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The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mercenaries and the State: How the hybridisation of the armed forces is changing the face of national security Caroline Varin A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2012 ii Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <83,157> words. iii Abstract The military has been a symbol of nationhood and state control for the past two hundred years. As representatives of a society’s cultural values and political ambitions, the armed forces have traditionally been held within the confines of the modern state. Today, however, soldiers are expected to operate in the shadows of conflicts, drawing little attention to themselves and to their actions; they are physically and emotionally secluded from a civilian population whose governments, especially in the ‘West’, are proceeding to an unprecedented wave of demilitarisation and military budget cuts. -
African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt. -
Cry Havoc: Simon Mann's Account of His Failed Equatorial Guinea Coup
Transcript Cry Havoc: Simon Mann’s Account of his Failed Equatorial Guinea Coup Attempt Simon Mann Author and Coup Attempt Leader Discussant: Alex Vines Director, Regional and Security Studies, Chatham House Chair: Professor Nana Poku John Ferguson Professor of African Studies and Dean, School of Social and International Studies, University of Bradford 1 November 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: Simon Mann Professor Nana Poku: It is a considerable pleasure and also a bit of apprehension that I sit in this seat, in large part because of some of the accounts in the book and some of the complexities of the issues that have ensued since then. But I am delighted to welcome Simon Mann who requires no further introduction I’m sure, but for the sake of those of us who like formalities, Simon is a former SAS [officer] and was actively involved – I’m not sure whether I can repeat what was said on a website about being an attempted coup plotter – but certainly there was a bit of an incident in Central and Southern Africa in 2004 which I think Simon has some insight that he has kindly agreed to share with us. -
Evolución Histórica De La Violencia Y Los Conflictos Políticos En Guinea Ecuatorial 4.1
UNIVERSIDAD DE GRANADA INSTITUTO UNIVERSITARIO DE LA PAZ Y LOS CONFLICTO TESIS DOCTORAL LA CONFLICTOLOGIA POLITICA Y LA JUSTICIA SOCIAL EN GUINEA ECUATORIAL: LOS PROCESOS DE TRANSFORMACION HACIA UNA CULTURA DE PAZ EN LA DEMOCRACIA GUINEANA. DOCTORANDO: CARLOS OYONO NVÉ OYANA DIRECTOR: Dr. FRANCISCO JIMÉNEZ BAUTISTA Granada, febrero 2015 1 Editor: Universidad de Granada. Tesis Doctorales Autor: Carlos Oyono Nvé Oyana ISBN: 978-84-9125-123-1 URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10481/40034 FRANCISCO JIMÉNEZ BAUTISTA, PROFESOR TÍTULAR DE ANTROPOLOGIA SOCIAL E INVESTIGADOR DEL INSTITUTO DE LA PAZ Y LOS CONFLICTOS DE LA UNIVERSIDAD DE GRANADA, HACEN CONSTAR QUE: Que el trabajo de investigación que se expone en la presente Tesis Doctoral, ‘La Conflictología política y la Justicia social en Guinea Ecuatorial: Los procesos de transformación hacia una Cultura de paz en la democraica guineana’ ha sido realizado bajo mi dirección. Y para que así conste, en cumplimiento de las disposiciones vigentes, expido el presente en Granada a seis de febrero de dos mil quince. Fdo.: Dr. Francisco Jiménez Bautista Director de la Tesis Doctoral 2 Dedicatoria A mis Padres Eduardo Nvé Aseme y Constancia Oyana, a mis hermanos/as con profundo amor y recuerdos. Quiero dirigir mis más sinceros agradecimientos a todas aquellas personas que de alguna manera me han ayudado en el cumplimiento de acabar mi Tesis Doctoral. Pienso especialmente en mi director de tesis, el profesor Francisco Jiménez Bautista, y a todo el cuerpo docente del Instituto de Paz y Conflictos de la Universidad de Granada. Agradezco también al profesor Francisco A. Muñoz por la iniciación en el camino de la investigación y por todas sus enseñanzas y consejos. -
Private Actors and Security Governance
Private Actors and Security Governance Alan Bryden, and Marina Caparini (editors.) © 2006, LIT & DCAF Contents List of Graphs and Tables ix Preface xi Abbreviations xiii Part I: Introduction 1 Approaching the Privatisation of Security from 3 a Security Governance Perspective Alan Bryden Part II: The International Policy Context 2 Fragile Statehood, Armed Non-State Actors 23 and Security Governance Ulrich Schneckener 3 Private Sector, Public Security 41 Alyson Bailes 4 Insurgencies, Security Governance and 65 the International Community Albrecht Schnabel. 5 Reconstructing the Public Monopoly 87 of Legitimate Force Herbert Wulf Part III: Regional and National Perspectives 6 Bulgaria's Private Security Industry 109 Philip Gounev 7 The Commercialisation of Post-Soviet Private Security 129 Duncan Hiscock 8 Challenges of Security Privatisation in Iraq 149 David Isenberg 9 Implementing South Africa’s Regulation of 167 Foreign Military Assistance Act Raenette Taljaard Part IV: Challenges of Regulation 10 Regulating Military and Security Services 189 in the European Union Elke Krahmann 11 The United Nations and the Dilemma 213 of Outsourcing Peacekeeping Operations Victor-Yves Ghebali 12 Assessing the Relationship between Humanitarian 231 Actors and Private Security Companies Christopher Spearin 13 Private Security Actors, Donors and SSR 247 Peter Wilson Part V: Conclusion 14 Applying a Security Governance Perspective to 263 the Privatisation of Security Marina Caparini Annex International Organisations and the Governance of 285 Private Security -
Equatorial Guinea
EQUATORIAL GUINEA National Flag and Emblem Locator Map TEXT HIGHLIGHTS: Diaries updates, key events, brief analysis and relating news articles in timeline Overview It is one of the tiniest countries in Africa with mainland and five Islands. At around 1472, Portuguese navigator Fernão do Pó arrived at the spot that has become Malabo area and surrounding coast mainly visited by Portuguese traders. Portugal assigned the rights to offer Spain a foothold to conduct slave trade. The Island of Bioko was then ceded to the Spanish in 1777 by its original Portuguese colonizers. Spain then went on to settle the mainland province of Rio Muni in 1844. In 1904 the 2 territories were united as the Western African Territories and later renamed Spanish Guinea. In the 1940s, Spain started to establish their presence in the colony. Interests for the Spanish are mainly the fertile land with the country’s Cocoa and Coffee plantations. Spanish Guinea achieved independence from Spain in March 1968 and became the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. Following multi-party elections, President Francisco Macías Nguema swiftly established absolute power. A third of the population fled the ensuing repression and the economy collapsed. Teodoro Obiang Nguema M'basogo, nephew of the President and commander of the National Guard, seized power in a coup in August 1979. Macias was arrested, tried and executed. Obiang has since remained in complete control despite several reported coup attempts and the formal acceptance of the principle of multi-party democracy in 1991. In March 2004, 14 people were arrested in Malabo and 67 in Harare, Zimbabwe for their alleged involvement in an attempted coup to overthrow the Government of Equatorial Guinea. -
Sessional Diary 2007–08
HOUSE OF COMMONS SESSIONAL DIARY 2007–08 6 November 2007 to 26 November 2008 Prepared in the Journal Office of the House of Commons INTRODUCTION 1. This diary records the business on which the House spent its time in Session 2007–08, analysed into categories, and similar information for sittings in Westminster Hall. It is intended mainly to provide information in response to statistical inquiries, and in using it the following points should be borne in mind: (a) The diary does not include business which took little or no time, such as presentations of bills, unopposed private business, and motions agreed to without debate or division. (b) Divisions are normally included with the business to which they relate. (c) Timings are taken from the Official Report, using the printed times where available, and otherwise taking a column of debate to last three minutes. Daily prayers are assumed to last a standard five minutes (and are not itemised in the analysis), and the time at which the House rose is taken from the Votes and Proceedings. (d) Periods of suspension are included in the total sitting time, and are listed in section 14h of the analysis (Miscellaneous). However, the 2½-hour suspension from 11.30 to 14.00 in Westminster Hall on most Tuesdays and Wednesdays (introduced on 1 January 2003) is shown in brackets in the “Duration” column and is left out of the totals. Other suspensions in Westminster Hall are included in the totals and in the analysis under section 5. (e) The times in the column headed “After appointed time” refer to business taken after the time appointed as the “moment of interruption”. -
Private Military Firms in the New World Order: How Redefining "Mercenary" Can Tame the "Dogs of War"
Fordham Law Review Volume 73 Issue 6 Article 4 2005 Private Military Firms in the New World Order: How Redefining "Mercenary" Can Tame the "Dogs of War" Ellen L. Frye Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Ellen L. Frye, Private Military Firms in the New World Order: How Redefining "Mercenary" Can Tame the "Dogs of War", 73 Fordham L. Rev. 2607 (2005). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol73/iss6/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Private Military Firms in the New World Order: How Redefining "Mercenary" Can Tame the "Dogs of War" Cover Page Footnote J.D. Candidate, 2006, Fordham University School of Law. Many thanks to Professor Thomas H. Lee for his guidance. I would also like to thank my family and friends for their support, and Ben and Mathew for Africa. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol73/iss6/4 PRIVATE MILITARY FIRMS IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER: HOW REDEFINING "MERCENARY" CAN TAME THE "DOGS OF WAR" Ellen L. Frye* "War is far too important to be left to the generals ....[it] is also far too important to be left to the C.E.O.s."1 INTRODUCTION At the Harare airport on March 7, 2004, Zimbabwean authorities held a cargo plane registered to the British firm Logo Logistics, Ltd.,2 and detained its sixty-four passengers3 on suspicion of mercenary activity.4 Zimbabwean authorities announced that the plane originated near Pretoria, South Africa, and that the men on board included South Africans, Angolans, and Namibians., A senior executive of Logo Logistics claimed the men were en route to the Democratic Republic of Congo to work as private security for a mining operation.6 The South African government announced that if * J.D. -
Secessionism on the Islands of Bioko and Annobón Justo Bolekia
1 Secessionism on the islands of Bioko and Annobón Justo Bolekia Abstract The cultural diversity that distinguishes the African states observes special consideration even when it does not serve to strengthen their self esteem or their political systems. The traumatic experiences suffered by many ethnic groups in the past did not prevent the eventual establishment of ethnic or tribal states (or governments). These newly established states were strongly centralized, ruled by tyrannical governments, with ¨lifetime¨ posts and patronage systems given to some groups at the expense of others, depending on the government of the country under which it was colonized. I am convinced that the issue of secessionism in Africa is fairly extended across the continent, because of the colonial oppressions and divisions among Black ethnic groups, which were never reconciled, where a single government was created. Bioko and Annobón (in Equatorial Guinea) were no exception. First, there were atrocities and tragedies historically experienced during the cultural collision between Black and White Guineans that weakened Black self-determination for minority groups, such as the Bubis. Second, that conflict was at odds with finding a singular identity, necessitating the reconsideration and the reassertion of the psychological, ethno-cultural and historical dimensions, which distinguish the majority and minority ethnic groups. Third, the minority Blacks asked to engage in a dialogue and negotiation for secession with the colonist and post-colonist government at the time, with the option, either to create a single state again with the intent to guarantee everybody’s participation and involvement, without any discrimination based on ethnic, historical and political reasons, or, separating and creating two states, both of which were rejected. -
Equatorial Guinea
Silence does not mean consent: the dire state of civil society in Equatorial Guinea June 2019 Published by CIVICUS, May 2019 Written and researched by David Kode, Advocacy and Campaigns Lead, CIVICUS Tutu Alicante, Founder/Director, EG Justice Edited by Andrew Firmin, Editor-in-Chief, CIVICUS CIVICUS is a global alliance of civil society organisations and activists dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world. We strive to promote marginalised voices, especially from the Global South, and have members in more than 175 countries throughout the world. 2 Executive Summary Located in the west of Central Africa between Cameroon and Gabon, and with a population of less than a million people, Equatorial Guinea is often described as one of the most censored countries in the world. The space for civil society - civic space - is closed, and consequently, independent journalists and human rights defenders (HRDs) are vulnerable to judicial persecution, threats and attacks from the state. Recent acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrest, detention and harassment of HRD Alfredo Okenve on the day he was supposed to receive a human rights award from the French Embassy in the capital city of Malabo exemplify the risks faced by HRDs. President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is Africa’s longest-serving head of state and the world’s longest-serving non-royal leader, having seized power from his uncle Francisco Macías Nguema through a coup d’état in 1979. Equatorial Guinea remained isolated until oil was discovered in the early 1990s and the country opened up to more foreign investment. However, despite the vast amounts of funds secured from the sale of oil, Equatorial Guinea’s human development indicators remain extremely low. -
ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ Arabic Original: English
ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ A/HRC/18/32/Add.2 Distr.: General ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ July 2011 4 Arabic Original: English ﳎﻠﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪ ٣ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ، ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ، ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﲏ ﲟﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺰﻗﺔ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻻﻧﺘـﻬﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ - ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭ: ﺃﻣﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻓﻴﺪﺱ ﺩﻱ ﺑﲑﻳﺰ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻓﺪﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ (١٦-٢٠ ﺁﺏ/ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ٢٠١٠)* ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ، ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﲎ ﲟـﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺰﻗﺔ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ ﺍﳌـﺼﲑ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ١٦ ﺇﱃ ٢٠ ﺁﺏ /ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ٢٠١٠. ﻭﺭﻛﹼﺰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻭ ﻓ ﻘ ﺎﹰ ﻟﻮﻻﻳﺘﻪ ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻼﺣﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ /ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ٢٠٠٤ ﻭﺑﺎﳍﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﹼﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﻨّﻪ ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻳُﺰﻋﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺰﻗﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻘـﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ١٧ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ/ﻓﱪﺍﻳﺮ ٢٠٠٩. ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺃ ﻳ ﻀ ﺎﹰ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻮﺍﺋﻴﺔ. ـــــــــــ * ﻳُﻌﻤَﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ . ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ، ﺍﳌﺮﻓﻖ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﺰ، ﻓﻴُﻌﻤَﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ. (A) GE.11-14380 280711 020811 A/HRC/18/32/Add.2 ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ/ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ٢٠٠٤ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻛﺜـﺮ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﹸﺑﻠِﻎ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻭﺗﻮﺭّﻁ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌ ﺮﺗﺰﻗـﺔ، ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﲔ ﰲ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ . ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﻥ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﲑﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳُﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺰﻗﺔ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ، ّﳑـﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺕ ﺃ ﻣ ﺮ ﺍﹰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺇ ﳊ ﺎ ﺣ ﺎﹰ . -
Chapter 5: Executive Outcomes – a Corporate Conquest
Chapter 5: Executive Outcomes – A corporate conquest Khareen Pech An old emperor in a new suit xecutive Outcomes (EO)1 has been called a ‘new’ mercenary company – one which was EEdifferent to any that preceded it – one which was more legitimate than the former armies raised by mercenary heroes such as Bob Denard, Jack Schramme and ‘Mad’ Mike Hoare – one which was less of a threat to regional stability than it was an enforcer of peace – one which functioned as a highly disciplined and organised military corporation – accountable to international and national leaders, which could even be a solution to African problems of insecurity.2 However, there is much that is not new about EO and the factors which give rise to the present proliferation of South African mercenaries and private security companies in Africa and abroad. Throughout history, professional soldiers have sold their military skills to foreign forces and private corporations in post-war periods. Prior to demobilisation that began in the early 1990s, the former South African Defence Force (SADF) had a combat capacity of roughly 40 000 soldiers out of a total permanent force cadre of about 120 000 men and women. About 3 500 men constituted the special forces regiments and covert military or intelligence units.3 Most of these units fought for more than a decade in Africa, combating the African National Congress (ANC) and its allies. As a result, many of these troops are both feared and unwanted by the new political order in South Africa, are still hungry for combat in lawless lands where ‘quick-rich’ opportunities abound, and have few other marketable skills.