-='11 From The Line In The Sand Accounts of USAF Company Grade Officers Support of 1 " 1 " edited by gi Squadron 1 fficer School Air University Press 4/ Alabama 6" March 1994 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data From the line in the sand : accounts of USAF company grade officers in support of Desert Shield/Desert Storm / edited by Michael P. Vriesenga. p. cm. Includes index. 1. Persian Gulf War, 1991-Aerial operations, American . 2. Persian Gulf War, 1991- Personai narratives . 3. United States . Air Force-History-Persian Gulf War, 1991 . I. Vriesenga, Michael P., 1957- DS79 .724.U6F735 1994 94-1322 959.7044'248-dc20 CIP ISBN 1-58566-012-4 First Printing March 1994 Second Printing September 1999 Third Printing March 2001 Disclaimer This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts . The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the United States government. This publication hasbeen reviewed by security andpolicy review authorities and is clearedforpublic release. For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents US Government Printing Office Washington, D.C . 20402 ii 9&1 gook L ar-dicat£a to com#an9 9zacL orflcF-T 1, #ait, /2ZE4Ent, and, E9.#ECLaL6, TatUlLE. -ZEa¢ra anJ9~ 0 .( THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Contents Essay Page DISCLAIMER .... ... ... .... .... .. ii FOREWORD ...... ..... .. .... .. xi ABOUT THE EDITOR . ..... .. .... xiii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ..... .. .... xv INTRODUCTION .... ..... .. .. ... xvii SUPPORT OFFICERS 1 Madzuma, Michael D., and Buoniconti, Michael A. -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Iraq 2019 Human Rights Report
IRAQ 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Iraq is a constitutional parliamentary republic. The 2018 parliamentary elections, while imperfect, generally met international standards of free and fair elections and led to the peaceful transition of power from Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi to Adil Abd al-Mahdi. On December 1, in response to protesters’ demands for significant changes to the political system, Abd al-Mahdi submitted his resignation, which the Iraqi Council of Representatives (COR) accepted. As of December 17, Abd al-Mahdi continued to serve in a caretaker capacity while the COR worked to identify a replacement in accordance with the Iraqi constitution. Numerous domestic security forces operated throughout the country. The regular armed forces and domestic law enforcement bodies generally maintained order within the country, although some armed groups operated outside of government control. Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) consist of administratively organized forces within the Ministries of Interior and Defense, and the Counterterrorism Service. The Ministry of Interior is responsible for domestic law enforcement and maintenance of order; it oversees the Federal Police, Provincial Police, Facilities Protection Service, Civil Defense, and Department of Border Enforcement. Energy police, under the Ministry of Oil, are responsible for providing infrastructure protection. Conventional military forces under the Ministry of Defense are responsible for the defense of the country but also carry out counterterrorism and internal security operations in conjunction with the Ministry of Interior. The Counterterrorism Service reports directly to the prime minister and oversees the Counterterrorism Command, an organization that includes three brigades of special operations forces. The National Security Service (NSS) intelligence agency reports directly to the prime minister. -
2020 Annual Report 2021 Objectives a Letter from the Adjutant General Maj
This document is made available electronically by the Minnesota Legislative Reference Library as part of an ongoing digital archiving project. http://www.leg.state.mn.us/lrl/lrl.asp MINNESOTA NATIONAL GUARD 2020 Annual Report 2021 Objectives A Letter from the Adjutant General Maj. Gen. Shawn Manke The Adjutant General To the Citizens of Minnesota: As Minnesota’s 32nd adjutant general, Maj. Gen. Shawn Manke is the senior leader of On behalf of the more than 13,000 Soldiers and Airmen of the Minnesota National the Minnesota National Guard. The adjutant Guard, I am pleased to present our annual report for 2020. This report is designed to general is the administrative head of the state’s share an overview of our organization’s missions, activities and accomplishments over Department of Military Affairs whose duties the past year, as well as to articulate a direction for the near future. and responsibilities are defined in Minnesota State Statute 190.09. The adjutant general is a The last year certainly tested the resolve and resiliency of all Minnesotans. Together, we state employee appointed by the governor of faced an unprecedented 2020, and amid angst and uncertainty we were reminded that Minnesota for a seven-year term. people matter most. Learn more about the adjutant general: In 2020, we were also reminded of the National Guard’s value to our communities, https://MinnesotaNationalGuard.ng.mil/TAG state and nation. I’m extremely proud of and grateful for the Airmen and Soldiers from across Minnesota who continue to step up and serve when called upon. -
In Pursuit of Freedom, Justice, Dignity, and Democracy
In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy Rojava’s social contract Institutional development in (post) – conflict societies “In establishing this Charter, we declare a political system and civil administration founded upon a social contract that reconciles the rich mosaic of Syria through a transitional phase from dictatorship, civil war and destruction, to a new democratic society where civil life and social justice are preserved”. Wageningen University Social Sciences Group MSc Thesis Sociology of Development and Change Menno Molenveld (880211578090) Supervisor: Dr. Ir. J.P Jongerden Co – Supervisor: Dr. Lotje de Vries 1 | “In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy” – Rojava’s social contract Abstract: Societies recovering from Civil War often re-experience violent conflict within a decade. (1) This thesis provides a taxonomy of the different theories that make a claim on why this happens. (2) These theories provide policy instruments to reduce the risk of recurrence, and I asses under what circumstances they can best be implemented. (3) I zoom in on one policy instrument by doing a case study on institutional development in the north of Syria, where governance has been set – up using a social contract. After discussing social contract theory, text analysis and in depth interviews are used to understand the dynamics of (post) conflict governance in the northern parts of Syria. I describe the functioning of several institutions that have been set –up using a social contract and relate it to “the policy instruments” that can be used to mitigate the risk of conflict recurrence. I conclude that (A) different levels of analysis are needed to understand the dynamics in (the north) of Syria and (B) that the social contract provides mechanisms to prevent further conflict and (C) that in terms of assistance the “quality of life instrument” is best suitable for Rojava. -
Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S
Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated December 4, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21513 Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Kuwait has been pivotal to the decades-long U.S. effort to secure the Persian Gulf region because of its consistent cooperation with U.S. military operations in the region and its key location in the northern Gulf. Kuwait and the United States have a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA), under which the United States maintains over 13,000 military personnel in country and prepositioned military equipment in Kuwait to project power in the region. Only Germany, Japan, and South Korea host more U.S. troops than does Kuwait. Kuwait usually acts in concert not only with the United States but also with allies in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, and Oman). However, Kuwait tends to favor mediation of regional issues over commitments of military force. Kuwait is the lead Gulf mediator of the intra-GCC rift that erupted in June 2017 when Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Bahrain moved to isolate Qatar. Kuwait hosts the operational command center for U.S.-led Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) that has combatted the Islamic State. Refraining from intervening in Syria’s civil war, Kuwait has instead hosting donor conferences for civilian victims of the conflict and providing aid to Jordan for its hosting of Syrian refugees. Kuwait is participating militarily in the Saudi-led coalition that is trying to defeat the Shiite “Houthi” rebel movement in Yemen. Kuwait generally supports U.S. -
Avrasya Incelemeleri Merkezi Center for Eurasian Studies
AVRASYA İNCELEMELERİ MERKEZİ CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES U.S.-BACKED SYRIA FORCE CLOSES IN ON IS-HELD CITY; SLOW IRAQ ADVANCE CAUSES RIFT - 07.06.2016 Reuters, 06 June 2016 U.S.-backed Syrian fighters have surrounded the Islamic State-held city of Manbij from three sides as they press a major new offensive against the jihadists near the Turkish border, a spokesman for the fighters said on Monday. But in a sign of the difficulty world powers have faced in building a coalition to take on the self- declared caliphate, the slow pace of a separate assault by the Iraqi army on a militant bastion near Baghdad caused a rift between the Shi'ite-led government and powerful Iranian-backed Shi'ite militia. The simultaneous assaults on Manbij in Syria and Falluja in Iraq, at opposite ends of Islamic State territory, are two of the biggest operations yet against Islamic State in what Washington says is the year it hopes to roll back the caliphate. The Syria Democratic Forces (SDF), including a Kurdish militia and Arab allies that joined it last year, launched the Manbij attack last week to drive Islamic State from its last stretch of the Syrian- Turkish frontier. If successful it could cut the militants' main access route to the outside world, paving the way for an assault on their Syrian capital Raqqa. Last week Iraqi forces also rolled into the southern outskirts of Falluja, an insurgent stronghold 750 km down the Euphrates River from Manbij just an hour's drive from Baghdad. The SDF in Syria are backed by U.S. -
Iraq Protection Cluster
Iraq Protection Cluster: Anbar Returnee Profile - March 2017 24 April 2017 Amiriyat Al- Protection Concerns Ramadi Heet Falluja/Garma Haditha Rutba Khaldiyah High Fallujah Reported Violations of principles relating to return movements (including non-discrimination in the right of return, as well as voluntariness, safety and dignity of return movements) Medium Security incidents resulting in death/injury in return area (including assault, murder, conflict-related casualties) Explosive Remnants of War (ERW)/ Improvised Explosive Device (IED) contamination in return area by District by Low Reported Rights violations by state or non-state military/security actors (including abduction, arbitrary arrest/detention, disproportionate restrictions on freedom of movement) Protection Risk Matrix Risk Protection Concerns relating to inter-communal relations and social cohesion MODM Returnee Figures Returnee Families (Registered and non-registered) District Families Falluja 53,218 Ramadi 82,242 Ramadi 51,293 Falluja/Garma 48,557 Ru'ua Heet 11,321 Heet 19,101 Haditha Haditha 3,936 Rutba 2,356 Ka'im Haditha 2,147 Heet 35,600 Baghdad 18,056 Rutba 1,825 Ana 31,299 Anbar 79,211 22,640 Anbar Displacements Erbil Ramadi 14,331 and Returns Falluja 13,341 Total Families Still Kirkuk 8,729 Displaced 12,472 Sulaymaniyah Total Families Rutba 6,500 Returned 4,440 Other 283 759 Babylon 474 IDP Information Center: 22% of calls received from Anbar were from returnees. The most popular issues flagged: 43% Governmental issues (grants, compensation on damaged properties, ..etc) 29% Cash assistance Data Sources: Disclaimer: 14% Other issues * IOM-DTM as of 30 March 2017 The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map * MoDM 18 April 2017 do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. -
12/11 Shibboleth, the Fine Point in Pronunciation Around Which Many Lie Slain
Eric Darton Born Witness 27th Installment , 5/16/08 1 12/11 Shibboleth, the fine point in pronunciation around which many lie slain. The unforgiving sieve of language. Something to think about the next time you’re in the lovely Nederlandish seaside town of Scheveningen. “For every image of the past that is not recognized in the present as one of its own concerns threatens to disappear irretrievably. (The good tidings which the historian of the past brings with throbbing heart may be lost in a void the very moment he opens his mouth.)… “To articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it ‘the way it really was’ (Ranke). It means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger.…” Says Benjamin. Did you write a book about the Center both unconsciously and precisely to constitute yourself on the margins? What is not heard may sometimes be r(h)ead. And vice versa. Ben Bernanke and the FedRez Boyz whack down interest rates – again – but insufficiently, so the market responds by lying down in the street, holding its breath and drumming its sneakers on the asphalt. It doesn’t turn blue exactly, more like a bright red. When it does splutter something, it’s pure hysteria: it wants to be rewarded – again – for being bad. NO! I don’t care that I broke daddy’s pipe – I want a beebee gun! Now! Eric Darton Born Witness 27th Installment , 5/16/08 2 OK, OK, just get up and let me blow your nose. -
Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy
Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated December 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21513 Kuwait: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Kuwait has been pivotal to the decades-long U.S. effort to secure the Persian Gulf region because of its consistent cooperation with U.S. military operations in the region and its key location in the northern Gulf. Kuwait and the United States have a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA), under which the United States maintains over 13,000 military personnel in country and prepositions military equipment to be able to project power in the region. Kuwait is a partner not only of the United States but also of the other hereditary monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, and Oman). Kuwaiti forces are part of the Saudi-led coalition that is trying to defeat the Iran-backed “Houthi” rebel movement in Yemen, but Kuwait has also sought to mediate a resolution to that and other regional conflicts. Kuwait has been the main GCC mediator seeking to end the intra-GCC rift that erupted in June 2017 when Saudi Arabia and the UAE moved to isolate Qatar. Kuwait has refrained from intervening in Syria’s civil war, instead hosting several donor conferences for victims of the Syrian civil conflict as well as to fund Iraq’s recovery from the Islamic State challenge and ameliorate the effects of regional conflict on Jordan’s economy. Kuwait has not followed some of the other GCC states in building quiet ties to the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel.