Zabalaza #13 Editorial
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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Federal Arrangements As a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(S): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol
Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device during South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(s): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol. 31, No. 4, (Autumn, 2001), pp. 93-106 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3331063 Accessed: 10/06/2008 15:34 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Nico Steytler Universityof the WesternCape Johann Mettler Universityof the WesternCape Federal arrangements are often used as a way of keeping deeply divided societies together. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Number 35, 2011
Number 35, 2011 AFRICAN STUDIES ABSTRACTS ONLINE Number 35, 2011 Contents Editorial policy .............................................................................................................iii Geographical index .....................................................................................................1 Subject index...............................................................................................................3 Author index ................................................................................................................7 Periodicals abstracted in this issue ...........................................................................13 Abstracts ...................................................................................................................16 Abstracts produced by Michèle Boin, Katrien Polman, Tineke Sommeling, Marlene C.A. Van Doorn i ii EDITORIAL POLICY EDITORIAL POLICY African Studies Abstracts Online provides an overview of articles from periodicals and edited works on sub-Saharan Africa in the field of the social sciences and the humanities available in the library of the African Studies Centre in Leiden, The Netherlands. New features Following recommendations from a survey among subscribers to the ASA Online mailing list in 2008/09, various improvements have been made to ASA Online. The navigation and search facilities have been enhanced and a link to full text has been included when available. It is now possible to navigate within ASA Online directly - from the -
South Africa Tackles Global Apartheid: Is the Reform Strategy Working? - South Atlantic Quarterly, 103, 4, 2004, Pp.819-841
critical essays on South African sub-imperialism regional dominance and global deputy-sheriff duty in the run-up to the March 2013 BRICS summit by Patrick Bond Neoliberalism in SubSaharan Africa: From structural adjustment to the New Partnership for Africas Development – in Alfredo Saad-Filho and Deborah Johnstone (Eds), Neoliberalism: A Critical Reader, London, Pluto Press, 2005, pp.230-236. US empire and South African subimperialism - in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (Eds), Socialist Register 2005: The Empire Reloaded, London, Merlin Press, 2004, pp.125- 144. Talk left, walk right: Rhetoric and reality in the New South Africa – Global Dialogue, 2004, 6, 4, pp.127-140. Bankrupt Africa: Imperialism, subimperialism and financial politics - Historical Materialism, 12, 4, 2004, pp.145-172. The ANCs “left turn” and South African subimperialism: Ideology, geopolitics and capital accumulation - Review of African Political Economy, 102, September 2004, pp.595-611. South Africa tackles Global Apartheid: Is the reform strategy working? - South Atlantic Quarterly, 103, 4, 2004, pp.819-841. Removing Neocolonialisms APRM Mask: A critique of the African Peer Review Mechanism – Review of African Political Economy, 36, 122, December 2009, pp. 595-603. South African imperial supremacy - Le Monde Diplomatique, Paris, May 2010. South Africas dangerously unsafe financial intercourse - Counterpunch, 24 April 2012. Financialization, corporate power and South African subimperialism - in Ronald W. Cox, ed., Corporate Power in American Foreign Policy, London, Routledge Press, 2012, pp.114-132. Which Africans will Obama whack next? – forthcoming in Monthly Review, January 2012. 2 Neoliberalism in SubSaharan Africa: From structural adjustment to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development Introduction Distorted forms of capital accumulation and class formation associated with neoliberalism continue to amplify Africa’s crisis of combined and uneven development. -
Trade Union Revitalisation in South Africa: Green Shoots Or False Dawns?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Pillay, Devan Working Paper Trade union revitalisation in South Africa: Green shoots or false dawns? Global Labour University Working Paper, No. 51 Provided in Cooperation with: The Global Labour University (GLU) Suggested Citation: Pillay, Devan (2017) : Trade union revitalisation in South Africa: Green shoots or false dawns?, Global Labour University Working Paper, No. 51, International Labour Organization (ILO), Geneva This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/189838 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
Land, Livelihoods, and the Decline of Work: South African Lessons for Current Debates
LAND, LIVELIHOODS, AND THE DECLINE OF WORK: SOUTH AFRICAN LESSONS FOR CURRENT DEBATES Ben Scully Department of Sociology Johns Hopkins University [email protected] ABSTRACT This article presents a comparison of central debates in South African labor sociology in the 1970s and the contemporary era. I argue that scholars can break through impasses in current labor sociology debates by reviving attention to the land-labor-livelihood (LLL) connections that inspired theoretical advancements in the South African literature of the 1970s. After an introduction and definition of LLL connections, the paper analyzes an exemplary work of the labor literature of the 1970s, giving special attention to the way in which the LLL focus shaped the questions asked by the authors. The article proceeds to a review of central debates from the current labor literature, which focuses primarily on issues of the labor movement. It is argued that this focus on movements has limited the scope of labor scholarship, resulting in an impasse in South African labor debates. An emerging literature that renews attention to the LLL connections is proposed as a model for moving beyond this impasse. I close the article by discussing the implications for this review of South African literature for global labor scholarship. INTRODUCTION Michael Burawoy (2008:378) has noted the irony that over the past few decades labor scholars have increased their focus on the labor movement, despite this being a period in which unions themselves have “seemed to be in free fall.” For Burawoy, this period of labor scholarship has been defined by a “public turn” away from questions about the experiences of workers in the factory and toward questions of labor as a social movement. -
Kuwait Dismayed by Cartoons, Rejects Islamophobic Offenses
RABIA ALAWWAL 8, 1442 AH SUNDAY, OCTOBER 25, 2020 16 Pages Max 34º Min 15º 150 Fils Established 1961 ISSUE NO: 18266 The First Daily in the Arabian Gulf www.kuwaittimes.net Egyptian official suspended for Egypt starts voting in first Syrians spruce up famed Real bounce back with 3 offensive remarks about Kuwait 5 stage of parliamentary polls 12 castle after years of war 16 rousing win over Barca Kuwait dismayed by cartoons, rejects Islamophobic offenses Some co-ops remove French products • Protesters in Irada Square slam Macron KUWAIT: The foreign ministry said on Friday mission’s position is “consistent and unwavering”, Kuwait has followed with deep dismay the contin- he added, as is the position of the government. ued circulation of caricatures lampooning Prophet “We do not accept such offenses under any cir- Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). In a press state- cumstances. The Kuwaiti mission continuously seeks ment, the ministry announced its backing of a to present and adopt decisions and initiatives at statement by the Organization of Islamic UNESCO that support peace, respect divine religions Cooperation (OIC), which expressed the Muslim and reject hostility and hatred. Last year, Kuwait’s del- world’s rejection of such offenses and practices. egation led an Arab and Islamic movement to approve The ministry warned about the danger of official a resolution at a UNESCO meeting condemning racist political discourses supporting such assaults on practices against Islam (Islamophobia), and it was religions or prophets. approved unanimously,” he said. Such acts instigate hatred, enmity, violence and The OIC earlier expressed strong indignation at undermine international efforts to promote the val- the publication of the caricatures depicting the holy ues of tolerance and peaceful coexistence, the min- Prophet (PBUH), lashing out at French officials for istry argued. -
Le Solidarity Movement Et La Restructuration De L'activisme Afrika
Université de Montréal « Un peuple se sauve lui-même » Le Solidarity Movement et la restructuration de l’activisme afrikaner en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 par Joanie Thibault-Couture Département de science politique, Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en science politique Janvier 2017 © Joanie Thibault-Couture 2017 Résumé Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner. -
Social Protests and Water Service Delivery in South Africa
Social Protests and Water Service Delivery in South Africa _.., ___IYBNIIIMA W'IIAOirlf9oo- []-- WATER llESEAACM CC.Mf$$1011f Social Protests and Water Service Delivery in South Africa Report to the WATER RESEARCH COMMISSION by BARBARA TAPELA Assisted by Bukiwe Ntwana and Darlington Sibanda Institute for Poverty Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) University of the Western Cape WRC Report No. TT 631/15 ISBN 978-1-4312-0672-8 May 2015 Obtainable from: Water Research Commission Private Bag X03 Gezina, 0031 [email protected] or download from www.wrc.org.za The publication of this report emanates from a project entitled Social Protests and Water Service Delivery in South Africa (WRC Report No. K5/2133) DISCLAIMER This report has been reviewed by the Water Research Commission (WRC) and approved for publication. Approval does not signify that the contents necessarily reflect the views and policies of the WRC, nor does mention of trade names or commercial products constitute endorsement or recommendation for use. © Water Research Commission ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since 2004, South Africa has been hit by high volumes of social protests. Protestors claim that they protest over lack of ‘service delivery’ and water is one of the elements of service delivery. In 2012 the frequency, geographical spread and violence of service delivery-related social protests in post-apartheid South Africa reached unprecedented levels. Water service delivery issues rose in prominence among various reasons cited for protests. While this ascendance is remarkable, grievances over water services are not new. Water service delivery issues have been (and still are) a part of a range of conflated grievances that masquerade under the general rubric of ‘service delivery’ issues and underpin many rallying calls for social protest action. -
The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left During the Long Sixties
Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 8-13-2019 1:00 PM 'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties David G. Blocker The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Fleming, Keith The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © David G. Blocker 2019 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Canadian History Commons Recommended Citation Blocker, David G., "'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties" (2019). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 6554. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/6554 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i Abstract The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women’s liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics. -
Sally Matthews
1 Privilege, Solidarity and Social Justice Struggles in South Africa This paper is work in progress. Feel free to contact me later for an updated version. Email [email protected]. Abstract The last decade has seen a noticeable increase in the number and prominence of social justice movements in South Africa. Many of these movements have received the support of relatively privileged individuals who are not members of the oppressed group represented by the movement. In this paper, I draw out some of the possibilities, ambiguities and limitations of the role of privileged individuals in South African social justice movements. The paper takes as its particular focus the relationship between one such movement, the Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM), and a student organization, the Students for Social Justice (SSJ), both of which are based in Grahamstown, South Africa. I argue that while privileged supporters of such movements can play a constructive role in social justice struggles, the experiences of the SSJ and UPM illustrate some of the tensions that are likely to emerge and need to be addressed when privileged people participate in popular struggles. Popular protest was a key feature of the struggle against apartheid. When apartheid ended in 1994, it was expected that frequent political protest would cease to be a characteristic feature of South African politics as the reasons for such protests – injustice, lack of democracy, racism, oppression and the like – had come to an end, or would shortly be addressed, with the democratic election of the African National Congress (ANC). Thus the wave of popular protests that gained momentum in the early to mid-2000s and the social justice movements that emerged at this time took many by surprise.