DOCSLIB.ORG

Evolutionary Biological Methods and Cultural Data

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Evolutionary Biological Methods and Cultural Data CHAPTER 13 Evolutionary Biological Methods and Cultural Data MARK COLLARD, STEPHEN SHENNAN, BRIGGS BUCHANAN, AND R. ALEXANDER BENTLEY As BENTLEY ET AL. note in chapter 8 of this volume, reproductive success or primarily through phenotypic Darwinian approaches to archaeology are rapidly plasticity. The former simply involves some individu­ gaining popularity, fueled in part by the recognition als outreproducing others; the latter is the ability ofor­ that cultural evolution can be fruitfully studied by ganisms to produce different phenotypes in response adapting the analytical tools that evolutionary biolo­ to different environmental conditions (Pigilucci 1996). gists and paleobiologists use to study biological evolu­ The schools of thought also differ over the role played tion. The goal of this chapter is to illustrate how two by population-level phenomena in cultural evolution. of these methods, population genetics modeling and These differences impact the way proponents of the cladistic techniques of phylogenetic reconstruction, three schools of thought envisage the relationship can be used to explain temporal and geographic varia­ between cultural evolution and genetic evolution, and tion in cultural phenomena as a result oftransmission, also affect their attitude toward adaptively neutral and innovation, and selection. We will begin by discussing maladaptive cultural behaviors. the conceptual foundations ofthis novel approach. We The central tenet ofevolutionary archaeology is that will then outline some of the ways in which models artifacts are as much a part of the human phenotype rooted in population genetics theory have been used as are bones, muscle, and skin (Dunnell 1989; Leonard to investigate cultural evolution. Lastly, we will discuss 2001; Lyman and O'Brien 1998; O'Brien and Holland some cultural evolutionary applications of the cladis­ 1995). The corollary of this is that evolutionary ar­ tic method of phylogenetic reconstruction. chaeologists seek to describe the archaeological record using classes amenable to evolutionary explanation CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS (Cochrane 2001; Dunnell 1978, 1995; Tschauner 1994) Proponents of three schools of thought have applied and then account for the class distributions in terms of population genetics modeling and cladistic techniques what they consider to be the primary mechanisms of to cultural data. The first is evolutionary archaeology, evolution, namely natural selection and drift (Abbott which is also occasionally referred to as selectionist et aI. 1996; Braun 1987; Dunnell and Feathers 1991; archaeology (Abbott et aI. 1996; Dunnell 1980, 1989; Leonard 2001; Lyman and O'Brien 1998; O'Brien and Leonard and Jones 1987; Leonard 2001; Lipo et aI. Lyman 2000; Ramenofsky 1995). 1997; Lyman and O'Brien 1998; Neff 1992; O'Brien Explaining what evolutionary archaeologists mean and Holland 1995; O'Brien and Lyman 2000, 2002, by the terms "natural selection" and "drift" is not easy 2003a; Ramenofsky 1995). The second is gene culture because the definitions they have put forward differ in coevolution theory or dual inheritance theory (Ames subtle but potentially important ways. This point can 1996; Bettinger 1991; Boyd and Richerson 1985, 1993; be illustrated by comparing the definitions of natural Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Durham 1979, 1982, selection and drift provided by Wilhelmsen (200 1) and 1990, 1991, 1992; Pulliam and Dunford 1980; Richer­ O'Brien and Lyman (2000), which seem to represent the son and Boyd 1992; Runciman 2002; Shennan 1991, extremes of a range ofviews. According to Wilhelmsen 2000,2002). The third is known as human behavioral (2001), natural selection is "the differential reproduc­ ecology (Borgerhoff Mulder 1991; Cronk 1991; Shen­ tion of organisms which, at the scale of population, nan 2002; Smith 2000; Smith and Winterhalder 1992; results in a directional change in trait frequencies over Smith et aI. 2001; Winterhalder and Smith 2000). time that correlates to external environmental condi­ These schools of thought differ over whether cultural tions" (p. 99), and drift is the differential reproduction evolution is effected primarily through differential of organisms as a result of "sampling error and the 203 stochastic patterns oftransmission" (p. 100). According where the forms are artifacts and the increase is brought to O'Brien and Lyman (2000), selection is the "process about through cultural transmission. In other words, it by which certain forms in a population that are better is possible that some evolutionary archaeologists take adapted to a particular environment increase in pro­ seriously the possibility that change in the archaeologi­ portion to less well-adapted forms" (p. 404), and drift cal record may be the result of phenotypic plasticity as is "random changes in trait frequency in a population well as differential reproductive success rather than just resulting from the vagaries of transmission" (p. 399). the result ofthe latter. In keeping with this, O'Brien and One of the differences between the definitions is that Lyman (2000) have noted that explanations of artifact Wilhelmsen's (200l) focuses on "organisms" whereas class distributions and human biological reproduction O'Brien and Lyman's (2000) definition of selection may be generated at different analytical scales. Likewise, and, by extension, their definition of drift, focuses on Leonard and Jones (1987; Leonard 200l) have drawn a "forms." The other difference concerns the mechanisms distinction between the replicative success of cultural of change involved in selection and drift. Wilhelmsen's traits and the reproductive success of individuals, and (2001) definition ofselection explicitly links it with dif­ argued that the former should not be assumed to be ferential reproduction. That is, his definition suggests reducible to the latter. that in the case ofselection, changes in trait frequencies However, having reviewed a good deal of the work over time are the result of some individuals producing that has been produced by evolutionary archaeologists more offspring than others. In contrast, O'Brien and over the past thirty years, we are ofthe opinion that the Lyman's (2000) definition of selection does not men­ differences between the definitions offered by Wilhelm­ tion differential reproduction. Indeed, no mechanism sen (2001) and O'Brien and Lyman (2000) are notin fact of change is specified. Selection is suggested to involve significant. O'Brien and Lyman (2000) and most other better adapted forms increasing in frequency at the evolutionary archaeologists normally dismiss the possi­ expense of less well-adapted forms, but the manner in bility ofchange occurring as a consequence ofindividu­ which this occurs is not specified. The situation is simi­ als copying behaviors and then modifying them in light lar with drift; Wilhelmsen's (200l) definition explic­ ofexperience before passing them on. They also usually itly links drift with differential reproduction, whereas treat transmission as if it occurs solely from parents to O'Brien and Lyman's (2000) definition does not men­ offspring, ignoring the various other forms of cultural tion differential reproduction. Rather, for O'Brien and transmission, which, as noted earlier, can in principle Lyman (2000) drift is the consequence of the "vagaries lead to the oblique and horizontal movement ofcultural oftransmission." traits among individuals and populations in the absence These differences are potentially important because, of gene flow (e.g., Abbott et al. 1996; Leonard 2001; together, they bear on the way in which evolutionary O'Brien and Lyman 2000; Ramenofsky 1995). Thus in archaeologists conceptualize the relationship between practice, evolutionary archaeologists treat cultural evo­ genetic evolution and cultural evolution. By linking lution as if it is effected primarily through differential selection directly with differential reproduction of or­ reproductive success, and therefore do not allow for the ganisms, Wilhelmsen's (2001) definitions of natural se­ possibility that genes and culture may have different lection and drift imply that culture evolves in exactly evolutionary dynamics. Significantly, our characteriza­ the same manner as genes, and that cultural evolution tion ofevolutionary archaeology seems to be in line with is therefore reducible to genetic evolution. In contrast, that of O'Brien and Lyman (2002:35), who note that O'Brien and Lyman's (2000) focus on forms rather than whereas "some behavioral ecologists argue that much of organisms and their decision to leave the mechanism of the change we see archaeologically is attributable to phe­ change unspecified opens up the possibility that O'Brien notypic plasticity ... most evolutionary archaeologists and Lyman (2000) recognize that genetic evolution and would argue that much ofit is attributable to selection." cultural evolution involve different mechanisms and In contrast to evolutionary archaeology, dual inher­ therefore potentially have different dynamics. Thus it itance theory treats cultural evolution as ifit is primar­ is possible that O'Brien and Lyman (2000) and some ily effected through phenotypic plasticity rather than other evolutionary archaeologists consider selection to differential reproductive success. In dual inheritance involve not onlyincrease in relative frequency ofadapted theory, genes and culture are viewed as two distinct forms where the forms are organisms and the increase but interacting systems of information transmission
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Married Too Young? the Behavioral Ecology of 'Child Marriage'
    social sciences $€ £ ¥ Review Married Too Young? The Behavioral Ecology of ‘Child Marriage’ Susan B. Schaffnit 1,* and David W. Lawson 2 1 Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16801, USA 2 Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: For girls and women, marriage under 18 years is commonplace in many low-income nations today and was culturally widespread historically. Global health campaigns refer to marriage below this threshold as ‘child marriage’ and increasingly aim for its universal eradication, citing its apparent negative wellbeing consequences. Here, we outline and evaluate four alternative hypotheses for the persistence of early marriage, despite its associations with poor wellbeing, arising from the theoretical framework of human behavioral ecology. First, early marriage may be adaptive (e.g., it maximizes reproductive success), even if detrimental to wellbeing, when life expectancy is short. Second, parent– offspring conflict may explain early marriage, with parents profiting economically at the expense of their daughter’s best interests. Third, early marriage may be explained by intergenerational conflict, whereby girls marry young to emancipate themselves from continued labor within natal households. Finally, both daughters and parents from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds favor early marriage as a ‘best of a bad job strategy’ when it represents the best option given a lack of feasible alternatives. The explanatory power of each hypothesis is context-dependent, highlighting the complex drivers of life history transitions and reinforcing the need for context-specific policies Citation: Schaffnit, Susan B., and addressing the vulnerabilities of adolescence worldwide.
    [Show full text]
  • Integrative Anthropology and the Human Niche: Toward a Contemporary Approach to Human Evolution
    AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST Integrative Anthropology and the Human Niche: Toward a Contemporary Approach to Human Evolution Agustın´ Fuentes ABSTRACT A niche is the structural, temporal, and social context in which a species exists. Over the last two million years, the human lineage underwent clear morphological changes alongside less easily measurable, but significant, behavioral and cognitive shifts as it forged, and was shaped by, new niches. During this time period, core human patterns emerged, including the following: hypercooperation; lengthy childhood and complex parenting; intricate and diverse foraging and hunting patterns; novel and dynamic material and symbolic cultures; and complex communication and information sharing, eventually resulting in language. Approaches to human evolution grounded in paleoanthropology and archaeology offer fundamental insights into our past, and traditional evolutionary the- ory offers a strong grounding for explaining them. However, given the centrality of distinctive physiological, social, semiotic, and cognitive processes in human evolutionary histories, a broader anthropological approach can facilitate additional understanding of the human story. An integrative anthropology, reaching across subfields and foci, com- bined with contemporary evolutionary theory is an approach that can enhance our abilities to model and understand human evolution. [integrative anthropology, niche construction, evolution, extended evolutionary synthesis, Homo, semiosis, Pleistocene] RESUMEN Un nicho es el contexto estructural,
    [Show full text]
  • Canoes and Cultural Evolution
    COMMENTARY Canoes and cultural evolution Stephen Shennan* Institute of Archaeology, University College London, London WC1H 0PY, United Kingdom ver the last 30 years, the idea the way in which cultural entities and cultural traits that characterize agricul- that the processes producing processes closely match Darwin’s origi- ture spread and, in some cases, subse- cultural stability and change nal formulation of the theory of evolu- quently influenced genetic evolution are analogous in important tion has recently been shown in detail [e.g., the ability to digest lactose (6)]. Orespects to those of biological evolution by Mesoudi et al. (5)]. In the most gen- An analogous process of cultural selec- has become increasingly popular. Bio- eral terms, parallel mechanisms for in- tion can also operate if individuals with logical evolution is characterized by heritance, mutation, selection, and drift certain cultural traits are more likely to changing frequencies of genes in popula- act on culture as they do on genes. be taken as models for imitation than tions through time as a result of such In the case of culture, the inheritance others, by virtue of those traits, and processes as natural selection; likewise, mechanism is social learning: People these individuals in turn become suc- cultural evolution refers to the changing learn ways to think and act from others. cessful models as a result. The traits distributions of cultural attributes in Of course, the routes through which cul- concerned will become more prevalent populations, which are affected by pro- ture is inherited are much more diverse even if they have no bearing on repro- cesses such as natural selection but also than those for genes (1), and different ductive success whatsoever and, indeed, by others that have no analogue in ge- routes have different consequences for even if they are deleterious to it, be- netic evolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Evolution of Wisdom: Major and Minor Keys
    EVOLUTION OF WISDOM: MAJOR AND MINOR KEYS AGUSTÍN FUENTES AND CELIA DEANE-DRUMMOND Center for Theology, Science, and Human Flourishing University of Notre Dame Evolution of Wisdom: Major and Minor Keys by Center for Theology, Science, and Human Flourishing is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted. Copyright © 2018 Center for Theology, Science, and Human Flourishing, University of Notre Dame CONTENTS Contents v Acknowledgements vii List of Contributors viii Introduction: Transdisciplinarity, Evolution, and Engaging Wisdom 1 Agustín Fuentes and Celia Deane-Drummond PART I. INTERDISCIPLINARY WISDOM 1. Independent Reason, Faith, and a Distinctively Human Wisdom 7 Angela Carpenter 2. Re-Engaging Theology and Evolutionary Biology: The Nature of True Wisdom 15 Nicola Hoggard Creegan 3. Human Origins and the Emergence of a Distinctively Human Imagination 25 J. Wentzel van Huyssteen PART II. EVOLUTIONARY NARRATIVES 4. Technological Intelligence or Social Wisdom? Promiscuous Sociality, Things, 41 and Networks in Human Evolution Fiona Coward 5. The Palaeolithic Archaeological Record and the Materiality of Imagination: A 57 Response to J. Wentzel van Huyssteen Jennifer French 6. How did Hominins become Human? 64 Marc Kissel PART III. WISDOM AND THE MIND 7. De-Centering Humans within Cognitive Systems 83 Marcus Baynes-Rock 8. Practical Wisdom: Good Reasoning or Good Action? 89 Craig IfGand 9. Concepts of Reason and Wisdom 96 Maureen Junker-Kenny 10. Wisdom and Freedom as Reason - Sensitive Action Control 104 Aku Visala PART IV. WISDOM IN THE MINOR KEY 11. Evolution in the Minor Key 115 Tim Ingold 12. A Response to Tim Ingold: Evolution in the Minor Key 124 Karen Kilby 13.
    [Show full text]
  • Paleodemographic Modeling in the Lower Mississippi River Valley
    PALEODEMOGRAPHIC MODELING IN THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI RIVER VALLEY A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy BY JEFFREY S. ALVEY Michael O’Brien & Karthik Panchanathan, Co-Dissertation Supervisors JULY 2019 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled PALEODEMOGRAPHIC MODELING IN THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI RIVER VALLEY presented by Jeffrey S. Alvey, a candidate for the degree of doctor of philosophy, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. Michael J. O’Brien (co-chair) Karthik Panchanathan (co-chair) R. Lee Lyman Michael D. Glascock DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to Dr. Janet Rafferty for teaching me the meaning of dedication and for helping me to always see the bigger picture. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation represents the conclusion of my 14-year academic career. Countless individuals have contributed to this journey and I thank them all. My formative undergraduate years at Mississippi State University were spent under the mentorship of a number of dedicated professors including Janet Rafferty, Evan Peacock, Homes Hogue, Jimmy Hardin, Joe Seger, and Paul Jacobs. All of these individuals played critically important roles in my development as an archaeologist. During my time at the University of Missouri I had the great luck to study with a group of individuals whose work I had long admired. I thank my dissertation committee, Michael O’Brien, Karthik Panchanathan, Lee Lyman, and Michael Glascock, for their encouragement and guidance in navigating this long and stressful process.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: Demography and Cultural Macroevolution James Steele University College London, [email protected]
    Human Biology Volume 81 Issue 2 Special Issue on Demography and Cultural Article 1 Macroevolution 2009 Introduction: Demography and Cultural Macroevolution James Steele University College London, [email protected] Stephen Shennan University College London, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/humbiol Recommended Citation Steele, James and Shennan, Stephen (2009) "Introduction: Demography and Cultural Macroevolution," Human Biology: Vol. 81: Iss. 2-3, Article 1. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/humbiol/vol81/iss2/1 Introduction: Demography and Cultural Macroevolution Abstract The ap pers in this special issue of Human Biology, which derive from a conference sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) Center for the Evolution of Cultural Diversity, lay some of the foundations for an empirical macroevolutionary analysis of cultural dynamics. Our premise here is that cultural dynamics—including the stability of traditions and the rate of origination of new variants—are infl uenced by independently occurring demographic processes (population size, structure, and distribution as these vary over time as a result of changes in rates of fertility, mortality, and migration). The onc tributors focus on three sets of problems relevant to empirical studies of cultural macroevolution: large-scale reconstruction of past population dynamics from archaeological and genetic data; juxtaposition of models and evidence of cultural dynamics using large-scale archaeological and historical data sets; and juxtaposition of models and evidence of cultural dynamics from large-scale linguistic data sets. In this introduction we outline some of the theoretical and methodological issues and briefl y umms arize the individual contributions.
    [Show full text]
  • Keeping Fire: the Cognitive Implications of Controlled Fire Use by Middle Pleistocene Humans
    Keeping Fire: The Cognitive Implications of Controlled Fire Use by Middle Pleistocene Humans Terrence Matthew Twomey Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Philosophy April 2011 School of Social and Political Sciences Faculty of Arts The University of Melbourne Supervisory Committee Dr Edward Douglas Lewis Dr Neil Thomason Prof Andrew Dawson Prof Antonio Sagona i Abstract The thesis investigates the cognitive implications of controlled fire use by Middle Pleistocene humans. My argument is that we can infer features of human cognition from the behaviours required to control fire. This argument is grounded in the following two premises. First, some behaviours imply the operation of distinctively human cognitive abilities. For example, inhibiting prepotent responses, delaying gratification and anticipatory planning provide good evidence for executive functions, such as episodic memory, an extended working memory capacity and detached representations. Similarly, future directed cooperation, resolving social dilemmas and providing a public good imply features of human social cognition, such as theory of mind, collective intentionality and intersubjective communication. Second, fire use involved a range of cognitively demanding behaviours associated with accessing, maintaining and using fire that I argue meet the above behavioural criteria for human cognitive abilities. The thesis aims to show why this is the case. My working hypothesis is that fire related tasks stand as a sound behavioural basis for making inferences about the cognitive abilities of fire using humans. The thesis is warranted because we now have compelling evidence that humans have been using fire for at least 800 thousand years. The cognitive abilities of humans from this early time are not well understood and in dispute.
    [Show full text]
  • Can Cognitive Mechanisms Explain Ecological Behaviour ?
    Cognition in eco & cognition in vitro Can cognitive mechanisms explain ecological behaviour ? Avel Guenin{Carlut avelguenin.github.io May 12, 2021 Kairos Research kairos-research.org Behaviorism Behaviour is determined by law-like regularities in the association of stimuli and response, as can be observed in experimental settings (Post-)Cognitivism Behaviour derive from mental activity determined by the physical architecture which enable structured information processing What are cognitive sciences ? 1 (Post-)Cognitivism Behaviour derive from mental activity determined by the physical architecture which enable structured information processing What are cognitive sciences ? Behaviorism Behaviour is determined by law-like regularities in the association of stimuli and response, as can be observed in experimental settings 1 What are cognitive sciences ? Behaviorism Behaviour is determined by law-like regularities in the association of stimuli and response, as can be observed in experimental settings (Post-)Cognitivism Behaviour derive from mental activity determined by the physical architecture which enable structured information processing 1 What are cognitive sciences ? Behaviorism Behaviour is determined by law-like regularities in the association of stimuli and response, as can be observed in experimental settings (Post-)Cognitivism Behaviour derive from mental activity determined by the physical architecture which enable structured information processing 1 From computer analogy to cognitive mechanisms [61] Dynamical post-cognitivism
    [Show full text]
  • Theories of Evolution for Archaeology Peter J. Richerson Abstract One Of
    Theories of Evolution for Archaeology Peter J. Richerson Abstract One of the hallmarks of Robert Bettinger’s contribution to archaeology is the attention he pays to ecological and evolutionary theory. Archaeology and the other historical sciences must deal with limited and noisy data. Theory that integrates information from many case studies and from experiments is an essential tool for interpreting particular archaeological sequences. Both genetic and cultural evolutionary theory are based on mathematical models of ecological time scale microevolutionary processes. Theorists consider what happens to a population of individuals as they live out their lives in one generation and pass on their genes and culture to the next generation. Then they imagine that these processes are repeated for many generations. One might think that microevolutionary processes would be hard to infer in the archaeological record but Bettinger and his colleagues have been able to make such inferences in favorable circumstances. However, archaeology makes a more important contribution to the study of macroevolution. Macroevolution occurs on time scales that are too long to be captured by experiments or observation of living creatures or cultures. On such time scales, phenomena like changes in climate and geomorphology become appreciable. Some of the most difficult but most interesting questions in science are macroevolutionary ones. Major changes in genes and culture give rise to new adaptive syndromes, some quite revolutionary. For example, agricultural innovations starting around 11 kya eventually transformed most human societies. Almost all of the data we have to infer the hows and whys of macroevolution come from the historical sciences— archaeology, paleoclimatology, paleontology, and allied disciplines.
    [Show full text]
  • Criticism of Evolutionary Psychology
    Contents Articles Evolutionary psychology 1 History of evolutionary psychology 27 Theoretical foundations of evolutionary psychology 30 Psychological adaptation 36 Adaptive bias 38 Cognitive module 39 Dual inheritance theory 42 Evolutionary developmental psychology 53 Human behavioral ecology 57 Instinct 60 Modularity of mind 63 Cultural universal 67 Consciousness 70 Evolutionary linguistics 86 Evolutionary psychology of religion 92 Criticism of evolutionary psychology 96 Standard social science model 106 Evolutionary educational psychology 109 References Article Sources and Contributors 115 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 117 Article Licenses License 118 Evolutionary psychology 1 Evolutionary psychology Psychology • Outline • History • Subfields Basic types • Abnormal • Biological • Cognitive • Comparative • Cultural • Differential • Developmental • Evolutionary • Experimental • Mathematical • Personality • Positive • Quantitative • Social Applied psychology • Applied behavior analysis • Clinical • Community • Consumer • Educational • Environmental • Forensic • Health • Industrial and organizational • Legal • Military • Occupational health • Political • Religion • School • Sport Lists • Disciplines • Organizations • Psychologists • Psychotherapies Evolutionary psychology 2 • Publications • Research methods • Theories • Timeline • Topics Psychology portal Part of a series on Evolutionary biology Diagrammatic representation of the divergence of modern taxonomic groups from their common ancestor. • Evolutionary biology portal •
    [Show full text]
  • Darwinian Archaeologies R
    CHAP TER 8 Darwinian Archaeologies R. Alexander Bentley, Carl Lipo, Herbert D. G. Maschner, and Ben Marler It may be that the next great developments in The first factor, the environment, centers on the the social sciences will come not from pro- notion that the external world makes things change, fessed social scientists but from people trained but it does not specify how, which is one reason why in other fields. evolution is sometimes confused with environmental —George Lundberg, determinism. The acquired characters factor was ini- Foundations of Sociology tially proposed by Jean-Baptiste Lamarck (1744–1829) to be the engine behind evolution. Lamarckian evolu- A vital notion for all historical sciences, the term tion states that change occurs because entities pass on “evolution” has a myriad of meanings and definitions traits to their offspring that they acquire during their that form the basis of explanations and evoke a range lifetimes. of reactions from advocates and critics. In general, The intrinsic drive related to a goal is one of the however, the term basically refers to change. In this in- most commonly invoked mechanisms for transforma- nocuous sense, most archaeologists would likely con- tional evolution and is related to change in the form sider themselves as evolutionists as the archaeological of development (Carneiro 2003). Here evolution is record is, by its nature, a record of change. In fact, one considered to be change that is directional, a direction of the primary reasons we study the archaeological re- that is often associated with progress (Dunnell 1988). cord is because what exists today is different from that While occasionally invoked in biology (Niteki 1988; of the past and thus archaeology is the study of that Ruse 1997), this finds predominate usage in various change.
    [Show full text]
  • Anty 553 Evolutionary Archaeology
    ANTY 553 EVOLUTIONARY ARCHAEOLOGY ANTY 553, Evolutionary Archaeology is a graduate seminar designed to expose students to the fast-growing world of Darwinian evolutionary archaeology. The seminar will have two specific goals. First, students will gain a basic understanding of the major trends in current archaeological evolutionary thinking with a focus on cultural transmission theory, human behavioral ecology, and macroevolutionary approaches to archaeology. Second, students will gain experience in applying the tenets of Darwinian evolutionary theory to the development and analysis of archaeological data. Students will emerge from the course with enhanced abilities to link theoretical problems to strategies for collection and analysis of archaeological data within an evolutionary framework. Professor: Dr. Anna M. Prentiss; Office: Social Sciences 205; Message Telephone (Anthropology Department) 243-2693; email: [email protected]; Office hours: I will not be holding open-door office hours due to risks associated with the pandemic. Please feel free to email me for an appointment (I am open to telephone, Zoom, or outdoors in-person meetings). PANDEMIC INFORMATION This course will be taught on a Remote basis via Zoom. Thus, there will be no in-person face-to-face issues. If you are sick or displaying symptoms, please contact the Curry Health Center at (406) 243-4330 Up-to-Date COVID-19 Information from the University of Montana: UM Coronavirus Website: https://www.umt.edu/coronavirus UM COVID-19 Fall 2020 website: https://www.umt.edu/coronavirus/fall2020.php Remain vigilant in mitigating the spread of COVID-19 Text/Readings: Broughton, Jack and Michael D. Cannon 2009 Evolutionary Ecology and Archaeology.
    [Show full text]