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At the End of the Rainbow? Social Identity and Welfare State in the New South Africa

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At the End of the Rainbow? Social Identity and Welfare State in the New South Africa This e-book is the full English version of a manuscript, which was translated and printed in Danish by Southern Africa Contact, Copenhagen, Denmark in 2007: For enden af regnbuen? Social identitet og velfærd i det nye Sydafrika. Several notes in the reduced Danish edition refer to this original version. Be aware that due to revisions, the page numbers are not fully consecutive or consistent with earlier versions of the manuscript. At the end of the rainbow? Social identity and welfare state in the new South Africa Editors: Gorm Gunnarsen, Patrick Mac Manus, Morten Nielsen, and Hans Erik Stolten Translation of Danish version: Lone Dalgaard Cover and layout: Marina Winkel Photos: Klaus Holsting: Cover and Chapter 1, 4, 9, and 11. Morten Nielsen: Chapter 2, 6, 8, 10, and 12. Other photos: Southern Africa Contact’s photo archive. Print: Eks-Skolens Trykkeri. Published in co-operation with: Africa Contact (formerly Southern Africa Contact) Wesselsgade 4, kld. 2200 Copenhagen N Tel.: 35 35 92 32 E-mail: [email protected] Proofreading: Torben Estermann and Signe Frederiksen Some articles were brought in co-operation with Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), Centre for Civil Society, University of Kwazulu-Natal, and Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE). The book was funded by Danida. Copyright © 2007 The authors and Southern Africa Contact. ISBN 978-87-991789-0-2 (Danish version). In memory of Torben Estermann, long time activist in the Danish anti-apartheid movement Contents 1 South Africa: a Divided Country in a Divided World By Gorm Gunnarsen, Patrick Mac Manus, Morten Nielsen, and Hans Erik Stolten 2 Rhetoric and reality in South African reconciliation By Fred Hendricks 3 Macroeconomic policy in South Africa. From RDP through GEAR to ASGISA By Stephen Gelb 4 Who are the poor? The size and structure of the poverty problem By David Everatt 5 ‘Tomorrow will be better than today’: delivery in the age of hope By David Hemson 6 From apartheid to neo-liberalism. What happened to the ideals of the freedom struggle? By Patrick Bond 7 Black Economic Empowerment: politically correct capitalism or social problem? By Neva Seidman Makgetla 8 The ANC in South Africa’s political landscape. From underground freedom movement to governing party By Pallo Jordan 9 The transformation of the South African trade union movement and the challenges By John Appolis 10 The grassroots. The rise of the new social movements in South Africa - The role of the opposition By Eddie Cottle 11 Land redistribution in South Africa: the property clause revisited By Lungisile Ntsebeza 12 Learning, living and leading: education in the new South Africa By Jonathan Jansen 13 South Africa’s new education system: great intentions – harsh realities By Linda Chisholm 14 The media picture: mapping the contemporary media scene in South Africa By Sean Jacobs ii 15 The language question. The struggle between English and the other official and unofficial languages By Kwesi Kwaa Prah 16 The impact of the AIDS epidemic in South Africa By Hein Marais 17 South Africa in Africa: trends and forecasts in a changing African political economy By John Daniel 18 List of authors iii 1 South Africa: a Divided Country in a Divided World By Gorm Gunnarsen, Morten Nielsen, Patrick Mac Manus, and Hans Erik Stolten South African identity is a historical paradox. On the one hand, South African identities have been transformed time after time. Settlers and natives have been reinvented as Christians and heathens, who in turn have been recreated as civilized and barbarians, then as Europeans and Bantu, and later again as whites, coloreds, and blacks, who were recently transformed into God’s own rainbow people. This just to mention a few of the identities that South Africans have contracted.1 At any given point in time, however, these identities were seen by most people as rather definitive, and until the end of apartheid, the white identity was regarded as a superior biological heritage and protected by laws that prohibited cross-racial breeding.2 The new rainbow people identity was different from earlier identities. It is the first identity, which includes all people living in South Africa. It is an amazing identity that contains the contentment created by the ending of apartheid. We, the editors of this book, share the happiness of peace and reconciliation after prolonged conflicts and struggles. However, there are problems in the horizon that makes it difficult to focus solely on this uniting identity, the rainbow people, when investigating the new South Africa. Poverty and extreme social inequality means that the national commonwealth will probably not, in the long term, be able to carry a common identity of all South Africans. The unequal access to the resources of the nation is no longer tied only to ethnic identity; economic divisions are becoming increasingly more important for social identity, even if ethnic boundaries are still part of the picture. With the first democratic elections in 1994, South Africa, in a sense, returned to the world. A world that laboriously had established a range of universal norms for societal life, which in the end could not include a state that was based on racial segregation. And the world remains fascinated and engaged by South Africa. The new South Africa was born out of the struggle for social improvement and genuine popular democracy. From the stream of international publications, it can be established that the interest in following the development of the new nation is undiminished. From Denmark alone, more than 30.000 tourists visit the country every year. Whether developments have lived up to the proclaimed “miracle”, or to which degree this has been defective, is something that the articles in this book will help to clarify by critical, deep, and balanced analyses of the South African government’s political and economic choices. The rationality in seeing South Africa as an ideal model for peaceful transition to a social democracy is worthwhile to investigate. Viewed from a Nordic country, South Africa is also interesting because of its growing middle class market for sophisticated products - and as an economic as well as a psychological gateway to the rest of Africa. It’s many skillfully and engaged citizens invite to qualified discussions on developmental problems. Since the transformation to majority rule, South Africa has developed the notion of the rainbow nation into an Africanist vision, which president Mbeki named African renaissance. It seems like African identity and South African nationalism have had a resurgence, even if 1 Gary Baines, “The rainbow nation? Identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa”, Mots Pluriels, No. 7, 1998, http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/MotsPluriels/MP798gb.html (August 2007). 2 Immorality Amendment Act 1949; Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act no. 55 1949. 5 some have claimed that this new nationalism has been furthered deliberately to cover over the lack of results in the social arena. A close study of the nuances in government documents from the period after 1994 shows a gradual shift from a focus on structural inequality as a consequence of an unjust politico- economic system to a focus on poverty in general seen as an inevitable product of the necessary macroeconomic structural adjustment policy, and later to more focus on an elite role for Africans in business life. At the same time more weight is now laid on African ethnic awareness compared with class consciousness. South Africa’s great challenges Unfortunately, ethnic identity does not give a satisfactory answer to the social challenges. It will be something of a political masterpiece to persuade the majority of the population to reconcile with the past - as was the intent of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which was set up immediately after the transition to democracy – at the same time as marginalization of millions of inhabitants continues and deepens. In the long run, it will be difficult to get around the main social issue: are the national compromises, established in the first part of the 1990s to secure peace and security, now blocking the road for a just management of the interests of the majority? Is the "freezing" of ownership, not least of ownership of land (the so-called property clause), sustainable in the long run? For how long can the original expropriation of the African population’s property rights remain valid, when this implies that 80% of the land remains to be owned by a small section of the white minority?3 The apartheid state apparatus was forced to give up the political power, but the economic power remained by the same owners of capital. Can this part of the compromise be upheld considering how strong an element that social struggle was in the freedom movement? If it emerges that the real social and political content of the transition process is the creation of a new, black elite, which is about to merge with the white elites of earlier epochs - how will the social interests of the deprived find expression in the future? It is difficult to assess whether this development is self-chosen. To what extent is it possible for the ANC leaders to develop political and economic alternatives resting on a relatively small domestic economy without losing its foothold in the global economy, which the country has become increasingly integrated in? Will the emergence of new social movements together with the threat of a possible collapse of the historic alliance between the ruling party (ANC), the trade unions (COSATU), and the South African Communist Party (SACP) in the future help create a new developmental momentum? In recent years, tensions, both within the ANC itself and inside the broad alliance, have increased.
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