Copyright 2013, The Concord Review, Inc., all rights reserved THE RISE AND FALL OF KANG YOUWEI: THE ILLUMINATING IMPACT OF A PROMINENT REFORMER ON THE MODERNIZATION OF CHINA IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY Jessica Li In the late 19th century China faced a crisis unprecedented in its 3,000-year history—a crisis precipitated by a sequence of humiliating defeats by the Western powers. Realizing that change was inevitable, a group of ruling elite and intellectuals in the Qing Empire advocated the “self-strengthening movement”1 (1860– 1895) posited on the seemingly attractive but actually misleading doctrine of “Chinese learning as the fundamental structure and Western learning for practical use,” the idea being to somehow make use of Western arms, steamships, science, and technology, while preserving Confucian values.2 Kang Youwei was arguably the first who attempted to re- examine Confucian values and implement institutional reforms far beyond simple adaption of modern technology. Kang’s great contribution was to present Confucius in a new light as an institu- tional innovator and proponent of change by finding in China’s classical tradition the precedents that would justify the adapta- tion to the present.3 Kang’s chance came in 1898 when it seemed that not only the Western powers but also Japan demanded their Jessica Li is a Junior at the Kent Place School in Summit, New Jersey, where she wrote this paper for Margaret Sabin’s History 10 course in the 2012/2013 academic year. [6,592 words] 2 Jessica Li individual spheres of influence and intended to carve China into pieces4. As the crisis deepened, Emperor Guangxu gave Kang his full confidence and allowed him to spearhead a series of radical reforms aimed at modernizing the Chinese state, its administra- tion, education, laws, economy, technology, military, and police systems, carrying Kang closer to power, and his reform movement almost to success. Between June 11 and September 21, 1898, during about 100 days, Emperor Guangxu issued some 40 reform decrees.5 With such bold moves to assert authority and capture power, the stage was set for a final showdown. Afraid that the reforms would undermine the position of the Manchus, Empress Dowager Cixi staged a successful coup d’état, which stripped Emperor Guangxu of power and captured and executed those of the reformers she could find. Once Kang managed to flee to Japan, all the reform policies were reversed. In spite of the temporary setback with the return of the conservatives to power, Kang’s reform movement pushed China to a new stage in which the people widely concluded that the Manchus were out to protect their limited personal interest at the expense of the country as a whole. As a result, a sense of modern nationalism began to emerge. Ironically, in just three years, Em- press Cixi herself was forced to accept the reality of the situation and started to advocate institutional reforms.6 Yet those reforms were perceived as too superficial and too slow to be sincere. While Kang pursued his radical reforms for constitutional monarchy among overseas supporters, the republican revolutionaries gained momentum and eventually overthrew the Qing Empire in 1911. National Crisis of China and Self-Strengthening Movement China was largely separated from the Western world by a number of natural buffers, including the Gobi desert in the north and northwest, the Tibetan Plateau in the southwest, mountains and forests in the south, and the Pacific Ocean in the east. Its geographical isolation, combined with vast territory and abun- THE CONCORD REVIEW 3 dant natural resources, allowed China to develop a self-sufficient agrarian economy, independent from cross-border trade. The Chinese considered their country the center of the universe and called their emperors “the Son of Heaven.” Throughout history, Confucian teaching from China greatly influenced the culture of its neighbors. With a perceived cultural superiority, China never treated the neighboring tribes or countries as equals. Despite contact with the Europeans since the 1600s, the Qing Empire had long considered them barbarians and not been interested in goods or ideas from Europe. Yet European countries, in particular Great Britain, intended to expand their trade with China. Britain first attempted to open China diplomatically around 1787, to negotiate an acceptable framework for trade and establish some form of treaty relations.7 After total failure in achieving any of its goals, Britain decided that the only way to negotiate with the Qing Empire was the threat of military force. The Sino-British conflict led to the First Opium War (1839–1842), which marked the beginning of Western influence in China.8 After than, the Qing Empire had wars with almost every major power in the West and later with Japan, with frequent and devastating defeats. Every defeat resulted in a humiliating treaty, granting certain privileges of trade and conceding territory to the victorious nations. For example, in the Treaty of Nanjing, which ended the First Opium War, the Qing Empire gave Britain Hong Kong, paid a large indemnity, opened five ports, was forced to implement a fixed lower tariff on British goods, granted British citizens extraterritoriality rights, and promised Britain that any privilege given to other countries would also be granted to Britain.9 A short list of the major treaties that the Qing Empire signed in the late 19th century10 includes: 1842, The Treaty of Nanking signed with Britain; 1858, The Treaty of Tientsin and 1860 the Treaty of Peking signed with Britain-France allied forces; 1881, the Treaty of Hi signed with Russia, and the 1895 Sino-Japanese Treaty. The crises, and the humiliations caused by these defeats and treaties, led to the inescapable conclusion that China must make great changes. Li Hongzhang, China’s leading statesman 4 Jessica Li from 1870s to 1901, declared in a memorial to the throne that China was faced with unprecedented changes in its history of over 3,000 years.11 The dynasty might collapse if it did not take urgent action. A group of ruling elite and intellectuals felt that the only way to save China from foreign domination was to introduce government-sponsored Westernization programs, a movement generally referred to as “self-strengthening.” The primary target was military reforms, because a widely-held belief was “barbarians are superior in three ways: firstly, warships; secondly, firearms; and thirdly, methods of military training and discipline of soldiers.”12 In the self-strengthening movement, the empire brought iron-clad naval ships from Europe, several arsenals were established, a New Army was formed, young officers were sent abroad to study, and foreign science and technology works were translated. Several secretaries and advisors of Li Hongzhang drew up a wide blueprint for change, involving government backing for the modernization of transport and communication, the adoption of Western science, and the expansion of commerce and industry.13 Although the list of enterprises looked impressive, the achievements were disappointing. Social and political institutions remained largely untouched, as the goal was to achieve military equality with the West while at the same time keeping Confucian traditions and ideals as intact as possible. In essence, the self- strengtheners operated on the basis of loyalty to a system, which was not designed to accommodate, let alone encourage, change. The necessary legal and administrative underpinnings were miss- ing. As Jonathan Spence put it, “The ‘self-strengthening’ move- ment never really took off. Indeed, it was more a succession of experiments than a movement. The various projects undertaken… remained isolated phenomena.”14 The self-strengthening move- ment only led to halfway reforms, mainly because the majority of Confucian literati still believed in their cultural superiority. For them, Western learning was only for practical use while Confucian learning remained the essence.15 Most importantly, before the reform movement could gain broad support, a philosophical sanction had to be found for THE CONCORD REVIEW 5 China’s borrowing from abroad and changing the old ways. And this sanction had to be found within Confucianism, which was still the vital faith of China’s ruling class. Only an insider could perform the intellectual task of updating this Confucian tradition. This was Kang Youwei’s great contribution.16 Of all the Confucian scholars then struggling to find justification for modernization from within China’s tradition, Kang was perhaps the most brilliant, presenting Confucius in a new light as an institutional innovator and proponent of change.17 Kang’s Ideology of Institutional Reforms and Radical Interpreta- tion of Confucianism Kang (1858–1927) came from an intellectual background very unusual for his time. He was born into a scholar-official family. Very early in his childhood, he developed an image of himself as a Confucian sage and hence a man with a strong sense of moral mis- sion, which was reinforced by his teacher, a prominent Confucian scholar, who emphasized the centrality of moral-political purpose in Confucian learning.18 By the early 1880s, Kang was exposed to a variety of intellectual influences outside Neo-Confucianism, in- cluding non-Confucian classical Chinese philosophies, Mahayana Buddhism, and Western thought, both Christian and secular.19 Before turning 30, Kang had already decided on the two goals he wished to work toward for the rest of his life. The first goal was to solve the growing national crisis in China by borrowing ideas from secular Western learning, especially in Western forms of government. The second goal was to achieve universal peace where chaos, suffering and injustice would be replaced by moral harmony and spiritual bliss, an idea likely influenced by his study of religious literature. Kang realized that the threat of Western expansion would not be simply socio-political but also cultural and religious.
Maharani Dowager Cixi: Wanita Yang Memerintah China Di Belakang Tabir, 1862-1874
Sejarah: Journal of History Department, University of Malaya; No. 30 (1) 2021: 1-19; ISSN 1985-0611. MAHARANI DOWAGER CIXI: WANITA YANG MEMERINTAH CHINA DI BELAKANG TABIR, 1862-1874 EMPRESS DOWAGER CIXI: THE WOMAN WHO RULED CHINA FROM BEHIND THE CURTAIN, 1862-1874 Ku Boon Dar* Bahagian Sejarah, Pusat Pengajian Pendidikan Jarak Jauh Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia Abstrak Artikel ini menelusuri sejarah hidup Maharani Dowager Cixi sehingga beliau berjaya memegang tampuk kekuasaan pada tahun 1875. Fokus kajian di era pemerintahan Maharaja Tongzhi (1862- 1874) kerana pada zaman tersebut Cixi berjaya melancarkan kudeta yang dikenali sebagai Xinyou 1861 sehingga beliau tersohor sebagai Maharani China yang memerintah ‘di belakang tabir.’ Kajian ini menggunakan kaedah kualitatif dengan meneliti polemik isu peranan Maharani Cixi dalam sejarah moden China. Hal ini sedemikian kerana tanggapan dalam kalangan ahli sejarah terhadap pentadbiran beliau sebagai wanita di belakang tabir masih berbelah bagi. Hasil dapatan kajian ini menunjukkan bahawa Cixi hanyalah mangsa pergelutan politik semasa disebabkan kebobrokan dalaman Dinasti Qing yang di luar kawalan beliau. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahawa Cixi pada awal pemerintahannya mempunyai iltizam dan keazaman membawa China menuju ke arah sebuah negara moden yang berasaskan model dan pentadbiran Barat. Namun, akhirnya Cixi terpaksa menangguhkan segala usaha pembaharuan tersebut demi memelihara dan mengekalkan kedudukannya daripada ancaman pesaing-pesaing politiknya. Kata kunci: Cixi, Xianfeng, Tongzhi, Putera Gong, Kudeta Xinyou Abstract This article examines Empress Dowager Cixi’s life history up until her ascension to power in 1875. The focus of the study is on the reign of Emperor Tongzhi (1862-1874) because Cixi successfully launched a coup known as Xinyou 1861 until she was known as the Chinese empress who ruled ‘behind the curtains’ during the reign of Emperor Tongzhi.
Historia Constitucional E-ISSN: 1576-4729 [email protected] Universidad de Oviedo España Guohua, Jiang A HUNDRED YEAR’S CELEBRATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRACTICE IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY (a discussion on the political compromise of the Constitutional Practice in the Late Qing Dynasty) Historia Constitucional, núm. 9, septiembre-, 2008, pp. 341-371 Universidad de Oviedo Oviedo, España Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=259027580016 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto A HUNDRED YEAR’S CELEBRATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRACTICE IN THE LATE QING DYNASTY (a discussion on the political compromise of the Constitutional Practice in the Late Qing Dynasty) Jiang-Guohua INDEX: I. INTRODUCTION.- II. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE INSTITUTIONAL REFORMERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONALISTS.- 1. The Original Opinion of the Institutional Reformers.- 2. The advocacy of constitutionalists.- 3. The decision to investigate constitutional politics abroad.- III. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN PRO-CONSTITUTIONALIST AND ANTI-CONSTITUTIONALIST.- 1. The Pro-constitutionalist promoted the Constitutional Practice positively.- 2. The Engagement between Pro-constitutionalists and Anti-constitutionalist.- 3. The Issue of the Imperial Edict to Imitative Constitutionalism.- IV. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE AUTHORITY AND THE CONSTITUTIONALISTS.- 1. The Constitutional Preparation made by the Qing Court.- 2. The Instigations of the Constitutionalists among the People.- 3. The Birth of the Outline of Imperial Constitution.- V. THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONSERVATISM AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL RADICALISM.- 1.
{Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d The Last Empress The She-Dragon of China Keith Laidler {Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d {Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d The Last Empress {Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d {Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d The Last Empress The She-Dragon of China Keith Laidler {Jobs}1028jw/makeup/0470854243ffirs.3d Published in the UK in 2003 by JohnWiley & Sons Ltd,The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester,West Sussex PO19 8SQ, England Telephone (þ44) 1243 779777 Email (for orders and customer service enquiries): [email protected] Visit our Home Page on www.wileyeurope.com or www.wiley.com Copyright # 2003 Keith Laidler All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or byany means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise, except under the terms of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act1988 or under the terms of a licence issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, 90 Tottenham Court Road, LondonW1T 4LP,UK, without the permission in writing of the Publisher. Requests to the Publisher should be addressed to the Permissions Department, JohnWiley & Sons Ltd,The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester,West Sussex PO19 8SQ, England,[email protected],orfaxedto(þ44) 1243770620. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought. Keith Laidler has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act1988, to be identified as the author of this work.
42 History, Background, Context The history of the Qing dynasty is of course the history of hundreds upon hundreds of millions of people. The volume, density, and complexity of the information contained in this history--"history" in the sense of the totality of what really happened and why--even if it were available would be beyond the capacity of any single individual to comprehend. Thus what follows is "history" in another sense--a selective recreation of the past in written form--in this case a sketch of basic facts about major episodes and events drawn from secondary sources which hopefully will provide a little historical background and allow the reader to place Pi Xirui and Jingxue lishi within a historical context. While the history of the Qing dynasty proper begins in 1644, history is continuous. The Jurchen (who would later call themselves Manchus), a northeastern tribal people, had fought together with the Chinese against the Japanese in the 1590s when the Japanese invaded Korea. However in 1609, after a decade of increasing military strength, their position towards the Chinese changed, becoming one of antagonism. Nurhaci1 努爾哈赤 (1559-1626), a leader who had united the Jurchen tribes, proclaimed himself to be their chieftain or Khan in 1616 and also proclaimed the 1See: ECCP, p.594-9, for his biography. 43 founding of a new dynasty, the Jin 金 (also Hou Jin 後金 or Later Jin), signifying that it was a continuation of the earlier Jurchen dynasty which ruled from 1115-1234. In 1618, Nurhaci led an army of 10,000 with the intent of invading China.
Different Translations and Contested Meanings: Motor for the 1911 Revolution in China When the Western Concept of 'Social' W
Different Translations and Contested Meanings: Motor for the 1911 Revolution in China Hailong Tian Tianjin University of Commerce, Tianjin 300134, China Email: [email protected] When the Western concept of ‘social’ was introduced to China via Japan in about 1898, the Japanese words 社会 (pronounced as xiakayi) was directly adopted by the intellectuals and the concept of the social was translated as 社会 (pronounced as shèhuì) in the Chinese language. However, the indigenous Chinese characters 社会 did not have the same connotation as that carried by the Japanese words and, as a result, multiple meanings exist with the Chinese characters 社会 (shèhuì). What makes this complex situation more contestable was that the concept of the social was also translated as qún (群) by some other intellectuals. Similar situation happened with the translation of the Western concept of the economic as jīngjì (经济) which adopted the Japanese words 経済(kezai) and as shēngjì xué (生计学) which are traditional Chinese words. Though later shèhuì and jīngjì survived their respective counterparts and became standard translations in Chinese, the early different translations, together with the different connotations in each translation, indicate different interpretations of the concepts of the social and the economic given by intellectuals of different educational backgrounds. Drawing on the theories of conceptual history, this article examines a particular contest over concepts of the social and the economic, namely, the debate from 1905 to 1907 between two groups of intellectuals respectively represented by Sun Yet-san and Liang Qichao. In particular, the article investigates 1) how these two historical figures conceptualized the concepts of the social and the economic, 2) what are the potentials that determined their conceptualizations, and 3) in what way the conceptualizations served as a driving force for the 1911 revolution.
Creative Spaces Within Which People, Ideas and Systems Interact with Uncertain Outcomes
GIMPEL, NIELSE GIMPEL, Explores new ways to understand the dynamics of change and mobility in ideas, people, organisations and cultural paradigms China is in flux but – as argued by the contributors to this volume – change is neither new to China nor is it unique to that country; similar patterns are found in other times and in other places. Indeed, Creative on the basis of concrete case studies (ranging from Confucius to the Vagina Monologues, from Protestant missionaries to the Chinese N & BAILEY avant-garde) and drawing on theoretical insights from different dis- ciplines, the contributors assert that change may be planned but the outcome can never be predicted with any confidence. Rather, there Spaces exist creative spaces within which people, ideas and systems interact with uncertain outcomes. As such, by identifying a more sophisticated Seeking the Dynamics of Change in China approach to the complex issues of change, cultural encounters and Spaces Creative so-called globalization, this volume not only offers new insights to scholars of other geo-cultural regions; it also throws light on the workings of our ‘global’ and ‘transnational’ lives today, in the past and in the future. Edited Denise Gimpel, Bent Nielsen by and Paul Bailey www.niaspress.dk Gimpel_pbk-cover.indd 1 20/11/2012 15:38 Creative Spaces Gimpel book.indb 1 07/11/2012 16:03 Gimpel book.indb 2 07/11/2012 16:03 CREATIVE SPACES Seeking the Dynamics of Change in China Edited by Denise Gimpel, Bent Nielsen and Paul J. Bailey Gimpel book.indb 3 07/11/2012 16:03 Creative Spaces: Seeking the Dynamics of Change in China Edited by Denise Gimpel, Bent Nielsen and Paul J.
Rethinking the Twentieth Century Denigration of Traditional Chinese Science And
Rethinking the Twentieth Century Denigration of Traditional Chinese Science and Medicine in the Twenty-first Century Benjamin A. Elman Professor of East Asian Studies and History Princeton University Prepared for the 6th International Conference on The New Significance of Chinese Culture in the Twenty-first Century: "The Interaction and Confluence of Chinese and Non-Chinese Civilization," co-sponsored by the Himalaya Foundation and the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, and held at the International Sinological Center at Charles University in Prague, The Czech Republic, November 1-2, 2003 Abstract: Western scholars and westernized Chinese scholars have often essentialized the European history of science as the universalist progress of knowledge. When Chinese studies of the natural world, her rich medieval traditions of alchemy, or pre-Jesuit mathematical and astronomical achievements are discussed, they are usually treated dismissively to contrast them with the triumphant objectivity and rationality of the modern sciences in Western Europe and the United States. Many twentieth century scholars were rightly convinced that pre-modern China had no industrial revolution and had never produced capitalism. As the evidence of a rich tradition of natural studies and medicine has accrued in volume after unrelenting volume of Joseph Needham's Science and Civilisation in China project after 1954, it has become harder and harder to gainsay it all as superstition or irrationality or inductive luck. Ironically, the long-term history of Western science has been decisively refracted when viewed through the lenses chronicling the demise of traditional Chinese natural studies, technology, and medicine. Study of pre-modern Chinese science, technology, and medicine has restored a measure of respect to traditional Chinese natural studies and thereby granted priority to research in areas where the received wisdom was suspect, based as it was on careless speculation about banal generalities.
Sun Yatsen, Liang Qichao: Friends, Foes and Nationalism
Sun Yatsen, Liang Qichao: Friends, Foes and Nationalism SOPHIE SITE JIA The founding father of the Republic of China, Sun Yatsen was born in 1866 in Xiangshan, a county in Guangdong province. In neighboring Xinhui County, Liang Qichao, another important Chinese intellectual, who inspired Chinese reform movement in the late 1800s, was born seven years later. No one would have expected that those two men would maintain a very intricate relationship in ending China’s last feudal empire, regarding each other as both friend and foe at different points in their lifetimes. Unlike Liang, who was a member of the literati class, Sun had very few literati credentials and stressed his connections with the southern anti-Manchuism of both the Taipings and the secret societies of the Triads in the late 1800s. On the other hand, after the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform with his mentor Kang Youwei in 1898, Liang was forced to flee the country, seeking refuge in Japan in the first few years of the 1900s. It was during this time that Liang was first introduced to the idea of nationalism, which greatly influenced Sun’s idea of nationalism as one of the core concepts of his “Three Principles of the People.” In Liang’s mind, China should embrace daminzuzhuyi (broad nationalism), holding various ethnic groups in the arms of a unified China. In order to achieve that end, Liang, for most of career, believed that a gradual transition within the Manchu government would be most effective. Sun certainly could not agree. To him, it was the first priority to get rid of the Manchu rule for a Han-centered Chinese nationalism.
Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China James Flath the University of Western Ontario
Western University Scholarship@Western History Publications History Department Spring 2002 Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China James Flath The University of Western Ontario Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/historypub Part of the History Commons Citation of this paper: Flath, James, "Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument and Memory in Provincial China" (2002). History Publications. 363. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/historypub/363 Managing Historical Capital in Shandong: Museum, Monument, and Memory in Provincial China JAMES A. FLATH Introduction For most people, the written texts of history are only pale reflections of the history they see in their everyday surroundings. An ancient building, a local museum, a statue in a park, or even a notable landscape can carry historical narratives in ways that are more immediate and lasting than any well-re- searched discourse on history. Yet these publicly accessible historical represen- tations are also highly selective in the subjects they portray. Visitors often leave with little more than an impression of the event, person, or place represented by the site, and perhaps a souvenir or T-shirt as evidence of their historical experience. So although the historical site is a poor representation of the actual past, the immediacy and stature of historical monuments and museums imbue them with a strong capacity to configure history in the present. This discussion considers how the past informs the present through the preserved and monumentally represented remains of provincial Chinese history. China, as we are frequently reminded, has the world’s longest continu- ous history and probably the greatest number of historical sites.