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Bildner Event Reviews the Legacy of Yitzhak Rabin
Bildner event reviews the legacy of Yitzhak Rabin Jacob Kamaras THE JEWISH STATE November 27, 2009 Rather than focusing on how a chasm in Israeli politics resulted in former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's assassination, the work of Dr. Vered Vinitzky-Seroussi shows a divided Israeli society through the ways Rabin was memorialized. Vinitzky-Seroussi, who works in the Sociology and Anthropology departments at Hebrew University of Jerusalem but is researching collective memory at Yale University this year, spoke at Rutgers University's Douglass Campus Center Nov. 18 on the radically different ways in which the cities of Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv commemorated Rabin after he was shot in Tel-Aviv by Yigal Amir, a Jewish-Israeli opponent of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, on Nov. 4, 1995. The program was the Ruth and Alvin Rockoff Annual Lecture of The Allen and Joan Bildner Center for the Study of Jewish Life. Vinitzky-Seroussi recently came out with a book titled "Yitzhak Rabin's Assassination and the Dilemmas of Commemoration." With Jerusalem containing a politically right-wing and religious population compared with Tel- Aviv's left-wing and cosmopolitan orientation, the cities already represented a bifurcation of Israeli society -- but Tel-Aviv's commitment to remembering Rabin, and Jerusalem's scant effort to that end because of Rabin's left-wing politics, accentuated those social differences and gave Tel-Aviv a newfound legitimacy as an alternative capital of Israel, Vinitzky-Seroussi argued. "The two cities can be said to define two distinct Israeli national identities," Vinitzky-Seroussi said to an audience of about 75 people. -
La Influencia De Los Diferentes Grupos Religiosos Judíos En La Política Interna Israelí Y Su Repercusión En Las Negociaciones De Paz (1993 – 1995)
Universidad ORT Uruguay Facultad de Administración y Ciencias Sociales La influencia de los diferentes grupos religiosos judíos en la Política Interna israelí y su repercusión en las Negociaciones de Paz (1993 – 1995) Entregado como requisito para la obtención del título de Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales Paula Braga- 151603 Lucía Pérez Walter- 151650 Karen Zimmermann – 145497 Tutor: Embajador Carlos Gianelli 2013 2 Agradecimientos Agradecemos a nuestras familias y amigos por su apoyo incondicional durante este largo período. También agradecemos a nuestro tutor, el embajador Carlos Gianelli, quien fue una guía de suma importancia para la realización del presente trabajo. Deseamos agradecer asimismo al Embajador Ricardo Varela, a Ernesto Kreimerman, al Dr. Alberto Spectorovsky y al Lic.David Telias, por sus valiosos aportes y críticas que nos han servido para mejorar la calidad de la monografía; así como por su amable disponibilidad y trato para la conclusión de la misma. 3 Abstract El presente trabajo busca investigar la influencia de los grupos judíos religiosos más importantes de Israel en los partidos políticos de dicho Estado, y a su vez analizar la reacción de estos grupos ante la política implementada por Isaac Rabin basada en la premisa Tierras por Paz, para luego finalmente estudiar si la postura y la reacción de estos actores políticos, se tornaron una piedra de tropiezo para las negociaciones de paz emprendidas durante el período 1993 – 1995. Para lograr esto, se estudiarán los grupos de interés religiosos enmarcados en el sistema político israelí, analizando el sistema de coaliciones de partidos, en especial lo que respecta a la dinámica de los partidos políticos de filiación religiosa. -
Peace Talks on Jerusalem a Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013
The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Peace Talks on Jerusalem A Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013 Lior Lehrs The JIIS Series no. 432 Peace Talks on Jerusalem A Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013 Lior Lehrs © 2013, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St. 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org.il E-mail:[email protected] About the Author Lior Lehrs is a researcher at the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He is a doctoral student at the Department of International Relations of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The topic of his PhD research is “Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes.” Recent publications include Y. Reiter and L. Lehrs, The Sheikh Jarrah Affair, Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2010; L. Lehrs, “Political Holiness: Negotiating Holy Places in Eretz Israel/Palestine, 1937-2003,” in M. Breger, Y. Reiter, and L. Hammer (eds.), Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics (London: Routledge, 2012). Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies’ Work Group: Jerusalem between management and resolution of the conflict Since 1993 a Work Group of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies has been engaged in studying the political future of Jerusalem. The group aims to present policymakers, public-opinion shapers, and the interested public with reliable, up- to-date information about the demographic, social, and political trends in East Jerusalem and in the city as a whole, and to formulate alternatives for management of the city in the absence of a political agreement as well as alternatives for future management. -
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev the Jacobblaustein Institutes For
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev The Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research The Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies The Environmental Movement in Israel Strategic Analyses Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of "Master of Science" By: Shira Leon Zchout 12 November, 2013 Ben-Gurion University of the Negev The Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research The Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies The Environmental Movement in Israel Strategic Analyses Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of "Master of Science" By: Shira Leon Zchout Under the Supervision of Professor Alon Tal Department of Desert Ecology / Environmental Studies Author's Signature Date November 11, 2013 Approved by the Supervisor Date: November 11, 2013. Approved by the Director of the School …………… Date ………….… The Environmental Movement in Israel Strategic Analyses Shira Leon Zchout This thesis is in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Science Ben-Gurion University of the Negev The Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research The Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies 2013 Abstract: In the face of environmental challenges, the Israeli environmental movement works to bring awareness to the public agenda, remove hazards and prevent future risks. This research examines the strategies applied by the Israeli ENGOs based on two theoretical models. First, it aims to characterize the relationship between resources and strategy, based upon the Resource Mobilization Theory . Second, the research examines the relationship between the state and Israel's environmental movement. Based on theories of Political Opportunities, the study assesses the most effective ways that civil society influence Israel's environmental policies. -
Tomer Ashwal
DISENGAGEMENT AND AFTER: WHERE NEXT FOR SHARON AND THE LIKUD? Middle East Report N°36 – 1 March 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. OVERVIEW.................................................................................................................... 1 II. THE LIKUD'S LONG JOURNEY ............................................................................... 3 A. BACKGROUND.......................................................................................................................3 B. THE DISENGAGEMENT PLAN AND THE LIKUD........................................................................4 III. MAKING SENSE OF THE PLAN ............................................................................... 6 A. WHY THE DISENGAGEMENT? ................................................................................................6 B. WHY UNILATERALLY?..........................................................................................................9 IV. DISENGAGEMENT AND ITS DISCONTENTS...................................................... 12 A. WHO ARE THE LIKUD OPPONENTS? ....................................................................................12 B. WHAT DO THE REBELS STAND FOR?...................................................................................14 V. CONCLUSION: DISENGAGEMENT AND THEN WHAT? ................................. 16 APPENDICES A. MAP OF ISRAEL...................................................................................................................19 B. MAP OF WEST BANK...........................................................................................................20 -
Political Transformations and Political Entrepreneurs
Political Transformations and Political Entrepreneurs 9780230618671ts01.indd i 9/16/2009 2:56:25 PM This page intentionally left blank Political Transformations and Political Entrepreneurs Israel in Comparative Perspective Assaf Meydani POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS AND POLITICAL ENTREPRENEURS Copyright © Assaf Meydani, 2009. All rights reserved. First published in 2009 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978–0–230–61867–1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meydani, Assaf. Political transformations and political entrepreneurs : Israel in comparative perspective / Assaf Meydani. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–230–61867–1 (alk. paper) 1. Elections—Israel. 2. Election law—Israel. 3. Prime ministers— Israel—Election. 4. Prime ministers—Election. 5. Pressure groups— Israel. 6. Pressure groups. 7. Political stability—Israel. 8. Political culture—Israel. 9. Israel—Politics and government. 10. Comparative government—Case studies. I. Title. JQ1830.A95M49 2009 324.9—dc22 2009010767 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India. First edition: December 2009 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America. -
Giuliani Firmly Backed Palestine Peace Effort on Visit to Israel
Giuliani Firmly Backed Palestine Peace Effort on Visit to Israel To the Editor: not critical, of current Israeli poli- Re "The Mayor's Clumsy Visit," cies in holding the Palestinian Au- your editorial of March 12: thority responsible for combating Representing the New York Jew- terrorism. MARTIN S. BEGUN ish Community Relations Council, President, Jewish Community we were pleased to accompany May- Relations Council or Rudolph W..Giuliani on his recent New York, March 13, 1996 trip to Israel. We were there — Ken- • neth J. Bialkin, Judah Gribetz, Mi- To the Editor.. • chael S. Miller, Merryl H. Tisch and I Re your editorial "The Mayor's -- to show solidarity with the Israeli Clumsy Visit" (March 12) on Mr. people during their period of grief — Giuliani's visit to Israel: the true purpose of the journey. Mr. Giuliani's eviction of Yasir Mr. Giuliani was warmly received Arafat from Lincoln Center during at each of nearly 20 stops on the 36- the United Nations celebration last hour itinerary. In our view, the re- fall and his statement this week marks he 'offered .at every venue questioning Mr. Arafat's reliability were substantive, sincere and sensi- in stopping violence are unmistak- tive. They were not "clumsy." It was able expressions that the Mayor evident that he was moved, as were feels, as do many Americans and we, by the specter of the physical and Israelis, that Mr. Arafat's promotion emotional devastation wrought by from terrorist to statesman has terrorism and murder. moved too speedily for comfort. Rather than "injecting himself" or intruding "in the delicate business of the peace effort," the Mayor was consistent in his firm support of both nir the peace process and Israel's ef- forts to combat terrorism. -
Prospects for an Election in Israel: an Early Look | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 194 Prospects for an Election in Israel: An Early Look by Robert Satloff Dec 21, 1998 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Satloff Robert Satloff is executive director of The Washington Institute, a post he assumed in January 1993. Brief Analysis arring some last minute parliamentary leger demain by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, today almost B surely marks the beginning of an election campaign in Israel, with the actual vote probably to be held in April 1999. Although prognostications are premature, the campaign is likely to witness an explosion of candidates for prime minister and a further atomization of the Knesset. Background: In Israel's first-ever direct election of a prime minister, Netanyahu was elected in May 1996 by a razor- thin majority over Labor's Shimon Peres. Yet, Netanyahu's Likud Party fared considerably worse than its leader, winning only 22 seats on its own, just about one-sixth of the Knesset. (The balance of Likud's 32-seat parliamentary bloc really belonged to David Levy's Gesher and Raphael Eitan's Tsomet.) Netanyahu was able to stitch together a coalition government that incorporated nine different parties, the widest in Israel's history, a coalition whose very breadth held the seeds of its own demise. On the key issue of territorial compromise -- should Israel withdraw from considerable chunks of the West Bank to continue the implementation of the Labor-designed Oslo process? -- the coalition was sorely divided. It was able to absorb the "redeployment" from part of the city of Hebron in January 1997 -- which was essentially tying up a loose end from the governments of Peres and his predecessor, the late Yitzhak Rabin -- but the Wye River commitment to expand Palestinian control to two-fifths of the West Bank proved politically unsustainable. -
Israeli Political Culture in Israel's Relations with the United States
Israeli Political Culture in Israel’s Relations with the United States over the Palestinian Question 1981-96 Submitted for PhD in International Relations At the London School Of Economics and Political Science Jonathan M. Rynhold 1998 1 UMI Number: U119145 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U119145 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 765 S b^S% Thesis Abstract This thesis makes a contribution to the study of Israeli foreign policy, Israeli-American relations and the role of Israeli political culture in foreign policy. First, all the works on American-Israeli relations focus on American policy. Second, works examining the role of Israeli values in foreign policy focus primarily on the values of the Israeli right, usually purely in regard to the Palestinian question and use a concept of political culture that is static. In contrast, this thesis examines, US-Israeli relations from the Israeli view point and encompasses the impact of the Israeli left's values on policy. Moreover, it uses a concept of political culture that is fluid rather than static. -
Israel's Election: the Countdown to May 17 Begins | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 206 Israel's Election: The Countdown to May 17 Begins by Robert Satloff Apr 26, 1999 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Satloff Robert Satloff is executive director of The Washington Institute, a post he assumed in January 1993. Brief Analysis inally, after four months of pre-campaign maneuvering, the fireworks of Israel's 51st Independence Day last F week marked the welcome opening of the real campaign for this country's May 17 elections. Until now, Israelis have witnessed a surreal campaign, dominated by polls for an electoral contest that will never happen (that is, a second round contest between Binyamin Netanyahu and Central Party leader Yitzhak Mordechai) and the wooing of Russian immigrant votes by courting a country (Russia) that denounces Israel's strategic ally and arms Israel's foes. Unless Labor's Ehud Barak can convince both Mordechai and Arab candidate Azmi Bishara to quit the race before May 17, the campaign will last until June 1 when Netanyahu and Barak, likely to be the top two prime ministerial finalists, meet in a run-off. Often overlooked, however, is the impact that May 17's parliamentary ballot will have on any subsequent vote and the make-up of the subsequent government coalition. Where Have All the Issues Gone? For a country consumed with politics and facing major national questions, this campaign has been about personalities, with little time devoted to strategic issues or the peace process. Netanyahu has tried to inject a note of alarm into the election -- first by accenting German ambassador Theodor Wallau's statement that the European Union sees Jerusalem as a corpus separatum, and more recently by issuing closure orders for offices in Jerusalem's Orient House -- but so far the issue has not caught the public's imagination. -
THE EFFECTS of ELECTORAL DEFEAT and VICTORY on INTERNAL POWER STRUGGLES in the ISRAELI LIKUD PARTY August 29, 2011 Gloria-Center.Org
http://www.gloria-center.org/2011/08/the-effects-of-electoral-defeat-and-victory-on-internal-power-struggles-in-the-israeli-likud-party/ THE EFFECTS OF ELECTORAL DEFEAT AND VICTORY ON INTERNAL POWER STRUGGLES IN THE ISRAELI LIKUD PARTY August 29, 2011 gloria-center.org This article describes political changes within the Israeli Likud Party following its defeat in the 1992 elections and its 1996 victory. It explores whether electoral defeat or victory intensified internal power struggles. The findings revealed that defeat destroyed the dominant faction and led to the replacement of the failed leadership. A decrease in power struggles followed, as members rallied around a new leader with the aim of winning the following elections. However, the victory led to the development of a more decentralized and democratic party with greater power struggles, factional, and internal competition. INTRODUCTION Internal power struggles are among the most important intra-organizational dynamic processes. Assuming that external factors in the general political sphere affect internal power relations, this study seeks to examine the following question: How did the electoral defeat of 1992 and the electoral victory of 1996 affect power struggles within the Likud party? Although the processes described in this article took place during the 1990s, they may also shed light on the Likud Party’s 2006 electoral defeat. In addition, analysis of this particular party promotes comprehension of internal factors that can be generalized to contribute to understanding the causes for the failure and collapse of any political party. The Likud: Historical Background The Israeli Likud party was formed in 1973, combining various liberal and right-wing parties. -
The Two-Group Decision Model: Applications to Military Intervention in the Middle East Amnon Sofrin
The Two-Group Decision Model: Applications to Military Intervention in the Middle East Amnon Sofrin Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, Baltimore, MD, February 22, 2017 Introduction The decision-making process on issues of national security includes three main stages: policy design, formal approval, and implementation and feedback (Mitchell, 2010, p. 636). The policy design stage is often carried out in small groups. The leader formalizes the policy outline with the help of a small group of close advisers. Only after completing the policy formulation does he bring it to formal bodies for approval. The small group that carries out this process can include close advisers and members of a trust that could be called, “The Kitchen Cabinet” (Pedahzur, 2012, p. 20; Goduti, 2009, p. 9). Analogous examples of kitchen cabinets are Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s “Ranch Forum”, Prime Minister Golda Meir’s "Kitchen Cabinet", British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s “Couch Group”, and more. In this article it will be defined as the “Decision Design Group”, or DDG. Once the leader has formulated his decision within the smaller group, he brings it for formal approval to the Cabinet/Israeli Government, the UK government or the US National Security Council for approval. This group will be defined as the "Decision Approval Group”, or DAG. The leader will do all he can have his decision approved. Theory Several models of decision-making are applicable to foreign policy-making. Among them, the Rational Actor Model, Prospect Theory, Poliheuristic Theory, Cybernetic Theory, Bureaucratic Politics, and Organizational Politics.