Neues aus der Forschung

Thanos Petouris ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami – The nationalist teacher

“We wanted to have a great country in his dismissal, he taught at the famous colony.7 Al-Sallami would therefore the south of Arabia. A republic to radi- BaZara‘a Islamic Charitable School have had no difficulty in exemplifying ate peace and justice in the whole re- (Madrasa BaZara‘a al-­Khairiyya the discriminatory character of British gion. In that country we wanted to live ­al-Islamiyya) in Crater, founded in colonial policies to his students, and with each other, and with others.”1 1912 by the Hadrami Shaykh Ahmad the need to rid South Arabia of Brit- This is how the veteran South Yemeni ‘Umar BaZara‘a.4 One of his students ish imperialism. Indeed, it was one politician ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir ­al-Sallami there was the later prime minister of these students who later became described the vision he and his genera- (1986–1990) of the People’s Demo- one of the most notorious assassins of tion shared for the future of the then cratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), Dr the National Liberation Front (NLF – British-administered Colony and Pro- Yassin Sa‘id Nu‘man.5 ­al-Jabha al-Qawmiyya li-Tahrir Janub tectorate of Aden. And although this ‘Ali al-Sallami then worked at the al-Yaman al-Muhtall).8 The student vision has remained untenable until Islamic Educational Institute in Crater was sent to Ta‘iz for a week of train- today, both for the southern provinces (al-Ma‘had al-Ta‘limi al-Islami) along- ing at the Egyptian military camp, and of Yemen and the country as a whole, side another teacher and five-times- afterwards joined the ranks of the NLF ‘Ali al-Sallami is rare among Yemeni prime-minister (1967–1975) of the out of personal allegiance to his teach- politicians: he played an active politi- Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), ­Muhsin er.9 He eventually became responsible cal role during all historical periods of Ahmad al-‘Aini.6 The institute was for a number of high profile assassina- contemporary Yemen as well as out- opened in 1957 by Shaykh Muham- tions in the colony, including that of lived the series of internal purges that mad b. Salim al-Qudadi al-Bayhani, the Speaker of the Aden Legislative bedevilled the South Yemeni regime. the so-called ‘blind preacher’. Both Council, Sir Arthur Charles, in 1965.10 His life exemplifies that of many edu- schools had been founded mainly for Ultimately, in 1961, the institute ex- cated Yemenis of his generation who boys of protectorate families living pelled al-Sallami and a group of fellow were politicised in the context of the in Aden, who did not have access teachers due to their inciting students Egyptian revolution and Third World to the governmental schools of the to strike. anti-colonial movements. But also sim- ilarly to many of his contemporaries, he became progressively compromised – some argue that he was merely prag- matic – by the various regimes he was subsequently called to serve. Born in 1934 in the village of ­al-Majhafa of the district of Tuban (in what was then the ‘Abdali Sul- tanate of Lahj), his family is a cadet branch of the ruling ‘Abdalis. His father moved with his family to the township of Shaykh ‘Uthman, within the confines of Aden Colony, when ‘Ali was six years old.2 This gave him the opportunity to complete his pri- mary and secondary education in the colony, graduating from Aden College in 1953, the year the college opened. Subsequently, he completed his educa- tion at the Teacher Training College of Aden, from where he qualified as a schoolteacher after a two-year study.3 After his graduation from the Teacher Training College, al-Sallami was employed by the Department of Education to teach in governmental elementary and intermediate schools in Aden. However, the nationalist, anti-colonial message he imparted to his students led to his expulsion, along with six of his colleagues, from the department in 1958, which meant that he could then only find employ- The author with ‘Ali al-Sallami at his home in Sakaniat al-Jaza’ir in Sana‘a, 2010 ment in the private sector. Thus, after all photographs except 3: Thanos Petouris

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As his nationalist credentials and ac- promoting unity between the colony League did not seem to offer a mean- tivism prevented him from finding jobs and its hinterland in direct opposi- ingful ideological foundation for the in education, ‘Ali al-Sallami spent four tion to the exclusionary message of fight against colonialism. Instead, it months working for the oil company the Aden Association, ‘Aden for the received increasing material support Shell, before resigning his post and Adenis’,13 which explains its appeal from Saudi Arabia and appeared to dedicating his life entirely to political to people such as al-Sallami who had be in alliance with some of the most activism and the nationalist struggle. come from the protectorate to live and conservative elements of Southern so- This personal watershed coincided work in Aden. ciety: local rulers and tribal chiefs. with the outbreak of the North Yem- ‘Ali al-Sallami also joined the in- The 1950s were formative years for eni revolution on 26 September 1962, cipient labour movement, becoming the nationalist movement of South Ara- and the Egyptian intervention in the secretary-general of the Teachers’ bia, insofar as various forms of politi- ensuing royalist-republican civil war. Union in 1956.14 He is considered by cal activity were introduced leading to However, by this point, ­al-Sallami had ‘Abdallah al-Asnaj to be among the the politicisation of different segments already been involved in the politics founding members of the Aden Trades of society. The cultural clubs, trades of South Arabia for the better part of Union Congress (ATUC) in that same unions, and early political parties and the preceding decade. year.15 Because of the openness of his associations complemented each oth- Like many young Adenis of his time, work among his students, and the er’s activity, and shared – to a certain ‘Ali al-Sallami had joined the ranks trade unionist activity he developed, degree – a common membership. ‘Ali of the South Arabian League (SAL al-Sallami quickly came to the atten- al-Sallami is a product of this time, – ­Rabitat Abna’ al-Janub al-‘Arabi), tion of the colonial authorities, which and one could argue that he belongs to becoming a member in 1954. The followed his movements closely. By those nationalists who explored all the League was founded in 1950 by Sayyid 1958 he was reported to be part of different forms of anti-colonial strug- ­Muhammad ‘Ali al-Jifri from Lahj, and the League cell under ‘Abdallah ‘Ali gle available to them at the time. His Shaykhan ‘Abdallah al-Habshi from ‘Ubaid, a prominent trades unionist teaching profession gave him the abil- Hadramaut.11 A significant number of and president of the Petroleum and ity to convey his nationalist message later nationalist leaders of different General Workers Union. According to to the youth of the colony both in the ideologies passed through the ranks the authorities, this cell was represent- schools and the cultural associations. of the SAL in its early years, includ- ing SAL interests within the ATUC.16 He is particularly remembered for his ing Qahtan Muhammad al-Sha‘bi However, most of the young, educated eloquence and the capacity to reach (Arab Nationalists), ‘Abdallah ‘Abd members of the SAL became increas- out to each person in the crowd.17 It is al-Razzaq BaDhib (Communists), ingly disillusioned by the fact that its no coincidence that a significant num- and ‘Abdallah­ ‘Abd al-Majid al-Asnaj leadership maintained close ties with ber of later prominent members of the (Socialists). In this sense, the League a number of the protectorate ruling NLF came from the ranks of teachers.18 served as a virtual school in anti- élites and was dominated by mem- By the end of the 1950s, the first colonial politics for young activists, bers of sayyid families. Furthermore, Southern graduates from Arab uni- who would subsequently find them- at a time when the Arab world was versities started to return home, af- selves in opposing camps.12 The SAL experiencing a vigorous political and fected by their experiences in the vari- was the first political organisation to intellectual debate between the propo- ous Arab capitals and contacts with represent the protectorate Arabs by nents of Nasserism and Ba‘thism, the influential Arab political activists. One of them was Faysal ‘Abd ­al-Latif ­al-Sha‘bi, who during his study in Cairo had joined the Movement of Arab Nationalists (MAN – Harakat ­al-Qawmiyyun al-‘Arab) in 1955, be- coming close friends with the Move- ment’s founder, George Habash.19 ­Al-Sallami and Faysal ‘Abd al-Latif are credited with founding the Yemeni (both North and South) branch of the MAN in Shaykh ‘Uthman in October 1959. Al-Sallami led the branch in Faysal’s absence during his studies in economics in Cairo. They were also joined in the early MAN leadership by Sayf Ahmad Salih al-Dala‘i, Taha ­Ahmad Muqbil, and Sultan Ahmad ‘Umar al-‘Absi, or «Faris», who repre- sented North Yemen.20 MAN’s origins in the Palestinian struggle and early ideological commit- ment to Arab unity, as expressed by President Nasser, suited social condi- tions in pre-revolutionary South Ara- bia well. The Movement’s pan-­Arab Jabhat al-Tahrir, Thawrat al-Fuqara’ [Liberation Front, Revolution of the Poor]. ideological foundations not only pro- Surviving FLOSY slogan on a building in Aydarus Street, Crater, Aden, 2009 vided its initial leadership with an

22 Jemen-Report Jg. 48/2017, Heft 1/2 Petouris: ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami – The nationalist teacher Neues aus der Forschung inclusive language that would help it club featuring al-­Sallami, al-Sha‘bi and to make inroads into the Adeni hinter- other MAN leaders as speakers were land and even imamic Yemen, but they one of the principal ways of recruiting also offered an efficient organisational new members to the Movement from structure which allowed it to expand among the urban youth of Aden. and operate surreptitiously, eluding One of al-Sallami’s first recruits was the colonial authorities.21 It is charac- his brother Fadl, who worked as junior teristic how successful the MAN was in assistant adviser for the British politi- keeping its activities secret, that four cal officer Stephen Day at the Fadli years after its foundation British Intel- Sultanate, part of today’s Abyan Gov- ligence remained unsure of its very ernorate. Fadl, together with Salim existence and character: “The ‘Arab Rubai‘a ‘Ali or «Salmin», operated at Nationalists Movement in Southern a time when the latter was working Yemen’ which, from its name, would as clerk at the Fadli state secretariat. appear to be a new organisation, is Day remembers arresting them both most probably a title thought up by and finding plans to organise a strike FLOSY Emblem the P.S.P.”.22 Part of the MAN strategy in Abyan, and later discouraging Sul- was to take over existing organisations tan Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah al-Fadli from with proven social appeal and then use taking revenge on Fadl al-Sallami for group also belonged Salim Zayn and them for the dissemination of its own his nationalist activity.27 Taha ­Muqbil, personal friends from message. Youth clubs of Aden, labour The Yemeni Revolution of Septem- the foundation of the Yemeni MAN.33 unions, and tribal associations in the ber 1962 was the catalytic event that The rivalry between al-Sallami and protectorate were slowly and methodi- led the South Yemeni MAN to the al-Sha‘bi can be traced back to the cally brought under MAN control, ei- decision to form a broader national- beginning of the armed struggle, in ther through changes of leadership or ist front and start the armed struggle a little-known incident. According the indoctrination of their members. against Britain.28 Thus the National to ‘Abd al-Qawi Hassan Makkawi, One of these proto-nationalist organ- Liberation Front (NLF) was founded on Qahtan al-Sha‘bi took credit for the isations was the Youth Cultural Club 24 February 1963 at a meeting in the start of the South Yemeni revolution of Shaykh ‘Uthman (Nadi ­al-Shabab old imamic Palace in Sana‘a, the Dar in Radfan (14 October 1963) in a press al-Thaqafi), which was founded on al-Sa‘ada­ (House of Happiness), with conference in Sana‘a, where the latter 12 December 1948 by Husayn ‘Ali the participation of “more than a thou- held the post of adviser to the Repub- ­al-Hubayshi­ and ‘Abdallah Fadl Fara‘ sand” activists.29 Although the NLF was lican government. The NLF reacted by (later to become president of the made up of at least ten different organ- condemning his individualistic behav- Teachers’ Union).23 It is not clear isations, the MAN was the dominant iour, suspending his membership of when al-Sallami joined the club, but force, not least because the NLF had the Front, and appointing a committee his contemporary Muhammad Hadi inherited its clandestine organisational under al-Sallami to investigate him.34 ‘Awad remembers him being active structure. Al-Sallami does not appear Al-Sallami’s Nasserite credentials, alongside the other MAN leaders Sayf to have participated in the founding and his conviction in the original al-Dala‘i, and Taha Muqbil, who also conference (Faysal ‘Abd al-Latif had pan-Arab ideology of the MAN, made became secretary of the club.24 The also stayed in the South), but he be- him susceptive to the Egyptian push club consisted of only a simple room in came a member of the original twelve- to unify the fragmented nationalist the house of Ahmad Talib in one of the strong General Command (al-Q­ iyada movement in South Arabia. This push populous areas of Shaykh ‘Uthman, al-‘Ama), which was made up of six was mainly at the behest of the Egyp- but it had become a hub of political MAN and six tribal members.30 tian Intelligence Service (EIS), which activity in the township as well as a By the time of the I. NLF Congress wanted to control every expression of meeting point for young students to in Ta‘iz (22–25 June 1965), a nine- the South Yemeni anti-colonial move- read literature from other parts of the member Executive Council had been ment, at a time that the Egyptians were Arab world and to discuss political formed from among the 42-person Na- bogged down in the North Yemeni civil developments at home and abroad. tional Council;31 with al-Sallami as a war and were becoming suspicious of Although there is consensus in the lit- member and responsible for the Front’s new radical elements emerging among erature and collective memory that finances. However, at the I. Congress the grassroots guerrilla groups in the the club was effectively taken over two distinct wings had already con- South. The NLF too was experiencing by the MAN and operated as its cover solidated their position within the difficulties after two years of armed organisation,25 characteristic of the NLF leadership: the ‘internal’ (dākhlī) struggle, with 42 of its leading mem- club’s popular appeal were the lec- wing made up of grassroots activists, bers arrested by the British in late tures organised by rival nationalist and the ‘external’ (khārijī) wing re- 1965.35 It is possible that al-Sallami groups that would take place on a ferring to those leaders who did not and his group saw a potential merger daily basis at its premises. In the Brit- participate in the armed struggle and of the nationalist forces as a way of ish Daily Intelligence and Situation formed part of the NLF intelligentsia reviving the movement and protect- Report for 1963, there is informa- that was based in Ta‘iz dealing with ing its MAN-affiliated core leadership tion about a lecture by MAN’s ‘Abd external relations. ‘Ali al-Sallami be- against defiant young cadres. At the al-Latif al-Sha‘bi on 26 April being longed to the latter wing; in fact, he same time, in May 1965, the SAL and preceded a day earlier by an event or- led his own group within it in opposi- PSP had merged to form the Organi- ganised by the People’s Socialist Party tion to another khārijī leader, Qahtan sation for the Liberation of the Occu- (PSP – Hizb ­al-Sha‘b al-Ishtiraki) of al-Sha‘bi, Secretary-General of the pied South (OLOS – ­Munazimat Tahrir­ ­al-­Asnaj.26 In any case, meetings at the Executive Council.32 In al-Sallami’s ­al-Janub ­al-Muhtall). Nonetheless,

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OLOS was seen by the NLF grassroots signed the merger agreement of NLF ‘Ali al-Sallami himself has explained as a ­Nasserite creation, and not repre- and OLOS into the Front for the Liber- these actions by arguing that the sentative of the South Yemeni masses.36 ation of South Yemen (FLOSY – Jabhat armed struggle ought to have been However, the South Yemeni MAN ­Tahrir Janub al-Yaman ­al-Muhtall).38 conducted by a single nationalist lead- leaders of the NLF remained commit- The next day Qahtan al-Sha‘bi de- ership in order to avoid in-fighting ted to the idea of a united Southern clared al-Sallami’s actions “illegiti- within the movement and civil war.42 front against Britain, and talks were mate”.39 On 2 March 1966 the FLOSY This however was not ultimately started in Cairo on 9 November 1965 Revolutionary Command Council averted, mostly due to subsequent under the aegis of the Arab League. was announced under Makkawi, spasmodic FLOSY moves, once it be- ‘Ali al-Sallami joined the NLF delega- former chief minister of Aden, with came clear that the NLF was winning tion and left Ta‘iz for Cairo on 10 De- ­al-Sallami, Muqbil, Zayn, al-Dala‘i, on the ground. Halliday has charac- cember with Qahtan al-Sha‘bi, after Shaykh ‘Abdallah al-Maja‘li, and ‘Abd terised al-Sallami’s group defection they had both held preliminary meet- al-Fattah Isma‘il from the NLF mak- as an Egyptian coup just before the ings in Ta‘iz with OLOS’s Muhammad­ ing up half of its twelve members.40 NLF was about to hold its second Con- Salim BaSindwa (later Prime Minis- The founding of FLOSY was succeeded gress (Ta‘iz, 23 January 1966), which ter of Yemen, 2011–14), and the ex- by a flurry of activity on the part of was expected to be dominated by the Sultan Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah al-Fadli.37 the Egyptians in order to establish the anti-Nasserite radical left wing of the ­Al-Sallami returned alone to Ta‘iz merger, culminating in the signing of Front.43 The effective detention, which from Cairo on 5 January 1966, and the Alexandria Agreement of 8 August lasted until August 1967, of its leader on 13 January he met with ­al-Asnaj 1966, in which ­al-Sallami participated Qahtan al-Sha‘bi in Cairo after his re- in the EIS building, where they both as one of the NLF representatives.41 pudiation of the merger,44 and the fact that the Egyptians expelled disagree- ing NLF members from Ta‘iz back to the South,45 concurs with this view. Naumkin also sees this ‘forced merger’ (al-Damj al-Qasri) as an attempt by the Egyptians to debar radical NLF elements and promote a moderate leadership acceptable also to Saudi Arabia and Britain, especially in the wake of the Jeddah Accords between King Faisal and Nasser on 24 August 1965.46 The view that FLOSY had the ‘blessing’ of Saudi Arabia is likewise shared by «Muhsin», who at the time represented the influential young Aden fidā’īyūn, a group that played a pivotal role in steering the NLF away from the merger and ensuring the he- gemony of the radical left.47 The pan- Arab MAN leader Nayif Hawatmah admits that the Arab Nationalists, who had also supported the merger, were too attached to the ‘petit-bourgeois’ idea of national unity.48 Nonetheless, as part of normalising relations with Egypt post-independence, later South Yemeni historical accounts tend to as- cribe the ‘forced merger’ to pressure by the EIS, ostensibly President Nasser being more sympathetic to the objec- tions raised by NLF cadres.49 Whether ‘Ali al-Sallami and his group were pawns in the hands of the Egyptian establishment or acted out of their own conviction for the unity of the anti-colonial forces, their role in influencing the direction the South Yemeni anti-colonial movement took in the final two years of the struggle cannot be underestimated. The events surrounding the ‘forced merger’ re- vealed the chasm that had devel- oped within the NLF as a result of the experience of the armed struggle. A Secondary Leadership (al-Qiyada

The Dar24 al-Sa‘ada Jemen-Report in Sana‘a, Jg. 48/2017, today housing Heft 1/2 the National Museum of Yemen, 2010 Petouris: ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami – The nationalist teacher Neues aus der Forschung al-Thanawiyya) had emerged from as financial officer, and as one of its Corrective Move had deposed his for- the rank and file of local organisa- spokespeople on Radio Cairo. Al- mer khārijī rival Qahtan al-Sha‘bi from tions, which was hostile to what they though he had formed his own group the presidency, and had placed Faysal perceived as Egypt’s hegemonic role of supporters within the NLF, only a al-Sha‘bi under arrest. He was sent as in the movement, and the limita- couple of grassroots operatives, out ambassador to Libya, and also joined tions of Nasserite ideology within the of personal loyalty, followed him to the Supreme Peoples’ Council (SPC), framework of the armed struggle. In- FLOSY, including his former student.61 the PDRY parliament.65 Though he nev- stead, the revolutionary experiences As the battle of prominence in the er rose to prominence within the ruling of Cuba, Algeria, and China formed ­anti-colonial struggle between the two party of the PDRY, he remained a mem- their guiding model of action.50 At the fronts was taken to Radio Cairo, which ber of the SPC until Yemeni unification, same time, the Yemeni MAN intelli- either refused to acknowledge NLF representing his home constituency of gentsia were accused of participating achievements or would simply ascribe Tuban. After the first elections to the in ‘closed door meetings’ (ijtima‘at them to FLOSY, the latter made a last- Council took place in 1978, he became ­al-ghuraf al-mughlaqa),51 and promot- ditch attempt to retain its influence a member of its Presidium.66 ing a ‘first do, then ask’ mentality in on the ground and in the face of the As an ambassador, ‘Ali al-Sallami was the movement.52 Events also reflected first stage of NLF takeovers of South nearly killed in the infamous aeroplane the ideological shift towards Marxism Arabian sultanates in the summer of crash over Shabwa that cost the lives that took place in the ranks of the pan- 1967. Al-Sallami, alongside al-Asnaj, of twenty-two South Yemeni diplo- Arab MAN, which was first expressed Zayn, and al-Maja‘li at the head of mats on 30 April 1973. Apart from his in its 1964 conference in Beirut. the FLOSY military wing, the Popular two brothers, Fadl and ‘Abd al-Qader, ­Al-Sallami was present at that confer- Organisation of Revolutionary Forces who were also ambassadors, the then ence alongside Qahtan al-Sha‘bi,­ Taha (PORF – Tanzim al-Sha‘bi), invaded Foreign Minister Muhammad Salih Muqbil, and other Yemeni representa- Lahj from North Yemen in command ­al-‘Awlaqi, and Sayf al-Dala‘i were tives.53 At the time, the South Yemeni of a force of one thousand men, and also killed. According to al-Sallami, leaders sided with the Nasserite wing, after fighting a battle at the customs the governor of the Fourth Governo- fearing that Marxism was not suitable post of Kirsh, they declared the area rate (Shabwa) read a list determining for the mobilisation of the South Yem- liberated on 16 August 1967.62 which diplomat should go to which eni masses.54 This was one of the last FLOSY oper- aircraft at ‘Ataq airport, before the for- The III. NLF Congress (29 Novem- ations within South Yemeni territory. eign minister decided to ignore it and ber – 3 December 1966) in the village Its rival NLF completed the takeover allow people to board as they wished. of Humar, near Qa‘taba (then part of of the sultanates in quick succession Al-Sallami himself changed his mind at Ibb Province), saw the rehabilitation and within two months (August–­ the last minute, avoiding the fate that of Qahtan and Faysal al-Sha‘bi, the October 1967) of the failed attempt befell his colleagues and two broth- “old, paternalistic, and semi-Nasserite at Kirsh. A critical role in the ultimate ers.67 The incident, allegedly because of group” according to Halliday.55 The NLF triumph was played by the sup- a bomb that had been planted on one two cousins were accused by both port it received from the Federal Regu- of the aeroplanes, was part of a series sides as acting according to their lar Army, which it had successfully of infighting and purges that would be- personal interests to maintain their infiltrated.63 Although ‘Ali al-Sallami devil the ruling National Front (Yemeni leading positions in the NLF.56 The was a proponent of waging an armed Socialist Party since 1978) throughout congress also affirmed the expulsion struggle against the British as the most the history of South Yemen, and lead to of ­al-Sallami and the other two sup- effective way of countering colonial- the removal of a significant number of porters of the merger, Taha Muqbil ism, he did not participate in any ac- its moderate elements, and some of the and Salim Zayn, who had already been tual guerrilla activity. Kostiner aptly most able intellectuals and politicians suspended at the II. Congress (Jibla, describes the role of the early leaders of the country. 7–11 June 1966).57 The expulsion of as that of “planners, administrators, After the unification of Yemen on 22 the three ‘divisionists’ effected a mora- and political agitators”, who would May 1990, al-Sallami joined President torium in the ideological debate with- organise and encourage tribesmen to ‘Ali ‘Abdallah Salih’s General People’s in the NLF; in the face of the Front’s do the actual fighting.64 Nevertheless, Congress (GPC), as member of its existential crisis, the dākhlī and khārijī al-Sallami remains one of the influ- Standing (1991) and then of the Gen- leaders set their differences aside until ential – if underrated – intellectuals eral Committee (1992). He was also after independence and the fateful IV. of the South Yemeni anti-colonial member of the first Parliament (Majlis Congress (Zinjibar, 2–8 March 1968).58 movement. Not only was he among al-Nuwwab) of united Yemen between From this moment, deprived of Egyp- the founding members of three ma- 1990–93. Al-Sallami appears not to tian military and financial assistance jor nationalist organisations, he also have participated in the events of the but freed from the constraining grip succeeded in recruiting an important civil war of 1994, and to have kept a of the EIS and the ideological steril- number of foot-soldiers for these or- low political profile in the subsequent ity of Nasserism, the NLF was able to ganisations, and forming his own fac- decade. His membership of the GPC, forge its own strategy and gain the tion that supported him in his political and sense of self-preservation, would support of broad segments of South endeavours. have induced him to have quietly sup- Yemeni society.59 More importantly, Perhaps it was due to his unwaver- ported President Salih – which is also the pan-Arab MAN also disagreed with ing nationalist credentials and ideo- an indication of the degree to which the expulsions of the III. Congress, and logical influence that ‘Ali al-Sallami he had been alienated from his for- suspended its relations with the NLF.60 was quickly rehabilitated with the new mer Southern comrades. In 2003 he Within the organisational structure South Yemeni regime after independ- was appointed to the Yemeni Upper of FLOSY, al-Sallami became one of its ence. He returned to Aden from his ex- House, the ­Majlis al-Shura, a position leading figures, retaining his position ile in Cairo in 1971, after the Glorious he maintained until his death.

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In later years, his membership of national cause he was decorated with 33 cf. Al-Sarraf (1992), p. 174. 34 the GPC did not stop him from be- the 14 October Medal of the PDRY, cf. Makkawi (1979), pp. 73. 35 cf. Kostiner (1981), p. 461. ing critical of President Salih’s poli- and the Medal of Yemeni Unity of the 36 cf. Halliday (2002), pp. 210. cies regarding the southern regions Republic of Yemen. 37 cf. Kostiner (1984), p. 115. of Yemen. He particularly deplored 38 Al-Sallami (2010), interview with the au- the lack of the rule of law in north- Acknowledgement thor. According to Makkawi (1979), p. 114, The author would like to acknowledge the the official announcement of FLOSY took ern Yemen compared to its southern material support he was given during his field- place in the Arab League offices in Cairo, counterpart, and its effect on the work in Yemen and Egypt (2009–10) by the on 11 February 1966. country’s future.68 In the aftermath British-Yemeni Society, the Leigh Douglas 39 cf. Plass & Gehrke (1967), p. 285. 40 of the youth revolution of 2011, and Memorial Fund, and the School for Oriental Ibid., p. 287. Also cf. Naumkin (2004), p. 162. and African Studies, University of London. 41 cf. Rida (1969), pp. 171. the political uncertainty that fol- He is also grateful to Dr Noel Brehony, Helen 42 Al-Sallami (2010), interview with the author. lowed President Salih’s resignation, Lackner, Dr Adel Aulaqi, and Martin Jerrett 43 cf. Halliday (2002), p. 211. Although he was nominated by President ‘Abd for reviewing the text and for their valuable a meeting did take place in Ta‘iz on the ­Rabbuh Mansur Hadi as member of suggestions. The article follows the IJMES appointed date, it is not recognised and Arabic Transliteration guidelines. numbered as one of the official congresses the National Dialogue Conference of the NLF, especially as it took place in (NDC) in the ‘Independence of Spe- the absence of so many General Command cial Entities Working Group’. After Notes members. 1 44 the conclusion of the NDC, he was Al-Sallami (2010), interview with the author. cf. Kazziha (1975), p. 95. Also cf. Al-Lajna­ 2 Ibid. The family home still stands in al-Tanzimiyya li-l-Jabha al-Qawmiyya placed in the National Supervising the Hashemi neighbourhood of Shaykh (1969), p. 58. Authority for the implementation of ­‘Uthman, which was a hotbed of ‘terrorist’ 45 Al-‘Asiri (2010), interview with the author. its outcomes. As the Yemeni politi- activity during the last years of British rule. Al-‘Asiri, who was working in the media 3 cal order collapsed with the failure On the different levels of education in co- section of the NLF in Ta‘iz, opposed the EIS lonial Aden, see: Luqman (1972), pp. 258. influence in the Front, and was expelled of the NDC and the political crisis it 4 cf. Taher (1984), p. 175. back to his home in the Fadli State, where precipitated, ­al-Sallami­ became more 5 cf. Lackner (2016), p. 58. Dr Nu‘man has he claims to have forewarned fellow NLF active within the broader framework been serving as Yemeni Ambassador to the comrades of the impending merger. 46 of the Southern Movement (al-Hirak United Kingdom since 2015. cf. Naumkin (2004), p. 156. 6 Al-‘Aini (2010), interview with the author. 47 cf. Al-Sharjabi (1989), p. 84. «Muhsin» and al-Janubi). His political experience 7 cf. Taher (1984), p. 175. his group were behind the so-called ‘14 and dispassionate temper earned him 8 Martin Jerrett, personal communication, October Coup’, which took place weeks a position among the elder statesmen 23.05.2016. before the III. Congress and put pressure on 9 of the South, the advice of whom IOR/R/20/D/366, File 7403, “A Note on the NLF leadership to abandon any attempts 69 Terrorism in Aden”, 6 Dec 1966. to unite the nationalist forces. See also Rida younger activists sought. 10 cf. Walker (2011), p. 149. (1969), pp. 177. ‘Ali al-Sallami belongs to a genera- 11 cf. Iraqi Ministry of Guidance (1961), pp. 25. 48 cf. Hawatmah (1968), pp. 47. tion of Yemeni politicians who were 12 cf. Naumkin (2004), p. 38. 49 cf. ‘Abd al-Fattah (1974), pp. 78. 13 50 able to achieve profound political cf. Al-‘Ubaidi (1979), pp. 113. cf. Isma‘il (1974), pp. 33. 14 Al-Sallami (2010), interview with the author. 51 cf. Rida (1969), p. 85. and social change in the country. Al- 15 cf. Al-Asnaj (1991), pp. 60. 52 Al-Millahi (2010), personal interview with though strictly speaking he did not 16 IOR/R/20/B/3156, “Monthly Intelligence the author. belong to the winning side of the Summary for December 1958”, 1 Jan 1959. 53 cf. Makkawi (1979), p. 76. 17 54 Southern liberation struggle, he is Aulaqi (2014), interview with the author. Al-Sallami (2010), personal interview with 18 ‘Ali Nasir Muhammad, Muhammad Hadi the author. credited with creating the founda- ‘Awad, and Faysal al-‘Attas, among others. 55 cf. Halliday (2002), p. 214. tions for its eventual success. It must 19 cf. Serjeant (1973), p. 11. 56 cf. Makkawi (1979), p. 114. have been very difficult for him to 20 Al-Sallami (2010), interview with the author. 57 It is not entirely clear whether the 21 experience the failures of successive For the Yemeni MAN organisational struc- ­al-Sallami­ group were already dismissed ture see: Naumkin (2004), pp. 70. from the movement in the Jibla Congress, Yemeni regimes, and the gradual but 22 Markaz al-Dirassat wa-l-Buhuth al-Yamani, or they were merely suspended from the sure abandonment of the values and Intelligence Centre Tawahi, Aden: Daily General Command pending their final ex- ideals he defended from a very young Intelligence and Situation Report No. 2119 pulsion. Rida (1969), p. 170, argues that age. Nonetheless, his conviction in the (4 Jun 1963) ‘Ali al-­Sallami was cut off from the NLF at 23 cf. Taher (1983), pp. 196. Also al-Hubayshi Jibla. Hawatmah (1968) only speaks of sus- founding principles of the Republic of (2010), interview with the author. pension of those who were involved in the Yemen remained unwavering as one 24 ‘Awad (2011), interview with the author. Cairo talks (p. 45). In response to Hawat- of his last speeches in the presence Also Makkawi (1979), p. 107. mah’s assertions the khārijī group attempted 25 of President Salih demonstrates.70 If Al-Hubayshi (2010), interview with the to play down the events, and even denied author. Also cf. ‘Ubaid (1979), p. 169; that the Sha‘bi cousins had been suspended anything, ­al-Sallami’s pragmatism Makkawi (1979), p. 107; Taher (1983), at all (cf. Al-Lajna al-Tanzimiyya li-l-Jabha and political instinct allowed him to p. 197; Naumkin (2004), p. 67; and Brehony al-Qawmiyya (1969), p. 68, footnote 1). outlive most of his former comrades, (2011), p. 16. Nonetheless, given the severity with which 26 and serve his country from a number Markaz al-Dirasat wa-l-Buhuth al-Yamani, both sanctions were regarded by the move- Intelligence Centre Tawahi, Aden: Daily In- ment, the fact that NLF leaders were still of different positions. telligence and Situation Report No. 2091 (24 participating in negotiations with OLOS/ Apr 1963), and No. 2093 (27 Apr 1963). FLOSY during most of 1966, and that the ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami died on 27 Day (2015), interview with the author. cf. Sha‘bi cousins were eventually “reinstated” 5 May 2016 at the Saudi-German Hos- Also Brehony (2011), note 4, p. 222. at Humar, it makes sense to assert that a 28 ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma‘il cites as reasons both two-stage approach (first suspension, then pital in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. At the the defence of the North Yemeni revolu- expulsion) was adopted for those who ad- instruction of President Hadi, his body tion against British-Saudi aggression, and vocated the forced merger with OLOS. was repatriated to Aden, where he was the Egyptian presence in the North that 58 cf. Isma‘il (1974), pp. 29. 59 buried in the Martyrs’ Cemetery in provided the South with a “predominant According to «Salmin» “We learned then rearguard”. cf. Isma‘il (1974), pp. 7. that we had to rely on ourselves alone”. ­al-Mansura. He is survived by his three 29 cf. Rida (1969), p. 63. After breaking with Nasserism, the NLF sons, and four daughters. One of them, 30 cf. Kostiner (1984), p. 58. turned to Lenin, Mao, Liu Shaoqi for an- Marwan, is an activist with al-Hirak. 31 cf. Naumkin (2004), pp. 134. swers. cf: Rouleau (1972) p. 5. 32 60 For his contributions to the Yemeni Ibid., pp. 135. cf. Kazziha (1975), p. 96.

26 Jemen-Report Jg. 48/2017, Heft 1/2 Petouris: ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami – The nationalist teacher Neues aus der Forschung

61 IOR/R/20/D/366, File 7403, “A Note on Al-Asnaj, ‘Abdallah. Dawr al-Haraka al-­ Rouleau, Éric. “South Yemen Hitched to a Red Terrorism in Aden”, 6 Dec 1966. Niqabiyya al-Yamaniyya fi al-Nidal al-­ Star: A Report from the People’s Democratic 62 Markaz al-Dirassat wa-l-Buhuth al-Yamani, Watani. Cairo: Dar al-Ash‘a‘, 1991. Republic of Yemen” (reprint from Le Monde). Intelligence Centre Tawahi, Aden: Daily Brehony, Noel. Yemen Divided: The Story of Washington & Cambridge: MERIP, 1972. Intelligence and Situation Report No. 3313 a Failed State in South Arabia. London: I.B. Al-Sallami, ‘Ali Ahmad. “Kalimat al-Ustadh ‘Ali (19 Aug 1967), Radio Monitoring Report: Tauris, 2011. Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami alati Ulqiat fi Qa‘ah Radio Cairo – 16 August; and Dishon Brehony, Noel. “Explaining the Triumph of al-Shawkani fi Sabah Yaum al-Arbi‘a al- (1967), p. 481. the National Liberation Front”. Middle East- Muafiq 14 Uktubar 2009”. Unpublished TS. 63 cf. Brehony (2017), pp. 45. ern Studies, 53:1 (2017), pp. 35–50. Al-Sarraf, ‘Ali. al-Yaman al-Janubi: al-Haya 64 cf. Kostiner (1984), p. 76. Dishon, Daniel (ed.) Middle East Record vol. 3. al-Siyasiyya min al-Isti’mar ila al-Wahida. 65 Al-Sallami (2010), personal interview with Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1967. London: Riad el-Rayyes, 1992. the author. Halliday, Fred. Arabia Without Sultans. Lon- Serjeant, Robert Bertram. “The Two Yemens: 66 cf. Brehony (2011), note 9, p. 230. don: Saqi, 2002. Historical Perspectives and Present Atti- 67 Al-Sallami (2010), personal interview with Hawatmah, Nayif. Azmat al-Thawra fi al-­Janub tudes”. Asian Affairs, 4:1 (1973), pp. 3-16. the author. al-Yamani: Tahlil wa-Naqad. Beirut: Dar Al-Sharjabi, Muhammad Sa‘id ‘Abdallah 68 Ibid. ­al-Tali‘a, 1968. («Muhsin»). ‘Adan: Kifah Sha‘b wa-Hazimat 69 Fawwaz Trabulsi (2015), p. 204, as well Isma‘il, ‘Abd al-Fattah. Mujaz Tajribat al-Thaw- Imbraturiyya. Beirut: Dar Ibn Khaldun, Martin Jerrett, suggest that al-Sallami was ra fi al-Yaman al-Dimuqratiyya min al-Kifah 1989. among the leading figures of the People’s al-Musallah hatta al-Kittat al-­Khamsiyya. Taher, ‘Alawi ‘Abdallah. “al-Nawadi al-­ Democratic Party (Hizb al-Sha‘b ­al-­Dimuqrati Aden: Ministry of Information, 1974. Adabiyya wa-l-Thaqafiyya fi ‘Adan qabl or HASHD) one of the constituent groups of Kazziha, Walid W. Revolutionary Transforma- al-Istiqlal al-Watani”. Majallat Dirasat al- al-Hirak. However, it has not been possible tion in the Arab World: Habash and his Com- Khalij wa-l-Jazirat al-‘Arabiyya, 9:36 (1983), to verify the veracity of this. rades from Nationalism to Marxism. London: pp. 181–213. 70 See: Al-Sallami (2009), p. 3. Charles Knight, 1975. Taher, ‘Alawi ‘Abdallah. “al-Ta‘lim fi al- Kostiner, Joseph. “Arab Radical Politics: al- Yaman al-Dimuqratiyya qabl al-Istiqlal”. Qawmiyyun al-Arab and the Marxists in Majallat Dirasat al-Khalij wa-l-Jazirat al- the Turmoil of South Yemen, 1963–1967”. ‘Arabiyya, 10:38 (1984), pp. 169–190. Bibliography Middle Eastern Studies, 17:4 (1981), pp. Trabulsi, Fawwaz. Janub al-Yaman fi Hukm 454–476. al-Yassar: Shihadat Shakhsiyya. Beirut: Riad Archives Kostiner, Joseph. The Struggle for South Yemen. el-Rayyes, 2015. British Library, India Office Records: London: Croom Helm, 1984. Al-‘Ubaidi, Ibrahim Khalaf. al-Haraka al-­ IOR/R/20/B – Secretariat of the Govern- Lackner, Helen. “Obituary of Ali Ahmed al- Wataniyya fi al-Janub al-Yamani al-Muhtall, ment of the Colony of Aden, 1937–1962. Sallami, 1934–2016”. The British-Yemeni 1945–1967. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis IOR/R/20/D – Files of the Aden High Com- Society Journal, 24 (2016), pp. 58–59. for the Department of History, College of mission, 1962–1967. Al-Lajna al-Tanzimiyya li-l-Jabha al-­ Literature, University of Baghdad, 1979. Markaz al-Dirassat wa-l-Buhuth al-Yamani, Qawmiyya (‘Ali ‘Abd al-‘Alim, Khalid ‘Abd Walker, Jonathan. Aden Insurgency: The Savage Palace of the Sultan of Lahj, Crater, Aden. al-‘Aziz, ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma‘il, Faysal ‘Abd War in South Arabia, 1962–67. Staplehurst: al-Latif). Kayfa Nafhamu Tajribat al-Yaman Spellmount, 2005. Personal Interviews al-Janubiyya al-Sha‘biyya. Beirut: Dar al- Muhsin Ahmad al-‘Aini (b. 1932). Cairo, 21 Tali‘a, 1969. August 2010. Luqman, ‘Ali Muhammad. “Education and the ‘Ali Ahmad al-‘Asiri. Sana‘a, 16 September Press in South Arabia”, in: Derek Hopwood 2010. (ed.) The Arabian Peninsula: Society and Poli- Dr Adel Aulaqi (b. 1940). London, 4 April tics. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1972, Thanos Petouris has 2014. pp. 255–268. been researching the Muhammad Hadi ‘Awad (b. 1934). London, Makkawi, ‘Abd al-Qawi. Shihadati li-l-Tarikh: nationalist, anti-co- 15 October 2011. al-Ghazu al-Shuyu’i li-Janub al-Yaman. Cai- Stephen P. Day CMG (b. 1938). London, 27 ro: n.p., 1979. lonial movement in August 2015. Ministry of Guidance, Iraq. Haqa’iq an al-­ South Arabia and the Dr Husayn ‘Ali al-Hubayshi (1927–2011). Janub al-‘Arabi. Baghdad: Matba‘a al-­ subsequent decolonisa- Sana‘a, 21 & 24 March 2010. Rabita, (1960?). tion process from Brit- ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Abd al-Karim al-Millahi Naumkin, Vitaly V. Red Wolves of Yemen: The (1933–2013). al-Shihr, 13 April 2010. Struggle for Independence. Cambridge: The ish rule in the years ‘Ali Ahmad Nasir al-Sallami (1934–2016). Oleander Press, 2004. ­1937-67. His focus is to explain the Sana‘a, 14 May 2010. Plass, Jens & Gehrke, Ulrich. Die Aden-Grenze emergence of national identities during in der Südarabienfrage (1900–1967). Op- periods of decolonisation, by using South Secondary Sources laden: C. W. Leske Verlag, 1967. ‘Abd al-Fattah, Fathi. Tajribat al-Thawra fi Rida, ‘Adil. Thawrat al-Janub: Tajribat al-­ Yemen as the case study. He has been al-Yaman al-Dimuqratiyya. Beirut: Dar Ibn Nidal wa-Qadayat al-Mustaqbal. Cairo: Dar visiting Yemen regularly since 2005. Khaldun, 1974. al-Ma‘aruf, 1969. [email protected]

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