Sanskrit RUKI Revisited
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T3 Sandhi Rules of Different Prosodic Hierarchies
T3 Sandhi rules of different prosodic hierarchies Abstract This study conducts acoustic analysis on T3 sandhi of two characters across different boundaries of prosodic hierarchies. The experimental data partly support Chen (2000)’s view about sandhi domain that “T3 sandhi takes place obligatorily within MRU”, and “sandhi rule can not apply cross intonation phrase boundary”. Nonetheless, the results do not support his claim that “there are no intermediate sandhi hierarchies between MRU and intonation phrase”. On the contrary, it is found that, although T3 sandhi could occur across all kinds of hierarchical boundaries between MRU and intonation phrase, T3 sandhi rules within a foot (prosodic word), or between foots without pause, or between pauses without intonation (phonology phrase) are very different in terms of acoustic properties. Furthermore, based on the facts that (1) T3 sandhi could occur cross boundary of pauses and (2) phrase-final sandhi could be significantly lengthening, it is argued that T3 sandhi is due to dissimilation of low tones, rather than duration reduction within MRU domain. It is also demonstrated that tone sandhi and prosodic hierarchies may not be equivalently evaluated in Chinese phonology. Prosodic hierarchies are determined by pause and lengthening, not by tone sandhi. Key words: tone sandhi; prosodic hierarchies; boundary; Mandarin Chinese 1 Introduction So-called T3 sandhi in mandarin Chinese has been widely discussed in Chinese Phonology. Mandarin Chinese has four tones: T1 (level 55), T2 (rising 35), T3 (low-rise 214), T4 (falling 51).Generally, when a T3 is followed by another T3, it turns into T2. The rule could be simply stated as: 214->35/ ___214. -
Phonetics and Phonology of Contrastive Palatal Affricates*
Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory 2003, v.15, pp.130-193 Phonetics and Phonology of Contrastive Palatal Affricates* Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen and Draga Zec Serbian contains two classes of contrastive palatal affricates exemplified in tsar ‘gain’ vs. tar ‘magic’. In the phonological process of iotization, [t] patterns with [ts], and [k] with [t]. Articulatorily, [ts] is laminal, more front with compressed lips, while [t] is apical, more back with protruded lips. Acoustically, the affricates are distinguished by two prominent spectral peaks in the frication noise interval. [t]/[k] display lower frequency spectral peaks than [t]/[ts]. Different frequency ranges in the spectra of frication noise vs. stop bursts derive from constriction degree. Temporal acoustic attributes show that they behave as a class of affricates, different from both stops and fricatives. Phonetic differences in several articulatory attributes in the input contribute to cavity volume differences in the output, which result in higher frequency spectral peaks for the laminal affricate than the apical affricate. These differences define the natural classes observed in iotization and allow a phonetically accurate statement of the [t]/[ts] and [k]/[t] patterning. 1. Introduction Standard Serbian (formerly known as the eastern variant of Serbo-Croatian) possesses two classes of contrastive palatal affricates, each containing a voiced/voiceless pair. The difference between these classes can be broadly captured in terms of apical vs. laminal articulation. The apical class includes [t], which is voiceless, and [d], which is voiced. The members of the laminal class are [ts] and [dz], which are voiceless and voiced respectively.1 Articulatorily, the sounds in the laminal class are more front and produced with compressed lips, while the sounds in the apical class are more back and produced with protruded lips. -
Long-Distance /R/-Dissimilation in American English
Long-Distance /r/-Dissimilation in American English Nancy Hall August 14, 2009 1 Introduction In many varieties of American English, it is possible to drop one /r/ from cer- tain words that contain two /r/s, such as su(r)prise, pa(r)ticular, gove(r)nor, and co(r)ner. This type of /r/-deletion is done by speakers who are basically ‘rhotic’; that is, who generally do not drop /r/ in any other position. It is a type of dissimi- lation, because it avoids the presence of multiple rhotics within a word.1 This paper has two goals. The first is to expand the description of American /r/-dissimilation by bringing together previously published examples of the process with new examples from an elicitation study and from corpora. This data set reveals new generalizations about the phonological environments that favor dissimilation. The second goal is to contribute to the long-running debate over why and how dissimilation happens, and particularly long-distance dissimilation. There is dis- pute over whether long-distance dissimilation is part of the grammar at all, and whether its functional grounding is a matter of articulatory constraints, processing constraints, or perception. Data from American /r/-dissimilation are especially im- portant for this debate, because the process is active, it is not restricted to only a few morphemes, and it occurs in a living language whose phonetics can be studied. Ar- guments in the literature are more often based on ancient diachronic dissimilation processes, or on processes that apply synchronically only in limited morphological contexts (and hence are likely fossilized remnants of once wider patterns). -
Prosody of Tone Sandhi in Vietnamese Reduplications
Prosody of Tone Sandhi in Vietnamese Reduplications Authors Thu Nguyen Linguistics program E.M.S.A.H. University of Queensland St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia Email: [email protected] John Ingram Linguistics program E.M.S.A.H. University of Queensland St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia Email: [email protected] Abstract In this paper we take advantage of the segmental control afforded by full and partial Vietnamese reduplications on a constant carrier phrase to obtain acoustic evidence of assymetrical prominence relations (van der Hulst 2005), in support of a hypothesis that Vietnamese reduplications are phonetically right headed and that tone sandhi is a reduction phenomenon occurring on prosodically weak positions (Shih, 2005). Acoustic parameters of syllable duration (onset, nucleus and coda), F0 range, F0 contour, vowel intensity, spectral tilt and vowel formant structure are analyzed to determine: (1) which syllable of the two (base or reduplicant) is more prominent and (2) how the tone sandhi forms differ from their full reduplicated counterparts. Comparisons of full and partial reduplicant syllables in tone sandhi forms provide additional support for this analysis. Key words: tone sandhi, prosody, stress, reduplication, Vietnamese, acoustic analysis ____________________________ We would like to thank our subjects for offering their voices for the analysis, Dr. Nguyen Hong Nguyen for statistical advice and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. The Postdoctoral research fellowship granted to the first author by the University of Queensland is acknowledged. Prosody of tone sandhi in Vietnamese reduplications 2 1. Introduction Vietnamese is a contour tone language, which is strongly syllabic in its phonological organization and morphology. -
The Whistled Fricatives of Southern Bantu
Just put your lips together and blow? The whistled fricatives of Southern Bantu Ryan K. Shosted12∗ 1Dept of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley 1203 Dwinelle Hall #2650 – Berkeley, CA 94120-2650 USA 2Dept of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego 9500 Gilman Drive #108 – La Jolla, CA 92093-0108 USA [email protected] Abstract. Phonemically, whistled fricatives /s z / are rare, limited almost en- Ţ Ţ tirely to Southern Bantu. Reports differ as to whether they are realized with labial protrusion and/or rounding. Phonetically, whistled sibilants are com- mon; they are regarded as a feature of disordered speech in English. According to the clinical literature, unwanted whistled fricatives are triggered by dental prosthesis and/or orthodontics that alter the geometry of the incisors—not by aberrant lip rounding. Based on aeroacoustic models of various types of whis- tle supplemented with acoustic data from the Southern Bantu language Tshwa (S51), this paper contends that labiality is not necessary for the production of whistled fricatives. 1. Introduction 1.1. Typology Few phonemes are as typologically restricted as the so-called whistled, whistling, or whistly fricatives / s z /.1 They are said to occur in only a handful of languages: the Shona Ţ Ţ (S10) and Tshwa-Ronga (S50) groups of Southern Bantu (Bladon et al., 1987; Sitoe, ∗This research was supported by a Jacob K. Javits Fellowship and a Fulbright Fellowship to the author. I would like to thank John Ohala, Keith Johnson, and Ian Maddieson for their insights. I am also grateful to Larry Hyman for his help with the diachronic data. -
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
Presentation Overview Course Objectives What Is a Sibilant A
1 The Entire World Presentation Overview of Sibilants™ • Targeted for intermediate level of knowledge. However, encompass entry- level to experienced clinicians. • Review S & Z first, then SH & CH, J, ZH. • Evaluation procedure. Christine Ristuccia, M.S. CCC-SLP • Specific treatment strategies. www.sayitright.org • Case study examples. ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Course Objectives What is a Sibilant • Know how to evaluate and treat the various word positions of the sibilant sounds:[s, z, ch, sh, sh, j, and zh]. A consonant characterized • Know how to use co-articulation to elicit correct tongue positioning. by a hissing sound. • Be able to write measurable and objective IEP goals. • Be able to identify 3 elicitation techniques S, Z,Z, SH, ZH, CH, and J • Identify natural tongue positioning for /t/, /n/, /l/ and /d/. • Know difference between frontal and lateral lisp disorders. ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Facts About /s/ & /z/ Facts About [s] & [z] • Cognates. Have same manner and [s] spellings S as in soup production with the exception of C as in city voicing. Sc as in science X as in box • Airflow restricted or released by tongue causes production and common “hissing” sound. [z] spellings s as in pans x as in xylophone • Different spellings, same production. z as in zoo ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Say It Right™ • 888—811-0759 • [email protected] • www.sayitright.org ©2007 Say It Right™ All rights reserved. 2 Two Types of Lisp Frontal Lisp Disorders • Most common Frontal Lateral • Also called interdental lisp • Trademark sound - /th/ • Cause: Tongue is protruding too far forward. -
Issue 31.2.Indd
Akanlig-Pare, G../Legon Journal of the Humanities Vol. 31.2 (2020) DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i2 .3 Palatalization in Central Bùlì George Akanlig-Pare Senior Lecturer University of Ghana, Legon Email: [email protected] Submitted: May 6, 2020/Accepted: November 20, 2020/Published: January 28, 2021 Abstract Palatalization is a process through which non-palatal consonants acquire palatality, either through a shift in place of articulation from a non-palatal region to the hard palate or through the superimposition of palatal qualities on a non-palatal consonant. In both cases, there is a front, non-low vowel or a palatal glide that triggers the process. In this paper, I examine the palatalization phenomena in Bùlì using Feature Geometry within the non- linear generative phonological framework. I argue that both full and secondary palatalization occur in Buli. The paper further explains that, the long high front vowel /i:/, triggers the formation of a palato-alveolar aff ricate which is realized in the Central dialect of Bùlì, where the Northern and Central dialects retain the derived palatal stop. Keywords: Palatalization, Bùlì, Feature Geometry, synchronic, diachronic Introduction Although linguists generally agree that palatalization is a process through which non-palatal consonants acquire palatality, they diff er in their accounts of the phonological processes that characterize it. As Halle (2005, p.1) states, “… palatalization raises numerous theoretical questions about which there is at present no agreement among phonologists”. Cross linguistic surveys conducted on the process reveal a number of issues that lead to the present state of aff airs. -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
Hearing R-Sandhi: the Role of Past Experience Jennifer Hay Katie Drager Andy Gibson
HEARING R-SANDHI: THE ROLE OF PAST EXPERIENCE JENNIFER HAY KATIE DRAGER ANDY GIBSON University of Canterbury University of Hawai‘i University of Canterbury at Mānoa This article reports on patterns in the production and perception of New Zealand English r-san - dhi. We report on two phoneme-monitoring experiments that examine whether listeners from three regions are sensitive to the distribution of r- presence in linking and intrusive environments. The results provide evidence that sound perception is affected by a listener’s experience-driven expec - tations: greater prior experience with a sound in a given context increases the likelihood of per - ceiving the sound in that context, regardless of whether the sound is present in the stimulus. For listeners with extremely limited prior exposure to a variant, the variant is especially salient and we also observe an experiment-internal effect of experience. We argue that our results support models that incorporate both word-specific and abstract probabilistic representations.* Keywords : salience, listener expectations, r-sandhi, sociophonetics, phoneme monitoring, speech perception, rhoticity 1. Introduction . Speech perception involves the extraction of words and sounds from a continuous speech signal. This normally occurs with little difficulty for the lis - tener, despite a great deal of variability in the acoustic properties of sounds. Listeners’ perception is informed by a large amount of information, including phonological con - text (Mann & Repp 1981), prior exposure in lexically relevant contexts (Norris et al. 2003, Maye et al. 2008), the lexical status of the word (Magnuson et al. 2003), the speaker who produced the sound (Kraljic & Samuel 2005, 2007), social characteristics attributed to the speaker (Strand & Johnson 1996, Hay et al. -
Legends for Videos
Case-Based Learning through Videos: A Virtual Walk through Our Clinic From Cleft Palate and Craniofacial Anomalies: The Effects on Speech and Resonance, 3rd Edition Ann W. Kummer, Ph.D., CCC-SLP Most students and professionals in speech-language pathology learn about communication disorders from reading textbooks first, and then by attending lectures. This type of learning is not only required for the degree, but is also essential in order to obtain basic and theoretical information for clinical practice. Unfortunately, book knowledge alone does not adequately prepare the learner to evaluate and treat individuals affected by communication disorders. As such, the American Speech-Language- Hearing Association (ASHA) has observation requirements for graduation in speech-language pathology (or communication sciences and disorders) at the bachelor’s level, and practicum experience requirements for graduation at the master’s level. In addition, it is universally recognized that observing, interacting, problem-solving, and obtaining experience in real-life clinical situations is essential for individuals to be able to apply learned didactic information appropriately and effectively in clinical situations. Although observation and practicum experiences are essential for clinical learning, there are many issues and inefficiencies when trying to obtain these experiences. First, students (and professionals wanting to obtain additional competencies) usually need to schedule the experience with an outside facility, and then travel to the location. There is a risk that the patient will cancel or be a no-show. There is also the possibility that the session is not a good one for various reasons. The experience may not be focused learning. For example, the student/observer may understand the point of the session in 5 minutes, but need to be present for the entire session, which can take an hour or more. -
Morphophonology of Magahi
International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) ISSN: 2319-7064 SJIF (2019): 7.583 Morphophonology of Magahi Saloni Priya Jawaharlal Nehru University, SLL & CS, New Delhi, India Salonipriya17[at]gmail.com Abstract: Every languages has different types of word formation processes and each and every segment of morphology has a sound. The following paper is concerned with the sound changes or phonemic changes that occur during the word formation process in Magahi. Magahi is an Indo- Aryan Language spoken in eastern parts of Bihar and also in some parts of Jharkhand and West Bengal. The term Morphophonology refers to the interaction of word formation with the sound systems of a language. The paper finds out the phonetic rules interacting with the morphology of lexicons of Magahi. The observations shows that he most frequent morphophonological process are Sandhi, assimilation, Metathesis and Epenthesis. Whereas, the process of Dissimilation, Lenition and Fortition are very Uncommon in nature. Keywords: Morphology, Phonology, Sound Changes, Word formation process, Magahi, Words, Vowels, Consonants 1. Introduction 3.1 The Sources of Magahi Glossary Morphophonology refers to the interaction between Magahi has three kind of vocabulary sources; morphological and phonological or its phonetic processes. i) In the first category, it has those lexemes which has The aim of this paper is to give a detailed account on the been processed or influenced by Sanskrit, Prakrit, sound changes that take place in morphemes, when they Apbhransh, ect. Like, combine to form new words in the language. धमम> ध륍म> धरम, स셍म> सꥍ셍> सााँ셍 ii) In the second category, it has those words which are 2.