British Migration to Western Australia Made Visible Through the Lens of Consumption

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British Migration to Western Australia Made Visible Through the Lens of Consumption A better life [style]: British migration to Western Australia made visible through the lens of consumption Gillian Abel UWA Student ID 20124459 Bachelor of Social Science (Hons.) 2005 Curtin University This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social Sciences Discipline of Anthropology and Sociology October 2014 ii Abstract This thesis looks at recent British migration to Western Australia arguing that it is largely invisible. While emigrations from the majority world to the minority world are well documented, British migration to Australia is not. This invisibility rests on assumptions of homogeneity within the British population; ethnic similitude with the host nation; relative affluence; and a lingering sense of British imperial legacies that inform views and choices available in the world. A productive way, then, to interpret this migration, is through the theoretical work on consumption and the examination of elements within that analytical frame, including, at a broad level, gender, ethnicity and class. This recent migration is facilitated by Australian government policy, which seeks to increase the country's skills base. Existing migration literature tends to be reactive to policy and political demands from government. This thesis offers a fresh perspective in a field that retains a bias towards male, labour migration from the majority to the minority world. Recently, the focus of political concern, and of popular imagination and anxiety, which in turn informs the migration literature, has addressed such large population movements. We see this focus, despite efforts by most OECD countries to attract the less numerous, skilled and highly-skilled migrants. The thesis highlights the experience of those who are sometimes described as migrants of prosperity rather than austerity. Findings are based largely on interviews and participant observation with a sample of female migrants from the UK. The majority of these migrants arrived in Australia as ‘skilled migrants’ between 2000 and 2007, the bulk of the remainder accompanying their skilled migrant husbands. Meeting iii Australia’s strict entry requirements means they form part of a fairly exclusive cohort. Despite this I categorise them as ‘middling’ migrants, due to their location between labour migrants moving with more pressing economic reasons or elites such as expatriate businessmen and women moving largely at company expense. Their stories demonstrate a particular issue with the notion of labour migration in their context, as it appeared that their ‘skills’ were merely a facilitator to entry rather than the main reason behind their migration. The most commonly stated reason for migration was for a ‘better lifestyle’ for themselves and importantly, where relevant, their children. The focus on consumption, as revealed through the migrant narratives, is a central empirical and conceptual focus. This migration has taken place in a time of changing expectations of the citizen in the world. Whether one subscribes to post-modern theories of the self and the continuous need for choice or not, it is arguable that we do live in an era of increased complexity and are regularly presented with new options for consumption. We have increased opportunities to move outside traditional spaces to ‘be all we can be’ and I will argue in the thesis that making the most of those opportunities is something which informs the migration decision making process in those I studied. The thesis demonstrates the validity of studying a group of privileged white migrants and further contributes to an emerging body of work on British emigrants, arguably normalised in migration literature through their seeming invisibility to researchers. iv Statement of candidate contribution Except where otherwise acknowledged, this thesis contains only sole- authored research and analysis. The thesis does not contain work that I have published, nor work under review for publication. Gillian Abel 20th October 2014 Discipline of Anthropology & Sociology School of Social Sciences University of Western Australia v vi Acknowledgements Writing this thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of the kind people around me. The time it has taken me to complete mean that there are many, only some of whom it is possible to give particular mention here, but to all of whom I offer my heartfelt thanks. Firstly, and importantly, the participants in my research, who generously volunteered their time and also allowed me to encroach upon their lives. I hope I have done justice to your stories. To my supervisor Loretta Baldassar who has been in it from the beginning, I could try for another ten years and not be able to adequately express my gratitude for the good advice, support and friendship provided. Similarly, Nick Harney has sustained my doctoral work over the long haul: Nick, your encouragement and endeavours to expand my theoretical boundaries are most appreciated, as was the coffee in Trento. To my past supervisor Raelene Wilding, your contribution at the beginning of this endeavour has not been forgotten. In the Department of Anthropology and Sociology at UWA, and beyond as some have now moved on, many thanks to Jill Woodman and colleagues in the office. Of the academic staff, all who have been encouraging and inspiring, Martin Forsey and David Trigger deserve a mention for laughs and learning over coffee and lunch but also for urging me to have faith in the work I had done and pushing me to ‘get it submitted’. Mandy Wilson and Cheryl Lange also deserve a special mention for their encouragement and sound advice. I am hesitant to name individual postgraduate colleagues because so many have contributed to this experience, especially those who enrolled with me in 2006 and who attended the thesis writing group in the following years and more recently. Any list however would be incomplete if it did not include Catie, Claire, Erin, Michaela, Sarah, Taz, & Yukimi, thanks ladies. To Mum and Dad, the rest of my family, and my friends at home and abroad, many thanks and apologies for being short or evasive if you asked how ‘it’ was going or if ‘it’ was finished yet. I didn’t make it easy but I appreciate your interest and support. Carol, thank-you for reading and commenting on drafts. Lastly but not least a million thanks to Ben for his priceless support from the start of my university journey and beyond. You have been my ‘bridge over troubled waters’; you’ve caused a bit of trouble too! Much love, Gx vii viii Table of Contents Acknowledgements.........................................................................................vii List of Figures...................................................................................................xi Glossary and Abbreviations...........................................................................xii CHAPTER 1 - Inconspicuous consumption: the invisibility of British migration to Australia .......................................................................................1 Background and main issues..........................................................................................................1 Historical context ...........................................................................................................................3 Settlement to Federation............................................................................................................3 The White Australia Policy........................................................................................................5 Post World War Two..................................................................................................................7 British migration to Australia and the era of mass consumption ...................................................8 Naturalisng/normalisng/rendering Invisible.................................................................................16 Ethnicity or lack of it ...............................................................................................................18 Middle class and ‘middling’ migrants.....................................................................................19 Gender .....................................................................................................................................20 Countering invisibility through a lens of consumption................................................................20 Contemporary British migration to Australia ..............................................................................24 Entering Australia as a migrant ..............................................................................................27 Methodology ................................................................................................................................28 Geographical context: Perth Western Australia...........................................................................33 British migration and the hypocrisy of its normalisation.............................................................37 Outline of thesis chapters.............................................................................................................39 CHAPTER TWO - Literature Review ..............................................................43 Gender..........................................................................................................................................45
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