The Two-Group Decision Model: Applications to Military Intervention in the Middle East Amnon Sofrin
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Jewish Law and Current Legal Problems
JEWISH LAW AND CURRENT LEGAL PROBLEMS JEWISH LAW AND CURRENT LEGAL PROBLEMS EDITED BY NAHUM RAKOVER The Library of Jewish Law The Library of Jewish Law Ministry of Justice The Jewish Legal Heritage Society Foundation for the Advancement of Jewish Law PROCEEDINGS of the First International Seminar on The Sources Of Contemporary Law: The Bible and Talmud and Their Contribution to Modern Legal Systems Jerusalem. August 1983 © The Library of Jewish Law The Jewish Lcg<1l Heritage Society P.O.Box 7483 Jerusalem 91074 1984 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 9 GREETINGS OF THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE, Moshe Nissim II LEGAL THEORY Haim H. Cohn THE LESSON OF JEWISH LAW FOR 15 LEGAL CHANGE Meyer S. Feldblum THE EMERGENCE OF THE HALAKHIC 29 LEGAL SYSTEM Classical and Modern Perceptions Norman Solomon EXTENSIVE AND RESTRICTIVE 37 INTERPRETATION LAW IN CHANGING SOCIETIES Yedidya Cohen THE KIBBUTZ AS A LEGAL ENTITY 55 Reuben Ahroni THE LEVIRATE AND HUMAN RIGHTS 67 JUDICIAL PROCESS Haim Shine COMPROMISE 77 5 POLITICAL THEORY Emanuel Rackman THE CHURCH FATHERS AND HEBREW 85 POLITICAL THOUGHT LAW AND RELIGION John Wade THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION UPON LAW 97 Bernard J. Meis/in THE TEN COMMANDMENTS IN AMERICAN 109 LAW PENAL LAW Ya'akov Bazak MAIMONIDES' VIEWS ON CRIME AND 121 PUNISHMENT Yehuda Gershuni EXTRADITION 127 Nahum Rakover COERCION IN CONJUGAL RELATIONS 137 SELF-INCRIMINATION Isaac Braz THE PRIVILEGE AGAINST SELF 161 INCRIMINATION IN ANGLO-AMERICAN LAW The Influence of Jewish Law Arnold Enker SELF-INCRIMINATION 169 Malvina Halberstam THE RATIONALE FOR EXCLUDING 177 INCRIMINATING STATEMENTS U.S. Law Compared to Ancient Jewish Law Stanley Levin DUE PROCESS IN RABBINICAL AND 191 ISRAELI LAW Abuse and Subversion 6 MEDICAL ETHICS David A. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD
BACK TO BASICS A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD Lieutenant Colonel Scott C. Farquhar General Editor Combat Studies Institute Press US Army Combined Arms Center Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Form Approved Report Documentation Page OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 2. REPORT TYPE 2009 00-00-2009 to 00-00-2009 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Back to Basics. A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation 5b. GRANT NUMBER CAST LEAD 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION US Army Combined Arms Center,Combat Studies Institute,Fort REPORT NUMBER Leavenworth,KS,66027 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11. -
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated January 27, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief January 27, 2021 The following matters are of particular significance to U.S.-Israel relations. Jim Zanotti Domestic issues: March 2021 election. After the collapse of its power-sharing Specialist in Middle government in December 2020, Israel is scheduled to hold another election for its Eastern Affairs Knesset (parliament) on March 23, 2021. The election will be Israel’s fourth in the past two years—a frequency without parallel in the country’s history. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has managed to maintain power despite an ongoing criminal trial on corruption charges that is set to resume in February 2021. Netanyahu apparently hopes to create a coalition government that will grant him legal immunity or to remain indefinitely as caretaker prime minister (as he did from December 2018 to May 2020) by preventing anyone from forming a coalition without him and his Likud party. Palestinians and Arab state normalization. On the decades-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Trump Administration policies largely sided with Israeli positions, thus alienating Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas. In the second half of 2020, the Administration pivoted from its January 2020 Israeli-Palestinian peace proposal to helping Israel reach agreements—known as the Abraham Accords—on normalizing its relations with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. In connection with its deal with the UAE, Israel agreed in August 2020 to suspend plans to annex part of the West Bank, though announcements related to settlement activity have accelerated since then. -
Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino
Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino, Dean, DeRoche, Garfield, Hildenbrand, Horn, Rick Jones, LaJoy, Palmer, Pastor, Proos, Scott, Stahl and Wojno offered the following resolution: House Resolution No. 159. A resolution to urge the President of the United States, the United States Congress and the United States Department of State to consult with appropriate officials in Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority regarding the status of missing Israeli soldiers and demand the immediate and unconditional release of three Israeli soldiers currently believed to be held by Hamas and Hezbollah. Whereas, The United States Congress expressed its concern for Israeli soldiers missing in Lebanon and the Hezbollah-controlled territory of Lebanon in Public Law 106-89 (113 Stat. 1305; November 8, 1999) which required the Secretary of State to probe into the disappearance of Israeli soldiers with appropriate government officials of Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, and other governments in the region, and to submit to the Congress reports on those efforts and any subsequent discovery of relevant information; and Whereas, Israel completed its withdrawal from southern Lebanon on May 24, 2000. On June 18, 2000, the United Nations Security Council welcomed and endorsed United Nations Secretary- General Kofi Annan's report that Israel had withdrawn completely from Lebanon under the terms of United Nations Security Council Resolution 425 (1978). Nearly five years later, Israel completed its withdrawal from Gaza on September 12, 2005; and Whereas, On June 25, 2006, Hamas and allied terrorists crossed into Israel to attack a military post, killing two soldiers and wounding a third, Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped. -
CA 6821/93 Bank Mizrahi V. Migdal Cooperative Village 1
CA 6821/93 Bank Mizrahi v. Migdal Cooperative Village 1 CA 6821/93 LCA 1908/94 LCA 3363/94 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd. v. 1. Migdal Cooperative Village 2. Bostan HaGalil Cooperative Village 3. Hadar Am Cooperative Village Ltd 4. El-Al Agricultural Association Ltd. CA 6821/93 1. Givat Yoav Workers Village for Cooperative Agricultural Settlement Ltd 2. Ehud Aharonov 3. Aryeh Ohad 4. Avraham Gur 5. Amiram Yifhar 6. Zvi Yitzchaki 7. Simana Amram 8. Ilan Sela 9. Ron Razon 10. David Mini v. 1. Commercial Credit Services (Israel) Ltd 2. The Attorney General LCA 1908/94 1. Dalia Nahmias 2. Menachem Nahmias v. Kfar Bialik Cooperative Village Ltd LCA 3363/94 The Supreme Court Sitting as the Court of Civil Appeals [November 9, 1995] Before: Former Court President M. Shamgar, Court President A. Barak, Justices D. Levine, G. Bach, A. Goldberg, E. Mazza, M. Cheshin, Y. Zamir, Tz. E Tal Appeal before the Supreme Court sitting as the Court of Civil Appeals 2 Israel Law Reports [1995] IsrLR 1 Appeal against decision of the Tel-Aviv District Court (Registrar H. Shtein) on 1.11.93 in application 3459/92,3655, 4071, 1630/93 (C.F 1744/91) and applications for leave for appeal against the decision of the Tel-Aviv District Court (Registrar H. Shtein) dated 6.3.94 in application 5025/92 (C.F. 2252/91), and against the decision of the Haifa District Court (Judge S. Gobraan), dated 30.5.94 in application for leave for appeal 18/94, in which the appeal against the decision of the Head of the Execution Office in Haifa was rejected in Ex.File 14337-97-8-02. -
Congressional Record—House H7762
H7762 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE July 12, 2007 we will proceed with next week’s work and Defense; Commander, Multi-Na- ried Karnit when he was captured, and next week. tional Forces—Iraq; the United States his wife had to spend their 1-year anni- f Ambassador to Iraq; and the Com- versary alone, wondering where her mander of United States Central Com- husband was and what condition he was HOUR OF MEETING ON TOMORROW mand. in. His family and friends wrote: AND ADJOURNMENT FROM FRI- GEORGE W. BUSH. ‘‘He’s a loving, caring person, always DAY, JULY 13, 2007 TO MONDAY, THE WHITE HOUSE, July 12, 2007. ready to offer a helping hand in any JULY 16, 2007 f situation. He is a man of principles and Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I ask values, knowledgeable in many varied unanimous consent that when the SPECIAL ORDERS subjects.’’ House adjourns today, it adjourn to The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under Unfortunately, Eldad and Udi are not meet at 4 p.m. tomorrow, and further, the Speaker’s announced policy of Jan- alone among Israel’s missing soldiers. when the House adjourns on that day, uary 18, 2007, and under a previous Three weeks before their capture, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on order of the House, the following Mem- Hamas kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Monday, July 16, 2007, for morning- bers will be recognized for 5 minutes Shalit. The Shalit family has also met hour debate. each. with many communities across the The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. f United States, urging people to remem- ELLISON). -
To Download / View the Haaretz English Ad As A
They have already given their interpretation of democracy Minister Naftali Bennett and Knesset Members Zeev Elkin, Gila Gamliel, Aryeh Deri, Tzachi Hanegbi, Tzipi Hotovely and Ayelet Shaked have cancelled their participation in the Haaretz Conference on Democracy because the New Israel Fund is among its sponsors. For the boycotters, democracy means disregard of the weak, the rejected, those who lack rights, those who are discriminated against economically and those who are excluded because of their beliefs. To the glory of the state of Israel, the New Israel Fund exists with the understanding that democracy is also the defense of minority rights and it expressly extends a hand to the weak, the discriminated against and the excluded, aiding the existence of non-profit organizations that promote their rights. The politicians of the right and Aryeh Deri (defender of the transparent) cannot tolerate this. Here is a detailed list of the organizations funded by the NIF and its supporters in 2013 (from the Fund’s internet site): Core Grants Noar Kahalcha 30,000 Hotline for Migrant Workers 71,063.57 Darna- Jaffa Popular Committee for Land Allocation 4,577.79 Ne’emanei Torah Va’Avodah 7,000 emocracy and Human and Civil Rights Sister for Women in Israel 116,000 Human Rights Defenders Fund (HRDF) 43,920.24 Economic Empowerment for Women 7,500 Oranim: Hamidrasha Center for Study Fellowship 28,873.71 Adalah: Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel 57,875 Social Economic Association (SEA) 67,000 Humans Without Borders 6,818.32 Fidel: Association -
The Israel Defense Force's Innovations Against Hybrid
MEETING THE HYBRID THREAT: THE ISRAEL DEFENSE FORCE’S INNOVATIONS AGAINST HYBRID ENEMIES, 2000-2009 A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Security Studies By Eleazar S. Berman, B.A. Washington, DC April 16, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Eleazar S. Berman All Rights Reserved ii MEETING THE HYBRID THREAT: THE ISRAEL DEFENSE FORCE’S INNOVATIONS AGAINST HYBRID ENEMIES, 2000- 2009 Eleazar S. Berman, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Jennifer E. Sims, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The 2006 war between Hizbullah and Israel attracted great interest within the American defense community, awakening it to the challenges of “hybrid warfare”. The Israel Defense Force, considered an innovative military, has been working to adapt to Hizbullah and Hamas, both dangerous hybrid organizations. This study explores IDF innovations in two periods, from May 2000- August 2006, the end of the Second Lebanon War, and from August 2006- January 2009, the end of Operation Cast Lead. It gives a history of the campaigns against Hizbullah and Hamas, then details the most important innovations over the two periods. Developing a new analytical framework, this work examines the pressures on and incentives for military innovation in the international, civil/military, organizational, and cultural planes. Finally, the implications of the innovations on military effectiveness are explored. This paper concludes that the perception of failure in 2006 caused the military and civilian leadership to appreciate the same hybrid threat, and this was the main factor enabling the IDF to innovate successfully after the Second Lebanon War. -
Doktori (Phd) Értekezés
NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Doktori (PhD) értekezés Kis J. Ervin Budapest, 2017. NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Kis J. Ervin A LÉGVÉDELMI ÉS LÉGIERŐK EVOLÚCIÓJA, HELYE, SZEREPE, AZ ARAB-IZRAELI 1967-ES, 1973-AS és 1982- ES HÁBORÚK SORÁN, VALAMINT AZ IZRAELI LÉGIERŐ HAMÁSZ ÉS A HEZBOLLAH ELLENI HÁBORÚS ALKALMAZÁSÁNAK TAPASZTALATAI Doktori (PhD) értekezés Témavezető: Dr. habil. Jobbágy Zoltán ezredes, (Ph.D.) egyetemi docens Budapest, 2017 2 TARTALOMJEGYZÉK I. BEVEZETÉS ....................................................................................................................... 5 I.1. A kutatási témaválasztás indoklás ..................................................................................... 9 I.2 A kutatási téma feldolgozásának és aktualitásának indoklása ........................................ 9 I.3 A tudományos probléma megfogalmazása ................................................................... 12 I.4 Hipotézisek ..... .................................................................................................................... 14 I.5 Kutatási célok...................................................................................................................... 14 I.6 Alkalmazott kutatási módszerek ...................................................................................... 20 I.7. A témával foglalkozó szakirodalom áttekintése.................................................. .............21 I.8 Az értekezés felépítése ....................................................................................................... -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers.