Why Abortion Rights Are Not Justified by Reference to Gender Equality: a Response to Professor Tribe, 23 J
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Safe Abortion Care
Training course in adolescent sexual and reproductive health 2021 Safe abortion care Morvarid Irani Torbat Heydariyeh University of Medical Sciences, Torbat Heydariyeh, Iran [email protected] Question 1 What are WHO’s recommendations on safe abortion care for adolescents? • Policy: Ensure laws and policies enable adolescents to obtain safe abortion services. • Community: Identify and overcome barriers to the provision of safe abortion services for adolescent girls. • Health facility: o Ensure adolescents have access to post-abortion care as a life-saving medical intervention, regardless of whether the abortion or attempted abortion was legal. o Ensure adolescents who have had abortions can obtain post-abortion contraceptive information and services, regardless of whether the abortion was legal. • Individual: Enable adolescents to obtain safe abortion services by informing them and other stakeholders about the dangers of unsafe methods of interrupting a pregnancy, the safe abortion services that are legally available, and where and under what circumstances abortion services can be legally obtained Question 2 A 19 year-old girl has decided after counselling to have a medical abortion for an unintended pregnancy of 12 weeks. What is the WHO recommended medical abortion regimen in this situation? To prevent a repeat unintended pregnancy, when could this young woman be recommended an oral contraceptive? • WHO suggest the use of 200 mg mifepristone administered orally, followed 1–2 days later by repeat doses of 400 μg misoprostol administered vaginally, sublingually or buccally every 3 hours. The minimum recommended interval between use of mifepristone and misoprostol is 24 hours. • For the misoprostol-only regimen, WHO suggest the use of repeat doses of 400 μg misoprostol administered vaginally, sublingually or buccally every 3 hours. -
Strategies & Tools for Gender Equality
Strategies & Tools for Gender Equality First Edition: Abortion Rights Religious Refusals May 2015 © 2015 Legal Voice COMPILED BY THE ALLIANCE: STATE ADVOCATES FOR WOMEN’S RIGHTS & GENDER EQUALITY OF THE STATES, BY THE STATES, FOR THE STATES Strategies & Tools for Gender Equality TABLE OF CONTENTS • Alliance Organizations Overview ............................................................. 3 • Introduction ............................................................................................. 5 Part 1: Securing and Advancing Abortion Rights • Introduction ............................................................................................. 9 • California Women’s Law Center: California ........................................... 10 • Gender Justice: Minnesota .................................................................... 17 • Legal Voice: Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Alaska .................. 19 • Southwest Women’s Law Center: New Mexico ..................................... 30 • Women’s Law Project: Pennsylvania ..................................................... 40 Part 2: Combating Religious Refusals Targeting Women and LGBTQ Individuals • Introduction .......................................................................................... 53 • California Women’s Law Center: California ........................................... 54 • Gender Justice: Minnesota, Nebraska ................................................... 62 • Legal Voice: Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Alaska .................. 66 -
Sex-Selection Abortions
Canadian Physicians for Life’s members on Sex -selection abortions What They Don’t Teach You about Abortion By a Third Year Medical Student Member In my first semester of medical school, we had a female child at a ratio of 1.2, while mothers small group learning case about chromosomal born in India at 1.11. Where do the missing abnormalities. Prenatal screening tests of a baby girls go? While abortion statistics are not young mother showed trisomy 21 in the fetus, mandated by law to be reported, the study and after much agony the mother decided to strongly suggests that the disproportionately abort her child. Our tutor then assigned us the large number of male babies being birthed is a task of looking up facts surrounding abortion result of selectively aborting female foetuses generally. I was surprised to discover that when after determination of sex by ultrasound. the Supreme Court struck down the abortion Initially, I was hesitant to share my findings with law in 1988, a gaping void was left in our my friends. While debate around abortion has legislation. Canada is the only country in the been almost taboo in the spheres of my western world without any abortion legislation, professional education, with any dissent making abortions legal at any time in the towards the practice being met with indignant pregnancy and for any reason. This lack of protests, I was surprised to find that my legislation allows for atrocities such as sex- colleagues were distraught and sympathetic selective abortions, which is the abortion of upon learning that sex-selective abortion took foetuses based on the predicted gender. -
Fetal Personhood” Terminology in Governmental Policies and Legislation -- Congress of Delegates
2/6/2019 Resolution No. 509 (New York State D) - Oppose “Fetal Personhood” Terminology in Governmental Policies and Legislation -- Congress of Delegates Resolution No. 509 (New York State D) Oppose “Fetal Personhood” Terminology in Governmental Policies and Legislation ACTION TAKEN BY THE 2018 CONGRESS OF DELEGATES: ADOPTED The Board of Directors referred this resolution to the Commission on Governmental Advocacy. Please address questions regarding the resolution to Robert Hall at [email protected] (mailto:[email protected]). RESOLUTION NO. 509 (New York State D) Oppose “Fetal Personhood” Terminology in Governmental Policies and Legislation Introduced by the New York State Chapter Referred to the Reference Committee on Advocacy WHEREAS, “Fetal personhood” is not a medical term, and WHEREAS, current politicians have used the following language in multiple proposed bills on the state and national levels: “fetal personhood," “child in utero,” “unborn child,” “a human being at any stage of development,” and WHEREAS, the creation of fetal rights is in direct conflict with the constitutional rights of the pregnant person, and WHEREAS, “the unborn have never been recognized in the law as persons in the whole sense” and has not afforded it rights as an entity separate from the pregnant person, and WHEREAS, fetal personhood language included in legislation is designed to undermine women’s rights and access to abortion, and WHEREAS, the use of fetal personhood terminology in legislation has far reaching implications on the bodily autonomy of the pregnant person, for instance, patient access to safe and effective assisted reproductive technologies, such as IVF, selective reduction, and embryo storage and disposal, and https://www.aafp.org/about/governance/congress-delegates/2018/resolutions2/newyork-d.mem.html 1/4 2/6/2019 Resolution No. -
Interactions Between the Pro-Choice and Pro-Life Social Movements Outside the Abortion Clinic Sophie Deixel Vassar College
Vassar College Digital Window @ Vassar Senior Capstone Projects 2018 Whose body, whose choice: interactions between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements outside the abortion clinic Sophie Deixel Vassar College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalwindow.vassar.edu/senior_capstone Recommended Citation Deixel, Sophie, "Whose body, whose choice: interactions between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements outside the abortion clinic" (2018). Senior Capstone Projects. 786. https://digitalwindow.vassar.edu/senior_capstone/786 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Window @ Vassar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Capstone Projects by an authorized administrator of Digital Window @ Vassar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Vassar College Whose Body, Whose Choice: Interactions Between the Pro-Choice and Pro-Life Social Movements Outside the Abortion Clinic A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts in Sociology By Sophie Deixel Thesis Advisors: Professor Bill Hoynes Professor Erendira Rueda May 2018 Deixel Whose Body Whose Choice: Interactions Between the Pro-Choice and Pro-Life Social Movements Outside the Abortion Clinic This project explores abortion discourse in the United States, looking specifically at the site of the abortion clinic as a space of interaction between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements. In order to access this space, I completed four months of participant observation in the fall of 2017 as a clinic escort at the Planned Parenthood clinic in Poughkeepsie, New York. I thus was able to witness (and participate in) firsthand the interactions between the clinic escorts and the anti-abortion protestors who picketed outside of the clinic each week. -
The Pregnant Imagination, Fetal Rights, and Women's Bodies: a Historical Inquiry
The Pregnant Imagination, Fetal Rights, and Women's Bodies: A Historical Inquiry Julia Epstein* Competing historical and cultural understandings of the human body make clear that medicine and the law construe bodily truths from differing knowledge bases. Jurists rely virtually entirely on medical testimony to analyze biological data, and medical profes- sionals are not usually conversant with the legal ramifications of their diagnoses. In early modern Europe, both physicians and jurists recognized that their respective professions were governed by different epistemological standards, a view articulated by F6lix Vicq d'Azyr (1748-1794), anatomist and secretary to the Royal Society of Medicine in France from 1776. Vicq d'Azyr noted that while lawyers were required to make unyielding decisions based on conflicting laws, customs, and decrees, physicians were permitted more latitude for uncertainty.' In the late twentieth century, Western medicine and law have become inextricably entwined as technologies have produced new ethical dilemmas facing medicolegal jurisprudence. The authority of women to voice and explain their experiences of pregnancy and childbirth before and during the eighteenth century contrasts powerfully with the twentieth century's reliance on medicolegal decisions to define these experiences. In early modern Europe, women controlled information, experience, and beliefs concerning reproduction, and women held authority over it. A woman only became officially and publicly pregnant when she felt her * The author would like to thank Robert Kieft, Reference Librarian at Haverford College, and the librarians at the Historical Collections of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia for research assistance. Estelle Cohen, Ruth Colker, Kathryn Kolbert, Linda McClain, Nigel Paneth, Reva Siegel, and M. -
Dónal P. O'mathúna · Vilius Dranseika Bert Gordijn Editors
Advancing Global Bioethics 11 Dónal P. O’Mathúna · Vilius Dranseika Bert Gordijn Editors Disasters: Core Concepts and Ethical Theories Advancing Global Bioethics Volume 11 Series editors Henk A.M.J. ten Have Duquesne University Pittsburgh, USA Bert Gordijn Institute of Ethics Dublin City University Dublin, Ireland The book series Global Bioethics provides a forum for normative analysis of a vast range of important new issues in bioethics from a truly global perspective and with a cross-cultural approach. The issues covered by the series include among other things sponsorship of research and education, scientific misconduct and research integrity, exploitation of research participants in resource-poor settings, brain drain and migration of healthcare workers, organ trafficking and transplant tourism, indigenous medicine, biodiversity, commodification of human tissue, benefit sharing, bio-industry and food, malnutrition and hunger, human rights, and climate change. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/10420 Dónal P. O’Mathúna • Vilius Dranseika Bert Gordijn Editors Disasters: Core Concepts and Ethical Theories Editors Dónal P. O’Mathúna Vilius Dranseika School of Nursing and Human Sciences Vilnius University Dublin City University Vilnius, Lithuania Dublin, Ireland College of Nursing The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio, USA Bert Gordijn Institute of Ethics Dublin City University Dublin, Ireland This publication is based upon work from COST Action IS1201, supported by COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology). COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) is a funding agency for research and innovation networks - www.cost.eu. Our Actions help connect research initiatives across Europe and enable scientists to grow their ideas by sharing them with their peers. -
The Effects of the Global Gag Rule on Democratic Participation and Political Advocacy in Peru, 31 Brook
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Brooklyn Law School: BrooklynWorks Brooklyn Journal of International Law Volume 31 | Issue 3 Article 8 2006 The olitP ics of Gagging: The ffecE ts of the Global Gag Rule on Democratic Participation and Political Advocacy in Peru Rachael E. Seevers Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil Recommended Citation Rachael E. Seevers, The Politics of Gagging: The Effects of the Global Gag Rule on Democratic Participation and Political Advocacy in Peru, 31 Brook. J. Int'l L. (2006). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil/vol31/iss3/8 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. THE POLITICS OF GAGGING: THE EFFECTS OF THE GLOBAL GAG RULE ON DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL ADVOCACY IN PERU I. INTRODUCTION he United States is one of the world’s largest donor countries to Tglobal family planning activities.1 The majority of its international grants to foreign providers come under the auspices of United States Aid for International Development (USAID) grants, making the United States an important player in global family planning.2 The 2001 reinstatement of the historically controversial “Mexico City Policy” attaches wide ranging aid conditionalities to the receipt of USAID funding, and effec- tively enables the United States to dictate the domestic and international family planning policies of recipient countries.3 Many of these funding restrictions relate to the provision of abortion services and counseling.4 In addition, some of the policy’s provisions are aimed at curtailing politi- cal advocacy for liberalized abortion regulation by foreign recipient non- governmental organizations (NGOs).5 The restrictions of the U.S. -
Abortion at Or Over 20 Weeks' Gestation
Abortion At or Over 20 Weeks’ Gestation: Frequently Asked Questions Matthew B. Barry, Coordinator Section Research Manager April 30, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45161 Abortion At or Over 20 Weeks’ Gestation: Frequently Asked Questions Summary Legislation at the federal and state levels seeking to limit or ban abortions in midpregnancy has focused attention on the procedure and the relatively small number of women who choose to undergo such an abortion. According to the Guttmacher Institute, about 926,200 abortions were performed in 2014; 1.3% of abortions were performed at or over 21 weeks’ gestation in 2013. A 2018 National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine study found that most women who have abortions are unmarried (86%), are poor or low-income (75%), are under age 30 (72%), and are women of color (61%). Stages of Pregnancy and Abortion Procedures A typical, full-term pregnancy spans 40 weeks, separated into trimesters: first trimester (week 1 through week 13), second trimester (week 14 through week 27), and third trimester (week 28 through birth). Abortion in the second trimester can be performed either by using a surgical procedure or by using drugs to induce labor. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), in 2014 a surgical method was used for 98.8% of U.S. abortions at 14-15 weeks’ gestation, 98.4% at 16-17 weeks, 96.6% at 18-20 weeks, and 90.2% at 21 weeks or later. Proposed Legislation Related to Abortion Legislation in the 115th Congress, the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act (H.R. -
On the Moral and Legal Status of Abortion” Show That If Fetuses Are Human Then Abortion Is Properly Kidneys for a Period of Nine Months
not, in itself, show that the restrictions are unjustified, On the Moral and Legal Status of since murder is wrong regardless of the consequences of Abortion prohibiting it; and the appeal to the right to control ones body, which is generally construed as a property right, is Mary Anne Warren at best a rather feeble argument for the permissibility of abortion. Mere ownership does not give me the right to The Monist, Vol. 57, No. 4, 1973. Part II reprinted, kill innocent people whom I find on my property, and with postscript, in The Problem of Abortion, 1984, indeed I am apt to he held responsible if such people Joel Feinberg, ed., Belmont: Wadsworth injure themselves while on my property. It is equally unclear that I have any moral right to expel an innocent person from my property when I know that doing so will 1 We will be concerned with both the moral status of result in his death. abortion, which for our purposes we may define as the act 4 John Noonan is correct in saying that “the fundamental that a woman performs in voluntarily terminating, or question in the long history of abortion is, How do you allowing another person to terminate, her pregnancy, and determine the humanity of a being?”.2 He summarizes his the legal status that is appropriate for this act. I will argue own antiabortion argument, which is a version of the that, while it is not possible to produce a satisfactory official position of the Catholic Church, as follows: defense of a woman’s right to obtain an abortion without showing that a fetus is not a human being, in the morally … it is wrong to kill humans, however poor, weak, relevant sense of that term, we ought not to conclude that defenseless, and lacking in opportunity to develop the difficulties involved in determining whether or not a their potential they may he. -
Early Abortion Exceptionalism
University of Pittsburgh School of Law Scholarship@PITT LAW Articles Faculty Publications 2021 Early Abortion Exceptionalism Greer Donley University of Pittsburgh School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.pitt.edu/fac_articles Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Food and Drug Law Commons, Fourteenth Amendment Commons, Health Law and Policy Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Obstetrics and Gynecology Commons, and the Women's Health Commons Recommended Citation Greer Donley, Early Abortion Exceptionalism, 107 Cornell Law Review, forthcoming (2021). Available at: https://scholarship.law.pitt.edu/fac_articles/404 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship@PITT LAW. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@PITT LAW. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Draft as of May 23, 2021 Early Abortion Exceptionalism Greer Donley Forthcoming in Vol. 107 of the Cornell Law Review Abstract: Restrictive state abortion laws garner a large amount of attention in the national conversation and legal scholarship, but less known is a federal abortion policy that significantly curtails access to early abortion in all fifty states. The policy limits the distribution of mifepristone, the only drug approved to terminate a pregnancy so long as it is within the first ten weeks. Unlike most drugs, which can be prescribed by licensed healthcare providers and picked up at most pharmacies, the Food and Drug Administration only allows certified providers to prescribe mifepristone, and only allows those providers to distribute the drug to patients directly, in person, not through pharmacies. -
Daniel Goodkind Sex-Selective Abortion, Reproductive Rights, And
Daniel Goodkind Sex-Selective Abortion, Reproductive Rights, and the Greater Locus of Gender Discrimination in Family Formation: Cairos Unresolved Questions No. 97-383 PSC Research Report Series March 1997 The Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest population centers in the United States. Established in 1961 with a grant from the Ford Foundation, the Center has a rich history as the main workplace for an interdisciplinary community of scholars in the field of population studies. Today the Center is supported by a Population Research Center Core Grant from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) as well as by the University of Michigan, the National Institute on Aging, the Hewlett Foundation, and the Mellon Foundation. PSC Research Reports are prepublication working papers that report on current demographic research conducted by PSC associates and affiliates. The papers are written by the researcher(s) for timely dissemination of their findings and are often later submitted for publication in scholarly journals. The PSC Research Report Series was begun in 1981 and is organized chronologically. Copyrights are held by the authors. Readers may freely quote from, copy, and distribute this work as long as the copyright holder and PSC are properly acknowledged and the original work is not altered. PSC Publications Population Studies Center, University of Michigan http://www.psc.lsa.umich.edu/pubs/ 1225 S. University, Ann Arbor, MI 48104-2590 USA Sex-Selective Abortion, Reproductive Rights, and the Greater Locus of Gender Discrimination in Family Formation: Cairos Unresolved Questions Abstract: Prenatal sex testing followed by sex-selective abortion represents a blatant form of discrimination.