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Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
5. Calling for International Solidarity: Hanns Eisler’S Mass Songs in the Soviet Union
From Massenlieder to Massovaia Pesnia: Musical Exchanges between Communists and Socialists of Weimar Germany and the Early Soviet Union by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Supervisor ___________________________ Edna Andrews ___________________________ John Supko ___________________________ Jacqueline Waeber Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2014 i v ABSTRACT From Massenlieder to Massovaia Pesnia: Musical Exchanges between Communists and Socialists of Weimar Germany and the Early Soviet Union by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Supervisor ___________________________ Edna Andrews ___________________________ John Supko ___________________________ Jacqueline Waeber An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2014 Copyright by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry 2014 Abstract Group songs with direct political messages rose to enormous popularity during the interwar period (1918-1939), particularly in recently-defeated Germany and in the newly- established Soviet Union. This dissertation explores the musical relationship between these two troubled countries and aims to explain the similarities and differences in their approaches to collective singing. The discussion of the very complex and problematic relationship between the German left and the Soviet government sets the framework for the analysis of music. Beginning in late 1920s, as a result of Stalin’s abandonment of the international revolutionary cause, the divergences between the policies of the Soviet government and utopian aims of the German communist party can be traced in the musical propaganda of both countries. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
German Communists
= ~•••••••••• B•••••••~•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• a• •= :• COMING PUBLICATIONS: •= =• / ~ • .= "ABOUT BELGIUM" by Camille Huysrnans. ; "THE FLAMING BORDER" by Czeslaw Poznanski. "GERMAN CONSERVATIVES" by Curt Geyer. "THE ROAD TO MUNICH" by Dr. Jan Opocenski. "THE WOLF AS A NEIGHBOUR" by M. van Blankenstein. NEW SERIES: THE FUTURE OF EUROPE AND THE WO~LD "GERMANY AT PEACE" by Walter Loeb. "FRENCH SECURITY AND GERMANY" . by Edmond Vermeil. "PROGRESS TO WORLD PEACE" by K. F. Bieligk. - HUTCHINSON & CO. (Publishers), LTD. ••••m•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••2. "FIGHT FOR FREEDOM" Editorial Board LUIS ARAQUISTAIN CAM!LLE HUYSMANS JOSEF BELINA PROFESSOR A. PRAGIER JOHN BROWN M. SLUYSER CURT GEYER RENNIE SMITH W . W. HENDERSON MARY E. SUTHERLAND,7 j.P. GERMAN COMMUNISTS by ./ SPARTAKUS Foreword by ALFRED M. WALL Translated from the German by. E. Fitzgerald TO THE MEMORY OF ROSA LUXEMBURG KARL LIEBKNECHT PAUL- LEVI - SPARTAKUS has lived in Germany all. his life andIeft shortly after Hitler came.,.10 power. ' From his youth he has worked in the German Labour Movements-Socialist and Communist. He was one of the early "Spartakists" in the last war and he is still . today . a devoted fighter against German aggression and 'nationalism from whatever source it may spring. CONTENTS PAGE . FOREWORD 4 PART l THE SPARTACUS LEAGUE 1914-1918 7 PART II THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1919-1933 22 THE PARTY AND THE VERSAILLES TREATY 22 THE KAPP "PUTSCH" 28 THE UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GERMANY 30 THE W..ARCH ACTION . 34 THE NATIONALISTIC LINE . ..... .. ' 36 THE RAPALLO TREATY' 38 THE OCCUPATION OF THE RUHR 39 SCHLAGETER 42 CORRUPTION 45 THE UNSUCCESSFUL RISING OF 1923 46 THE DECLINE OF THE GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY 48 GERMAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE 53 "THE HORNY-HANDED SON OF TOIL". -
Kommunistiska Internationalen 1926-1933
Pierre Broué Kommunistiska Internationalen 1926-1933 Denna text utgör sex kapitel (nr 23-28) i Broués stora arbete om den Kommunistiska inter- nationalens historia, vars franska upplaga kom ut 1997. Boken finns inte översatt i sin helhet till något annat språk, men på marxistarkivet finns fler kapitel: Komintern fem år senare (om läget i Komintern kring 1924), Kommunistiska Internationalen 1933-1938 (om folkfronts- politiken), Motorsågsmassakern (utrensningarna under åren 1936-39), Kommunistiska Internationalen och Andra världskriget och Dödsbudet. Upplösningen av Komintern De här återgivna kapitlen handlar till stor del om Kominterns s k ”tredje period” (1928-1934), där katastrofen i Tyskland (med nazisternas maktövertagande 1933) markerar en slags slut- punkt. Men Broué beskriver även vänster- och högeroppositionen och hur Stalin & Co tog ett allt fastare grepp om Komintern genom att eliminera oppositionella (i Sovjet, Kina, Tyskland, Polen, Tjeckoslovakien …). Översättningen är utförd av Björn-Erik Rosin Innehåll 23. Internationalens stalinisering ................................................................................................ 1 Zinovjev eliminerad ............................................................................................................... 1 Kris inom vänstern i Tyskland ............................................................................................... 1 Elimineringen av Fischer-Maslow ......................................................................................... 4 Uppgörelse -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
Zu Den Beziehungen Der KPD Und Der Kommunistischen Internationale
Dokumentation ZU DEN BEZIEHUNGEN ZWISCHEN DER KPD UND DER KOMMUNISTISCHEN INTERNATIONALE D ie Kommunistische Internationale (Komintern) war zwischen 1919 und 1943 die Zusammenfassung sämtlicher Kommunistischer Parteien1. Im Jahre 1928 gehörten der Komintern, der III. Internationale, 40 Parteien mit 1,6 Millionen Mitgliedern an2. Die straff zentralisierte Komintern verstand sich als „Weltpartei der Revolution", die Mitgliederparteien waren nationale Sektionen, vom EKKI (Exekutivkomitee der Kommunistischen Internationale) in Moskau geleitet. Die einzige Staatspartei der III. Internationale, die Kommunistische Partei Rußlands (später KPdSU), hatte eine dominierende Stellung in der Kornintern, die in den zwanziger Jahren zu einer Beherrschung der Internationale durch die KPdSU ausgebaut wurde. Die veränderten Verhältnisse waren vor allem für den deutschen Kommunismus be deutsam, der in immer stärkere Abhängigkeit von Moskau und damit von Stalin geriet. Die Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands war zwischen 1920 und 1933 neben der russischen KP die stärkste Sektion der III. Internationale (sie zählte zwischen 100000 und 350000 Mitglieder und - 1932 - fast 6 Millionen Wähler). Die um die Jahreswende 1918/19 gegründete KPD3 hatte sich allerdings auf dem I. Kongreß 1 Eine neuere Bibliographie zur Kommunistischen Internationale gibt Witold S. Swora- kowski, The Communist International and its Front Organisations, Stanford, Cal., 1965. An neueren Dokumentensammlungen seien erwähnt: Jane Degras (Ed.), The Communist Inter national 1919-1943, Documents, Vol. I, London 1955, Vol. II, London i960, Vol. III, London 1965; Theo Pirker (Hrsg.), Utopie und Mythos der Weltrevolution, Zur Geschichte der Komintern 1920 bis 1940, München 1964. Ders.: Komintern und Faschismus 1920 bis 1940, Stuttgart 1965; Hermann Weber, Die Kommunistische Internationale, Eine Dokumentation, Hannover 1966; Der I. und II. -
Diss Gradschool Submission
OUTPOST OF FREEDOM: A GERMAN-AMERICAN NETWORK’S CAMPAIGN TO BRING COLD WAR DEMOCRACY TO WEST BERLIN, 1933-72 Scott H. Krause A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher R. Browning Klaus W. Larres Susan Dabney Pennybacker Donald M. Reid Benjamin Waterhouse © 2015 Scott H. Krause ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Scott H. Krause: Outpost of Freedom: A German-American Network’s Campaign to bring Cold War Democracy to West Berlin, 1933-66 (under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) This study explores Berlin’s sudden transformation from the capital of Nazi Germany to bastion of democracy in the Cold War. This project has unearthed how this remarkable development resulted from a transatlantic campaign by liberal American occupation officials, and returned émigrés, or remigrés, of the Marxist Social Democratic Party (SPD). This informal network derived from members of “Neu Beginnen” in American exile. Concentrated in wartime Manhattan, their identity as German socialists remained remarkably durable despite the Nazi persecution they faced and their often-Jewish background. Through their experiences in New Deal America, these self-professed “revolutionary socialists” came to emphasize “anti- totalitarianism,” making them suspicious of Stalinism. Serving in the OSS, leftists such as Hans Hirschfeld forged friendships with American left-wing liberals. These experiences connected a wider network of remigrés and occupiers by forming an epistemic community in postwar Berlin. They recast Berlin’s ruins as “Outpost of Freedom” in the Cold War. -
Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and Their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945
Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945 by Merilyn Moos Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and their Shifting Alliances 1933-1945 by Merilyn Moos Community Languages Published by Community Languages, 2021 Anti-Nazi Exiles, by Merilyn Moos, published by the Community Languages is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Front and rear cover images copyright HA Rothholz Archive, University of Brighton Design Archives All other images are in the public domain Front and rear cover illustrations: Details from "Allies inside Germany" by H A Rothholz Born in Dresden, Germany, Rothholz emigrated to London with his family in 1933, to escape the Nazi regime. He retained a connection with his country of birth through his involvement with émigré organisations such as the Free German League of Culture (FGLC) in London, for whom he designed a series of fundraising stamps for their exhibition "Allies Inside Germany" in 1942. Community Languages 53 Fladgate Road London E11 1LX Acknowledgements We would like to thank Ian Birchall, Charmian Brinson, Dieter Nelles, Graeme Atkinson, Irena Fick, Leonie Jordan, Mike Jones, University of Brighton Design Archives. This work would not have been publicly available if it had not been for the hard work and friendship of Steve Cushion to whom I shall be forever grateful. To those of us who came after and carry on the struggle Table of Contents Left-wing German refugees who came to the UK before and during the Second -
Left-Wing Splinter Parties in the Weimar Republic
LEFT-WING SPLINTER PARTIES IN THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC by FREDERICK ALFRED MILLER B. A., University of British Columbis, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History WE ACCEPT THIS THESIS AS CONFORMING TO THE REQUIRED STANDARD THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January, 197^ In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Depa rtment The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT This study deals with left-wing splinter parties -> whi'ch were in existence in Germany between jtg&8 and 1933. In 1918 the Second Empire collapsed, the Kaiser abdicated, and the imperial government resigned. Only the socialists were relatively strong enough and, in the eyes of the public and the victorious Allies, unblemished enough to take com• mand of the state. At this historical moment, however, the socialists were divided. The chance to ih's$»3Q,Isocialism in Germany was lost due to the bitter fighting among the three principal left-wing parties. The divisions in the socialist camp, which had started earlier, but which broke into open warfare at the end of the Great War, were intensified by the crises the Weimar Republic faced and led to a great number of splinter parties. -
Willi Münzenberg's 'Last Empire': Die Zukunft And
Bernhard H. Bayerlein Willi Münzenberg’s ‘Last Empire’: Die Zukunft and the ‘Franco-German Union’, Paris, 1938 – 1940. New Visions of Anti-Fascism and the Transnational Networks of the Anti-Hitler Resistance1 Abstract The weekly Die Zukunft is among the most ambitious Franco-German media projects and collective organisers with European repercussions during the final crisis of the inter-war period from the Munich Agreement in September 1938 until May 1940 and the German occupation of France during the Second World War. The reading of the political-cultural journal as a unique, last ‘anti-fascist intermediate empire’ before the outbreak of the war and the efforts made by its editor, Willi Münzenberg, to unite the transnational anti-Hitler oppositionist networks contributes to an innovative perspective on the history of the German-speaking political emigration and German-French relations. New insights require major adjustments in the history of European strategies and the anti-Stalinist shift expressed by Die Zukunft after the conclusion of the Stalin-Hitler Pact contributes to a deeper understanding of the crisis of the political exile and the first stages of World War 1 This article is grounded in research conducted at the Institute for Social Movements Bochum, with support for two years from the Fritz-Thyssen-Stiftung. Within the scope of this project, which aims at a monograph about the Zukunft, different areas of research will be linked trans- disciplinarily, including historical media research and exile and resistance research, research on transnational political network building, on social movements, political ideas and cultural transfer. For more details refer to the presentation on the institute’s website at http://isb.rub. -
National and Bolshevik
National und bolschewistisch – nicht nationalbolschewistisch. Die Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik Ossip K. Flechtheim war von 1927 bis 1931 Mitglied der Kommunistischen Partei Deutschlands (KPD). Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg veröffentlichte er eine der ersten historischen Werke über die Geschichte der ersten legalen kommunistischen Partei.1 In seinem Buch Die Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands in der Weimarer Republik, 1948 veröffentlicht, beschrieb Flechtheim, in der Doppelrolle als Historiker und Zeitzeuge, die politische Entwicklung der KPD bis 1933. Nach Flechtheims Aussage sprach Heinz Neumann, in der letzten Phase der Weimarer Republik der Theoretiker der KPD, auf einer »Goebbels-Versammlung« die anwesenden Nazis folgendermaßen an: Junge Sozialisten! Tapfere Kämpfer für die Nation! Die Kommunisten wollen keinen Bruderkampf mit den Nationalsozialisten!2 In der Phase zwischen 1930 und 1933 kam es zu mehreren, aus heutiger Sicht befremdlichen Zusammentreffen zwischen den Parteien KPD und NSDAP. Die bekannteste Zusammenarbeit war der Streik in den Berliner Verkehrsbetrieben (BVG) im November 1932, als Mitglieder beider Parteien, wie sich Evelyn Anderson später erinnerte, in einer »perversen Einheitsfront« »Arm in Arm« zusammenstanden.3 Anderson war 1927 von der KPD zur SPD gewechselt und veröffentlichte 1945 in den USA ihre Parteigeschichte Hammer oder Amboß. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung. Trotz dieser Beispiele ist es erklärungsbedürftig, dass ausgerechnet Heinz Neumann Anfang der 1930er Jahre Mitglieder der NSDAP als mögliche Verbündete ansprach. Denn auf Neumann soll die bekannte antifaschistische Parole »Schlagt die Faschisten, wo ihr sie trefft!« zurückgehen.4 Wie sollte also die Parteilinie aussehen: konsequenter Antifaschismus oder kein »Bruderkampf« mit den Nazis? 1 Ossip K. Flechtheim, geboren 1909, floh 1933 nach Belgien, in die Schweiz und schließlich in die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika.