Cosmopolitanism with Chinese Characteristics
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Redalyc.A HUNDRED YEAR's CELEBRATION of THE
Historia Constitucional E-ISSN: 1576-4729 [email protected] Universidad de Oviedo España Guohua, Jiang A HUNDRED YEAR’S CELEBRATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRACTICE IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY (a discussion on the political compromise of the Constitutional Practice in the Late Qing Dynasty) Historia Constitucional, núm. 9, septiembre-, 2008, pp. 341-371 Universidad de Oviedo Oviedo, España Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=259027580016 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto A HUNDRED YEAR’S CELEBRATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRACTICE IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY (a discussion on the political compromise of the Constitutional Practice in the Late Qing Dynasty) Jiang-Guohua INDEX: I. INTRODUCTION.- II. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE INSTITUTIONAL REFORMERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONALISTS.- 1. The Original Opinion of the Institutional Reformers.- 2. The advocacy of constitutionalists.- 3. The decision to investigate constitutional politics abroad.- III. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN PRO-CONSTITUTIONALIST AND ANTI-CONSTITUTIONALIST.- 1. The Pro-constitutionalist promoted the Constitutional Practice positively.- 2. The Engagement between Pro-constitutionalists and Anti-constitutionalist.- 3. The Issue of the Imperial Edict to Imitative Constitutionalism.- IV. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE AUTHORITY AND THE CONSTITUTIONALISTS.- 1. The Constitutional Preparation made by the Qing Court.- 2. The Instigations of the Constitutionalists among the People.- 3. The Birth of the Outline of Imperial Constitution.- V. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONSERVATISM AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL RADICALISM.- 1. -
History, Background, Context
42 History, Background, Context The history of the Qing dynasty is of course the history of hundreds upon hundreds of millions of people. The volume, density, and complexity of the information contained in this history--"history" in the sense of the totality of what really happened and why--even if it were available would be beyond the capacity of any single individual to comprehend. Thus what follows is "history" in another sense--a selective recreation of the past in written form--in this case a sketch of basic facts about major episodes and events drawn from secondary sources which hopefully will provide a little historical background and allow the reader to place Pi Xirui and Jingxue lishi within a historical context. While the history of the Qing dynasty proper begins in 1644, history is continuous. The Jurchen (who would later call themselves Manchus), a northeastern tribal people, had fought together with the Chinese against the Japanese in the 1590s when the Japanese invaded Korea. However in 1609, after a decade of increasing military strength, their position towards the Chinese changed, becoming one of antagonism. Nurhaci1 努爾哈赤 (1559-1626), a leader who had united the Jurchen tribes, proclaimed himself to be their chieftain or Khan in 1616 and also proclaimed the 1See: ECCP, p.594-9, for his biography. 43 founding of a new dynasty, the Jin 金 (also Hou Jin 後金 or Later Jin), signifying that it was a continuation of the earlier Jurchen dynasty which ruled from 1115-1234. In 1618, Nurhaci led an army of 10,000 with the intent of invading China. -
Different Translations and Contested Meanings: Motor for the 1911 Revolution in China When the Western Concept of 'Social' W
Different Translations and Contested Meanings: Motor for the 1911 Revolution in China Hailong Tian Tianjin University of Commerce, Tianjin 300134, China Email: [email protected] When the Western concept of ‘social’ was introduced to China via Japan in about 1898, the Japanese words 社会 (pronounced as xiakayi) was directly adopted by the intellectuals and the concept of the social was translated as 社会 (pronounced as shèhuì) in the Chinese language. However, the indigenous Chinese characters 社会 did not have the same connotation as that carried by the Japanese words and, as a result, multiple meanings exist with the Chinese characters 社会 (shèhuì). What makes this complex situation more contestable was that the concept of the social was also translated as qún (群) by some other intellectuals. Similar situation happened with the translation of the Western concept of the economic as jīngjì (经济) which adopted the Japanese words 経済(kezai) and as shēngjì xué (生计学) which are traditional Chinese words. Though later shèhuì and jīngjì survived their respective counterparts and became standard translations in Chinese, the early different translations, together with the different connotations in each translation, indicate different interpretations of the concepts of the social and the economic given by intellectuals of different educational backgrounds. Drawing on the theories of conceptual history, this article examines a particular contest over concepts of the social and the economic, namely, the debate from 1905 to 1907 between two groups of intellectuals respectively represented by Sun Yet-san and Liang Qichao. In particular, the article investigates 1) how these two historical figures conceptualized the concepts of the social and the economic, 2) what are the potentials that determined their conceptualizations, and 3) in what way the conceptualizations served as a driving force for the 1911 revolution. -
Rethinking the Twentieth Century Denigration of Traditional Chinese Science And
Rethinking the Twentieth Century Denigration of Traditional Chinese Science and Medicine in the Twenty-first Century Benjamin A. Elman Professor of East Asian Studies and History Princeton University Prepared for the 6th International Conference on The New Significance of Chinese Culture in the Twenty-first Century: "The Interaction and Confluence of Chinese and Non-Chinese Civilization," co-sponsored by the Himalaya Foundation and the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, and held at the International Sinological Center at Charles University in Prague, The Czech Republic, November 1-2, 2003 Abstract: Western scholars and westernized Chinese scholars have often essentialized the European history of science as the universalist progress of knowledge. When Chinese studies of the natural world, her rich medieval traditions of alchemy, or pre-Jesuit mathematical and astronomical achievements are discussed, they are usually treated dismissively to contrast them with the triumphant objectivity and rationality of the modern sciences in Western Europe and the United States. Many twentieth century scholars were rightly convinced that pre-modern China had no industrial revolution and had never produced capitalism. As the evidence of a rich tradition of natural studies and medicine has accrued in volume after unrelenting volume of Joseph Needham's Science and Civilisation in China project after 1954, it has become harder and harder to gainsay it all as superstition or irrationality or inductive luck. Ironically, the long-term history of Western science has been decisively refracted when viewed through the lenses chronicling the demise of traditional Chinese natural studies, technology, and medicine. Study of pre-modern Chinese science, technology, and medicine has restored a measure of respect to traditional Chinese natural studies and thereby granted priority to research in areas where the received wisdom was suspect, based as it was on careless speculation about banal generalities. -
Sun Yatsen, Liang Qichao: Friends, Foes and Nationalism
Sun Yatsen, Liang Qichao: Friends, Foes and Nationalism SOPHIE SITE JIA The founding father of the Republic of China, Sun Yatsen was born in 1866 in Xiangshan, a county in Guangdong province. In neighboring Xinhui County, Liang Qichao, another important Chinese intellectual, who inspired Chinese reform movement in the late 1800s, was born seven years later. No one would have expected that those two men would maintain a very intricate relationship in ending China’s last feudal empire, regarding each other as both friend and foe at different points in their lifetimes. Unlike Liang, who was a member of the literati class, Sun had very few literati credentials and stressed his connections with the southern anti-Manchuism of both the Taipings and the secret societies of the Triads in the late 1800s. On the other hand, after the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform with his mentor Kang Youwei in 1898, Liang was forced to flee the country, seeking refuge in Japan in the first few years of the 1900s. It was during this time that Liang was first introduced to the idea of nationalism, which greatly influenced Sun’s idea of nationalism as one of the core concepts of his “Three Principles of the People.” In Liang’s mind, China should embrace daminzuzhuyi (broad nationalism), holding various ethnic groups in the arms of a unified China. In order to achieve that end, Liang, for most of career, believed that a gradual transition within the Manchu government would be most effective. Sun certainly could not agree. To him, it was the first priority to get rid of the Manchu rule for a Han-centered Chinese nationalism. -
Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China James Flath the University of Western Ontario
Western University Scholarship@Western History Publications History Department Spring 2002 Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China James Flath The University of Western Ontario Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/historypub Part of the History Commons Citation of this paper: Flath, James, "Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China" (2002). History Publications. 363. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/historypub/363 Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument, and Memory in Provincial China JAMES A. FLATH Introduction For most people, the written texts of history are only pale reflections of the history they see in their everyday surroundings. An ancient building, a local museum, a statue in a park, or even a notable landscape can carry historical narratives in ways that are more immediate and lasting than any well-re- searched discourse on history. Yet these publicly accessible historical represen- tations are also highly selective in the subjects they portray. Visitors often leave with little more than an impression of the event, person, or place represented by the site, and perhaps a souvenir or T-shirt as evidence of their historical experience. So although the historical site is a poor representation of the actual past, the immediacy and stature of historical monuments and museums imbue them with a strong capacity to configure history in the present. This discussion considers how the past informs the present through the preserved and monumentally represented remains of provincial Chinese history. China, as we are frequently reminded, has the world’s longest continu- ous history and probably the greatest number of historical sites. -
“The Turks Are the Most Similar to Us”: Chinese Intellectuals' Conceptions
“The Turks are the most similar to us”: Chinese intellectuals’ conceptions of the Ottoman movements 1843-1913 By Zhang Wenqian Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Comparative History Supervisor: Brett Wilson Second Reader:Günhan Börekçi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a past of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract This thesis examines Chinese intellectuals’ conceptions of the Ottoman reform movements from 1843 to 1913, especially the different interpretations of the Young Turk movement. In 1908, Kang Youwei, a famous Chinese reformer, arrived in Istanbul and witnessed the victory of the Young Turk Revolution. Since then, Ottoman movements became significant cases for Kang and his gen- eration to reflect on the imperial crisis of Qing China which failed to establish a constitutional monarchy. After the Qing’s demise in 1912, Kang’s focus switched to the restoration of the Qing Monarchy. As he attempted to achieve this goal by transforming Confucianism into a state religion, he regarded the Hamidian religious approach as a model to ensure people’s loyalty to the ruler. -
Kang Youwei, the Martin Luther of Confucianism and His Vision of Confucian Modernity and Nation
97 8 Kang Youwei, The Martin Luther of Confucianism and his Vision of Confucian Modernity and Nation Wei Leong TAY National University of Singapore 1. Introduction Kang Youwei (1858–1927) is generally remembered in Chinese history as the conservative reformer of the late-nineteenth century. Kang’s refash- ioning of Confucius as a reformer or prophet and his reinterpretation of Confucianism, is commonly equated as a political expedient to counter- act the oppositions of the anti-reform faction in court. To other Chinese intellectuals, especially the revolutionaries and post-May Fourth genera- tions, his action was an example of cultural nationalism, a futile effort to preserve the “backward traditions” of China against the tide of western pressure for change. The essentialist reading of Kang as either a political reformer or a cultural conservative cannot account for the religious or redemptive strand of his thought and his Confucian approach to nation- alism and modernity. Indeed, Liang Qichao, writing in 1901, remarked that his teacher was a “religionist” who in reforming Confucianism to its original state was the “Martin Luther of the Confucian religion.”1 The thesis that this paper tries to argue is that Kang’s action and thoughts cannot be understood without looking at them in the light of the spir- itual-religious dimension of Confucianism. The first section of this paper will focus on the spiritual-religious awakening of Kang in the period 1876–1884 and explain how the religious–spiritual dimension of Confucianism affected his intellectual transformation and moral mission to save the world. The second section will explain his development from 1. -
The Empress Dowager's Role in the Reforms of 1898
184 Emory Endeavors in History 2013 The Empress Dowager’s Role in the Reforms of 1898 Kimberly Black Abstract The Empress Dowager Cixi has been chastised in the historical record—she is accused of being an evil and ruthless leader. Some recent historical research, however, has challenged this representation. One blemish remaining on the Empress’ record is her role in ending the Hundred Days Reform of 1898 and ordering the executions of six men involved. By specifically re-examining the events and important players in the Hundred Days Reform, especially Kang Youwei, the Empress Dowager Cixi is once again redeemed. Introduction rushed by consecutive wars with outside powers and riddled with internal strife, China found itself in a rather dismal and declining C state during the nineteenth century. The first and second Opium Wars forced China’s borders open to the influence of the West.439 Living conditions were going from bad to worse. These hardships triggered both the Taiping and Nien rebellions, which were peasant-led resistance movements that ultimately failed.440 Due to these conditions, China had begun to attempt slight reforms under the Self-Strengthening Movement. These reform measures included military reform as well as sending select students abroad to learn about foreign 439 Glenn Melancon, “Honor in Opium: British Declaration of War on China, 1839-1840.” The International History Review 21, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), 855-874. 440 Chien Po-Tsan, Shao Hsun-Cheng, and Hu Hua, Concise History of China (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1964), 96-104. The Age of Gunpowder 185 institutions and practices.441 The Sino-Japanese War, however, was something very different – it was the final straw. -
Reform in Hunan, 1895–1900
Chapter 1 Reform in Hunan, 1895–1900 On October 1, 1949, following the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war, Mao Zedong proclaimed the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) at Tiananmen Square. Education played an important role in shaping the man who then stood at the pinnacle of power. Just as communist cadres would have a profound influence on subsequent Chinese history, so they themselves had been influenced by their schooling. During their youth, in a period of political upheaval and intellectual ferment, a “modernized” school system had supplanted the traditional Chinese educational system, which had been centered on the classical canon and directed toward the civil service examinations. Many important communist leaders, including Cai Hesen and Mao Zedong, had been educated at the Hunan First Normal School in Changsha, the capital city of Hunan province, in the second decade of the twentieth century. How could this apparently ordinary normal school have fos- tered so many radical intellectuals who became early leaders of Chinese Communism? How had the end of the old examination system and the emergence of this new “modern” school system in the early part of that century affected both mentors and students? To answer these questions, we must explore the link between the reorganization of the educational system and the growth of com- munism. We must examine the backgrounds not only of those radical students who formed the first generation of communist leadership but also of their teachers, the intellectual reformers, the curriculum of the school, its environment, the political and social forces in the school and in the surrounding city, and the contribution of these factors to the transformation in the thinking of radical students. -
The Rise & Fall of Kang Youwei
Copyright 2013, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved THE RISE AND FALL OF KANG YOUWEI: THE ILLUMINATING IMPACT OF A PROMINENT REFORMER ON THE MODERNIZATION OF CHINA IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY Jessica Li In the late 19th century China faced a crisis unprecedented in its 3,000-year history—a crisis precipitated by a sequence of humiliating defeats by the Western powers. Realizing that change was inevitable, a group of ruling elite and intellectuals in the Qing Empire advocated the “self-strengthening movement”1 (1860– 1895) posited on the seemingly attractive but actually misleading doctrine of “Chinese learning as the fundamental structure and Western learning for practical use,” the idea being to somehow make use of Western arms, steamships, science, and technology, while preserving Confucian values.2 Kang Youwei was arguably the first who attempted to re- examine Confucian values and implement institutional reforms far beyond simple adaption of modern technology. Kang’s great contribution was to present Confucius in a new light as an institu- tional innovator and proponent of change by finding in China’s classical tradition the precedents that would justify the adapta- tion to the present.3 Kang’s chance came in 1898 when it seemed that not only the Western powers but also Japan demanded their Jessica Li is a Junior at the Kent Place School in Summit, New Jersey, where she wrote this paper for Margaret Sabin’s History 10 course in the 2012/2013 academic year. [6,592 words] 2 Jessica Li individual spheres of influence and intended to carve China into pieces4. -
Hong Kong, the Chinese Myth of Unity and a Federal Failure Briefs
n°7 December 2020 Briefs | Analyses Hong Kong, the Chinese Myth of Unity and a Federal Failure Federico Brusadelli TWO COUNTRIES, ONE SYSTEM? [EURICS fellow, autumn 2020] When a yellow sea of umbrellas covered the streets of Hong Kong in Sep- tember 2014, the attention of the world was drawn, with a mixture of empathy Federico Brusadelli’s research focuses on the and anxiety, to that cosmopolitan corner of Asia in which students, activists and conceptual history of Chinese federalism. He common citizens were fighting in the name of “autonomy” and “democracy.” holds a PhD in Asian studies and is currently a After more than one century of British governance, the former colony had been lecturer in Chinese history at the University of returned to China in 1997, with a solemn ceremony and the promise of a special Naples “L’Orientale”. He has been an adjunct status—legally, economically and politically—under the title of “one country— professor at the Universities of Bologna and two systems.” Chieti-Pescara in Italy, and a researcher in sinology at the Friedrich-Alexander University The island, together with the Kowloon Peninsula, had been cut off from the of Erlangen-Nuremberg (Germany). His book rest of China in the dramatic decades of the mid-19th century, as the imperial Confucian Concord: Reform, Utopia and Global order of the Qing dynasty was crumbling under internal tensions and external Teleology in Kang Youwei’s Datong Shu was pressures. It made its return “home” in an entirely different setting, reuniting to published by Brill in 2020. a completely different country from the one it had left.