A Journal of Southern African Revolutionary Anarchism [BCBMB[B

“From each according to ability, to each according to need!” j No. 13 j February 2013

“Workers need... to use struggles for reforms, such as winning higher wages, to build towards seizing the land, mines, factories and other workplaces themselves so that they can run them through worker self-management for the benefit of everyone in society.” CONTENTS j

CONTENTS:

j Zabalaza #13 Editorial ...... 2

Southern Africa: j Whose State is it; and What is its Role? by Shawn Hattingh (ZACF) ...... 4 j Who Rules South Africa?: An Anarchist/Syndicalist Analysis of the ANC, the Post-Apartheid Elite Pact and the Political Implications by Lucien van der Walt ...... 7 j All GEARed Up for a New Growth Path – on the Road to Nowhere by Shawn Hattingh (ZACF) ...... 13 j Alternative Needed to Nationalisation and Privatisation: State Industries like South Africa’s ESKOM show Working Class deserves better by Tina Sizovuka and Lucien van der Walt ...... 20 j Get Rich or Lie Trying: Why ANC Millionaire Julius Malema posed as a Radical, why he lost, and what this tells us about the Post-Apartheid ANC by Tina Sizovuka and Lucien van der Walt ...... 28 j Municipalities, Service Delivery and Protest by Oliver Nathan ...... 36

Africa: j Egypt: the Lost Transition and the Libertarian Alternatives by Yasser Abdullah ...... 41

International: j A Close Look at the Syrian Revolution: An Anarchist among Jihadists by a Syrian comrade ...... 43

Black Stars of Anarchism: j T.W. Thibedi (1888-1960): The Life of a South African Revolutionary Syndicalist by Lucien van der Walt ...... 45

Book Review: j My Dream is to be Bold: Our Work to End Patriarchy reviewed by Jonathan Payn (ZACF) ...... 47

Theory: j Linking Environment Activism and Other Struggles: An Anarchist Analysis by Warren McGregor (ZACF) ...... 51

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POST: Postnet Suite 47, Private Bag X1, Fordsburg, South Africa, 2033 EMAIL: [email protected] j WEBSITE: www.zabalaza.net j PHONE: +27 72 399 0912

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 1 j EDITORIAL

Zabalaza #13 Editorial

Red and black greetings, comrades!

t’s been well over a year since the last issue of Zabalaza comrade from the ZACF’s sister organisation in Montreal, and much international attention has focused on the Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL), in Zabalaza #14. I socio-economic problems facing the European Union. De- Locally, the South African ruling class has continued its as- spite the ravages of capitalism, and its neo-liberal form, the sault on the rural and urban working class (the organised, European ruling classes have responded, generally, with unorganised and unemployed). A range of measures have more of the same: increased attacks on the working class been proposed or implemented in an effort to alter labour and through propagating greater austerity measures, and less community laws – won through bitter struggle – that offer money spent on social welfare on the one hand, and bail-outs workers a semblance of protection from the bosses and com- and more tax breaks for the rich on the other. As is to be ex- munities a bit of say in their locales. One example is a pected, however, the European working class has not taken Constitutional Court ruling holding unions liable for property this lying down; resistance to austerity imposed from above damage during strikes and protests. Ideologically the working has been widespread. In recent months we have witnessed, class finds itself unable to buttress these challenges. Its lead- in Greece, a one-day general strike on October 18 and a 48- ers and spokespeople continue to offer tried and failed ideas hour general strike on November 6 and 7. Promisingly, and and strategies to counter economic deprivation and political for the first time in the wake of the global economic crisis of weakness. Inevitably they promote nationalism and other 2008 – we have also witnessed a common European response such reactionary ideologies, seek to promote reliance on the in the form of a general strike on November 14 that affected state. Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, with solidarity actions oc- Climate change and environmental degradation were on curring across much of the continent. the agenda for a range of activists at the end of 2011 as South These global conditions have unleashed greater waves of Africa hosted the COP-17 conference. We look at working opposition to socio-economic and political domination. Yet, as class priorities and their relation to fights for ecological con- with protests and uprisings elsewhere over the last few years, servation and improvement, and conclude that these must be most have resulted in technical alterations at most, and not intrinsically linked to secure a better future – one of safe and in the fundamental dismantling of systems of exploitation healthy work and leisure. and domination. The sooner the working class realises that More recently, the police massacre of 34 striking mine- elections can never bring about freedom from social and eco- workers at Lonmin’s Marikana mine in Rustenburg un- nomic oppression, the sooner we can march towards a free leashed a wave of condemnation, but confusion still abounds. and equal, or anarchist society. In this issue we address the role of the state as the defender Inspired by the Arab Spring, the year 2011 was – in the of property and privilege in capitalist society. Since West at least – characterised by the emergence of a number Marikana, wildcat strikes and sit-ins have spread across the of “Occupy” movements modelled on the Occupy Wall Street platinum belt and into other mining sectors. In the Western movement. Not surprisingly, however (and with the notable Cape province farmworkers – who, together with mine-work- exception of Occupy Sandy, which played a significant role in ers, perhaps suffer the harshest consequences of the legacy providing popular self-managed emergency response and of apartheid – have also gone out on strike in pursuit of im- relief to victims of Hurricane Sandy in the United States) – proved living and working conditions and higher minimum a lot of these have by now faded away without being very suc- wages. As with Marikana and the strikes in the mining sec- cessful either in winning improvements for the popular tor, their just struggle has been met with harsh repression at classes or building sustainable movements in struggle. This, the hands of the state and farm bosses. Unfortunately at this again, highlights the centrality of ideas in the class struggle stage we cannot offer a South African anarchist analysis of and the necessity for strategic perspectives of building a rev- the strike wave that predated and followed the Marikana olutionary working class counter-power and counter-culture. massacre – for a variety of reasons. Partly we feel that the Similarly, 2012 was marked by massive student struggles significance of this period in our history and for future war- in Quebec, Canada, that also saw workers and communities rants a far deeper and closer look than was possible. Conflict- coming out in a general strike alongside students. Unfortu- ing reports and analyses continue to be released almost daily, nately, due to space limitations, we do not publish anything many of which are not drawn from honest reflection and on the Quebec students’ strikes in this edition of Zabalaza. study. However, we hope to look more closely at the strike However, we intend to publish an analysis thereof by a wave in more detail in the next edition, after the dust has

2 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 EDITORIAL j settled.These are times of oppression and uncertainty for the militant T.W. Thibedi, whose efforts nearly a century ago to working class. They have also further revealed the confusion organise black workers around class politics still deserve to and disorientation within the ranks of the authoritarian left. be remembered as a revolutionary alternative to nationalism We are offered fertile ground for anarchist agitation and ed- and class collaboration. ucation. We need to seize it! Anarchism has always stressed Such an understanding and strategic orientation, based on the necessity of directly democratic organised, coordinated critiquing both the past and present, is surely the ammuni- struggle and commitment. As such it was with great enthu- tion we need to beat back the devastation of economic oppres- siasm that the ZACF sent a delegate to the 10th anniversary sion (capitalism in all its forms, whether state or free of the Brazilian Forum of Organised Anarchism (FAO) and market-orientated) and political domination (the state and the First Congress of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination other relations of authority between and within classes). (CONCAB) in Rio de Janeiro this past June. At this auspi- It is with regret that we heard of the death on 28 January cious event, the FAO was reconstituted as the Brazilian An- of our friend and comrade Alan Lipman, age 88, who with his archist Coordination (CAB). The CAB brings together nine wife Beata were among the drafters of the 1955 Freedom especifista anarchist political organisations in what is the Charter. Alan and Beata resigned from the Communist Party next step in the process of building a national anarchist or- in 1956 in disgust at the Soviet invasion of Hungary. He and ganisation in that country. some African Resistance Movement guerrillas firebombed the In August we also had the opportunity to send two dele- offices where the apartheid state was collecting data on black gates to Switzerland to the 140th anniversary of the St. Imier women to put them on the dompas, so the couple fled into International Anarchist Congress. Here we participated in exile in the UK where he got involved with the Campaign for an international meeting of the Anarkismo network – which Nuclear Disarmament. Returning to SA in the democratic brings together over 30 organisations from 18 different coun- era, the couple got involved with their local ANC branch, but tries – in an attempt to charter a course of united global an- were soon very disillusioned with the ruling party's venality. archist action. Although he maintained a life-long friendship with Walter & Comrades, the road ahead is hard, but the path is clear: the Albertina Sisulu, he became a confirmed anarchist and ad- world ripens again for the ideas of anarchism. We, the popu- dressed a ZACF/Anti-Privatisation Forum meeting at the Or- lar classes (the working class and peasantry), scream out for ange Farm squatter camp in 2006 on what he called “the a way forward: a movement beyond endless suffrage and Anti-Liberation Movements” (ANC/SACP). His autobiogra- revolutionary betrayal. Let us arm ourselves with the correct phy, “On the Outside Looking In: Colliding with Apartheid tools in which to defeat domination in all its forms: capitalism and Other Authorities” (2009) was first published by and the state, racism and sexism, and many others. This, the zabalaza.net. We shall miss his quiet wit, gregarious spirit ZACF contends, must involve continuing to return to our and sharp mind. Hamba Kahle, Comrade Alan! roots in the Bakuninist wing of the First International: a As we close this editorial and prepare for publication, strategic orientation towards serious, critical theoretical un- bombs and white phosphorous continue to rain death and de- derstanding which then informs organisation, strategy and struction on the men, women and children of Gaza, Palestine. tactics. We also publish here an article by an Egyptian comrade writ- In memory of this history of struggle, we begin in this edi- ten on the eve of the Egyptian presidential elections. tion a series of articles on “Black Stars of Anarchism”: anar- Whether the outcomes of these elections will retain the pro- chists and syndicalists of black African descent around the US and pro-Israeli policies of the Mubarak regime, or support world who, rejecting nationalism and the narrow politics of the overwhelmingly pro-Palestinian aspirations of the Egypt- identity, have united the struggle against racism and impe- ian popular classes – hundreds of whom have crossed the rialism with the class war against capital and state. In this Rafah border, some illegally, to support their Palestinian edition we tell the story of the great South African syndicalist brothers and sisters – remains, however, to be seen.

The Struggle Continues! Forward to International Popular Class Unity! Forward to Anarchism and to the free Socialist Society!

Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front November 2012

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 3 j SOUTH AFRICA Whose State is it; and What is its Role?

by Shawn Hattingh (ZACF)

“...no state is truly democratic, including the one headed by the ANC. Even in a parliamentary system, most high ranking state officials, in- he South African state’s oppression of the Many left groups, amongst them the Demo- cluding generals, ongoing wildcat strikes, including at cratic Left Front (DLF), have rightfully con- director-generals, T Marikana, is clearly deepening. Over the demned this violence and the accompanying police commis- last few weeks troops were deployed in the plat- threats that have been made by the state. sioners, state inum belt in what was a barefaced bid by the They have highlighted how the state is pro- state to stop the protests by striking workers, tecting investors in the platinum belt, and legal advisors, and essentially force them back to work. As part they have lamented how the ANC government judges and mag- of this, residents at the informal settlement at is acting in a similar way to the apartheid istrates, are Marikana, and those surrounding Amplats, government. While we should be disgusted by have been subjected to a renewed assault by the never elected by the actions of the state, it would, however, be police. Many residents in the process were shot the people.” a mistake to be surprised by them. with rubber bullets; their homes were raided; they were threatened; and tear gas, at times, lay The reality is that no state is truly demo- over these settlements like a chemical fog. In cratic, including the one headed by the ANC. practice, a curfew has also been put in place and Even in a parliamentary system, most high anyone gathering in a group on the streets has ranking state officials, including generals, di- been pounced upon by the men in blue. Threats rector-generals, police commissioners, state have also emerged from the Cabinet that a legal advisors, judges and magistrates, are crackdown on any ‘trouble-makers’, that are never elected by the people. Most of their de- supposedly inciting workers to continue to cisions, policies and actions will never be strike, is going to happen. New arrests have also known by the vast majority of people – the top taken place at Marikana and even workers who down structure of the state ensures this. are witnesses in the state’s Commission of In- Linked to this, parliamentarians make and quiry into the events at Lonmin have been ar- pass laws; not the mass of people. In fact, par- rested and harassed. A number of strikers at liamentarians are in no way truly accountable Amplats too have been killed or injured by the to voters (except for 5 minutes every 5 years). police.

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They are not mandated nor are they Lonmin and Amplats. In South Africa, black recallable. They – along with permanent state workers have historically been subjected to bureaucrats - have power; not the people. As national oppression; and this has meant that such, no state, including the ANC headed one, they were systematically turned into a source is participatory; but rather designed to ensure of extremely cheap labour and subjected to in- and carry out minority rule. Likewise, the stitutionalised racism. The history of very state’s main function is not to protect work- cheap black labour enabled white capitalists ers, but to ensure rule over them. While the – traditionally centred around the mining anarchist Mikhail Bakunin rightfully pointed houses – to make huge profits, and it is on out that it is better to live under a parliamen- this basis that they became very wealthy. The tary system than a pure dictatorship, because post-apartheid state has continued to protect it allows for some rights, he also pointed out and entrench this situation; it has main- that all states are inherently oppressive to- tained an entire legal and policing system wards the working class (workers and the un- that is aimed at protecting the wealth and employed). property of companies, like Lonmin, and pre- The outright and ongoing violence of the vent the working class – and specifically the state in the platinum sector, on other mines majority of black people who make up the and at Marikana, therefore, lays bare the true bulk of the working class – from their rightful nature of the state; and the role it plays in access to this wealth and property in South protecting the ruling class (made up of capi- Africa. “The outright talists and high ranking state officials). It is State managers, who comprise a section of not a regrettable accident that the state has the ruling class, based on their control of the and ongoing been protecting the mines of huge corpora- means of coercion, administration and some- violence of the tions, like Lonmin and Amplats, and that it times production, also have their own reasons state in the has been willing to use such violence to do so. for wanting to protect the minority ownership platinum sector, The state’s, including the ANC headed one, of property: because their own privileged po- on other main function is to further and protect the in- sitions rest on exploitation and oppression. terests of the elite and their continued class This is why the post-apartheid state in South mines and at rule. For capitalism to function, and for class Africa has been so willing to protect compa- Marikana, rule to be maintained, a state is vital. It is nies like Lonmin: the pay checks of high rank- therefore, lays central to protecting and maintaining the ing state officials, mostly tied to the ANC, bare the true very material basis on which the power of the depend on it. The lifestyles of people like nature of the elite rests and is derived. Without a state, Jacob Zuma, Tokyo Sexwale, Pravin Gord- which claims a monopoly on violence within han, Trevor Manuel and rest of their cohorts state; and the a given territory, an elite could not rule nor in the Cabinet, therefore, is based on the con- role it plays in could it claim or hold onto the ownership of tinued exploitation of the working class, and protecting the wealth and the means of production. In fact, the black section in particular. These state of- ruling class.” the state as an entity is the defender of the ficials are consequently parasites that live off class system and a centralised body that nec- the back of workers - workers who have essarily concentrates power in the hands of created all wealth in society! the ruling classes; in both respects, it is the Since 1994 the entire working class has means through which a minority rules a ma- fallen deeper into poverty, including sections jority. Through its executive, legislative, judi- of the white working class, as inequality has ciary, military and policing arms the state grown between the ruling class and working always protects the minority ownership of class as a whole. It has, however, been the property (whether private or state-owned black working class that has been worst af- property), and tries to undermine, crush or co- fected. This is because the state has imple- opt any threat posed to the continuing ex- mented extreme policies, in the form of ploitation and oppression of the working neo-liberalism, to help capitalists increase class. As the wildcat strikes on the mines their profits even further. While it is clear show that includes shooting rubber bullets, that the black working class remains nation- tear gassing people, raiding houses, arresting ally oppressed, the situation for the small people, threatening people, humiliating peo- black elite, nevertheless, is very different. ple, torturing people, and even killing those Some, through their high positions in the that the state and capital deem as posing a state have joined the old white capitalists in threat. the ruling class. Others, have also joined the The post-apartheid state in South Africa too ruling class, but through the route of Black has played an instrumental role in maintain- Economic Empowerment. This can be seen in ing the situation whereby poorly paid black the fact that all of the top ANC linked black workers remain the basis of the massive prof- families – the Mandelas, Sisulus, Thambos, its of the mining companies, including Ramaposas, Zumas, Moosas etc. – have

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 5 j SOUTH AFRICA shares in or sit on the boards of the largest Africa rule in their own interests and that of companies in South Africa, including mining their class: they have joined white capitalists companies. In fact, Ramaphosa not only owns in the ruling class; they enjoy the opulent shares in, and is on the board of, Lonmin; but lifestyles their positions carry; they flaunt a number of functions at Marikana and other their wealth; and they exploit and oppress the platinum are outsourced to various compa- vast majority of the people in the country, in- nies he has interests in. Patrice Motsepe too cluding in the mining sector. has shares in the largest platinum mine in The state we must also, nevertheless, re- the world, Modikwa, through African Rain- alise can’t simply rule by force alone – force is bow Minerals. The wealth and power of this in the end the central pillar upon which its black section of the rul- power rests – but for its ing class in South own stability and that Africa too rests on the of capital, it also tries exploitation of the to rule through consent working class as a and co-option. To do so, whole, but mostly and it pretends to be a specifically on the benefactor of all; while exploitation and in reality facilitating, continued national op- entrenching and perpe- “The state ... pression of the black trating exploitation can’t simply rule working class. Hence, and oppression. Cer- by force alone – this is the reason why tainly, most states the black section of the today do have laws pro- force is in the ruling class, and the tecting basic rights, end the central state its members are and some provide wel- pillar upon part of, has been so fare – including the which its power willing to take action – South African state. rests – but for its whether during Such laws and welfare, platinum strikes, however, have been own stability Marikana, or other won through massive and that of capi- strikes in general – struggles by the op- tal, it also tries against the black work- pressed and exploited, to rule through ing class. and that should never consent and co- Bakunin foresaw the be forgotten; states possibility of such a sit- simply did not grant option. To do so, uation arising in cases where supposed these rights without a fight. But even where it pretends to be national liberation was based on capturing such laws exist, and sometimes they exist only a benefactor of state power. Bakunin said that the “statist paper, the state tries to make propaganda out all; while in real- path” was “entirely ruinous for the great of them. It is this duplicity that led the anar- ity facilitating, masses of the people” because it did not abol- chist Errico Malatesta to argue that the state: ish class power but simply changed the make- “cannot maintain itself for long without hid- entrenching and up and faces of the ruling class. Due to the ing its true nature behind a pretence of gen- perpetrating centralised nature of states, only a few can eral usefulness; it cannot impose respect for exploitation and rule: a majority of people can never be in- the lives of the privileged people if it does not oppression.” volved in decision making under a state sys- appear to demand respect for human life, it tem. Consequently, he stated that if the cannot impose acceptance of the privileges of national liberation struggle was carried out the few if it does not pretend to be the with "ambitious intent to set up a powerful guardian of the rights of all”. As struggles go state", or if "it is carried out without the peo- forward, including in the mining sector, it is ple and must therefore depend for success on important that the working class is not duped a privileged class" it would become a "retro- by the duplicity. gressive, disastrous, counter-revolutionary Certainly we must raise demands from the movement”. He also noted that when former parasitic state and bosses. The state and liberation fighters or activists enter into the bosses have stolen from the working class, state, because of its top down structure, they and it is high time the working class got some become rulers and get used to the privileges of this back. A fight must be taken to the state their new positions entail, and they come to and corporations, and the working class must “no longer represent the people but them- mobilise to have its demands met. As part of selves and their own pretensions to govern the this, we must, however, have no illusions people”. History has proven his insights to be about what the state is; who it is controlled accurate, former liberation activists in South by; who it protects; and what its function is.

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As such, the working class must mobilise mines, factories and other workplaces outside of and against the state and force it to themselves so that they can run them through give back what has been stolen, but it should worker self-management for the benefit of not have illusions in doing so that the state everyone in society. Only when the working "Workers need... protects workers or the unemployed. class has done this, and runs society through to use struggles It is vital for the future of working class its own structures and not a state, will the for reforms, such struggles that mineworkers in South Africa power of the ruling class, the power of its win their demands. If they do, it could re-in- violent state, and inequality be broken, as winning vigorate workers struggles across the country, smashed and ended. higher wages, to which have been on a relative decline since Central to this too has to be the ending of build towards the late 1980s. In fact, workers need to win the national oppression, and accompanying seizing the land, better wages and safer working conditions; racism, that the black working class is sub- mines, factories and they – as the DLF pointed out – need to jected to. Until this is ended, true freedom protect the right to strike. In the long run and equality for both the black and white and other though, and if inequality and injustice are to working class will not be achieved. As has workplaces be ended, the working class needs to take long been pointed out by anarchist- themselves so power and run society through its own struc- communists, however, if a just, free and equal that they can tures. This means confronting the state, society is to be achieved the means and the run them which is not theirs. This too means abandon- ends in struggle have to be as similar as pos- ing faith in the state to nationalise compa- sible. Hence, if we want a future that is gen- through worker nies, which would mean ownership and uinely equal and non-racist, our struggle to self-management control by a state bureaucracy; not the work- end the national oppression of the black work- for the benefit ing class. Indeed, calling for nationalisation ing class, and the accompanying capitalism of everyone in builds illusions in a higher power: the state; and racism in South Africa, must be based society." and it does not show faith in, or build the firmly on the ideals of non-racialism. Only power of, the working class itself. The state is once racism, injustice and inequality – along not a lesser evil to capitalists; rather they are with the state and capitalist system that part and parcel of the same system. Workers generate and feed into these evils - have need, and Marikana highlights this, to use ended will the Marikana massacres and other struggles for reforms, such as winning higher killings in the name of profit and cheap wages, to build towards seizing the land, labour be part of history. Who Rules South Africa? An Anarchist/Syndicalist Analysis of the ANC, the Post-Apartheid Elite Pact and the Political Implications

by Lucien van der Walt

012 is the centenary of the African Na- (proletariat), still mired in the legacy of tional Congress (ANC). The party that apartheid and racial domination? This is what 2 started out as a small coterie of black Cosatu (and the SACP) suggest. businessmen, lawyers and chiefs is today the But to understand this issue, we need to un- dominant political formation in South Africa. It derstand how the ANC fits into the current was founded by the black elite who were mar- South African social order and its class charac- ginalised by the united South Africa formed in ter. This paper addresses these issues using an 1910, and who appeared at its Bloemfontein in- anarchist/syndicalist, red-and-black framework auguration “formally dressed in suits, frock and considers some of the political possibilities coats, top hats and carrying umbrellas”.[1] that arise. 1. P. Walshe, 1970, The Rise of African Today it is allied via the Tripartite Alliance to Nationalism in South the SA Communist Party (SACP) and the Con- ANC AS BOURGEOIS‐BUREAUCRATIC‐ Africa: the ANC gress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). NATIONALIST 1912‐1952, C. Hurst Can the ANC be a vehicle for fundamental, Company/ University This paper argues that the ANC is a bour- progressive, social change in the interests of the of California Press, geois-bureaucratic black nationalist party; that pp. 33‐4 black, Coloured and Indian working classes

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 7 j SOUTH AFRICA is, that it represents primarily the interests of conglomerates on the other. In South Africa, by both the emergent black capitalists and of the 1981, the state and eight private companies (largely black) state managerial elite: top held 70% of the total assets of the top 138 com- officials and politicians, judges and military panies; today, 10 companies control 50% of Jo- leaders. hannesburg Securities Exchange (JSE) The term “bourgeois-bureaucratic” is to be capitalisation [3], matching state monopolies in preferred to the term “bourgeois nationalist”, as electricity, rail and so on. the latter ignores the state elite’s specific class Both ruling class sectors benefit from neo-lib- nature. Its black nationalism entails, first, the eralism, although promoting it for slightly dif- ideological myth that all blacks, regardless of ferent reasons: for the state elite, it funds the class, have a common interest; second, a practi- project of state sovereignty and territorial dom- cal stress on the primary interests of the black ination in the competitive interstate system [4]; elite, through a concrete programme of elite em- for the private corporate elite, it enables accu- powerment. mulation and exploitation in conditions of As the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin recognised, capitalist crisis and globalisation. Thus, state this sort of postcolonial elite is simply a “new and capital are “inseparable concepts … bound bureaucratic aristocracy”, drawn from the together”, as anarchist Pyotr Kropotkin former heroes of national liberation: the “iron stressed [5]. logic” of their position makes them “enemies of So “inseparable” are they that the corporate the people” [2]. elite uses its private wealth to access state Despite the myth of power, and the state common black interests, elite uses its state power 2. M. Bakunin, [1873] the black elite is anti- “The elite interests to access private wealth. 1971, “Statism and working class, as shown Both ruling class wings Anarchy,” S. Dolgoff represented by the ANC, (ed.), Bakunin on by the ANC’s embrace of share lives of privilege Anarchy, George neo-liberalism, its sup- which are centred on the and power: for example, Allen& Unwin, p. 343 port for elitist “Black the top 15 earners in 3. R. Southall, 13 Economic Empower- state, are largely conver- South African state February 2012, “South ment” (BEE) deals for gent with those of the companies got R103 mil- Africa’s Fractured black capitalists and the lion annually (2010), in Power Elite,” WISER private corporate elite, seminar, University racism of more than a a country where 50% of of Witwatersrand, few ANC leaders. centred on the big private the people get 8% of na- pp. 10‐11 The elite interests conglomerates.” tional income [6]. 4. Bakunin, “Statism represented by the It is simply incorrect and Anarchy” p. 343 ANC, which are centred to argue, like the SACP, 5. P. Kropotkin, on the state, are largely that “We Need a Mas- [1912] 1970, “Modern convergent with those of the private corporate sive ANC Victory, so that the People, not Big Science and Anar‐ elite, centred on the big private conglomerates. Business, can direct the Economy!” [7]. chism,” R. N. Baldwin (ed.), Kropotkin’s This balance was created in the multi-party Firstly, the ANC government is allied to big Revolutionary Pam‐ Convention for a Democratic South Africa business, and secondly, the state elite does not phlets, Dover Publi‐ (Codesa) negotiations of the early 1990s – yet represent “the people”, but its own class inter- cations, p. 181 Codesa was in other respects a “massive ad- ests. The ANC is part of the problem because it 6. Southall, “South vance” for the masses. is enmeshed in the state and private elites; it is Africa’s Fractured,” not the whole problem, since any party in gov- pp. 12‐13 STATE + CAPITAL = RULING CLASS ernment will end in the same situation. 7. Cover, African Communist, 2009, no. At the heart of the New South Africa is a bal- 177 ance between two ruling class sectors based on 1994 – A “MASSIVE ADVANCE” 8. WSF, 1995, “1994 mutual dependence: the (largely black) state Yet the social order created in the Codesa Elections: A massive elite and the (largely white) private corporate transition was also a “massive advance”: ex- advance for the elite, allied against the (largely black) working ploitation and oppression still exists, obviously, struggle in South class (as well the Coloured, Indian and white but legally entrenched white racist rule and a Africa,” Workers Solidarity: voice of working class). The state elite needs capital ac- highly authoritarian political system (in which anarcho‐syndicalism, cumulation to fund and arm itself; the private even anarchist texts were banned) has been re- no, 1, p. 1 elite needs the state’s power to maintain capital placed by legal equality and criminalisation of 9. Bakunin, [1871] accumulation. For classic anarchist theory, the racial discrimination [8]. Thus, for Bakunin, an 1971, “Federalism, ruling class has two wings: private capitalists “imperfect republic” is a thousand times better Socialism, Anti‐ Theologism,” Bakunin centred on means of production in corporations, than an authoritarian regime, as it means less on Anarchy, p. 144 and state managers, centred on means of ad- repression [9]. ministration and coercion in the state. The two Only the most abstract, misleading posturing 10. By e.g. Quest for a True Humanity: are bound by common interests, but neither the can present the current system as “white su- Selected Speeches & mere tool of the other. premacy” [10]. Writings ‐ Mosibudi Each wields highly centralised resources, via In addition to these crucial changes, there is Mangena , 1996, Bayakha Books, pp. the state bureaucracy, including state also a powerful, wealthy black elite centred on 47, 56, 65‐66, 69, companies on the one hand and large private the state, wielding an Africanised army and 93‐95

8 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 SOUTH AFRICA j

police; and the state bureaucracy, perhaps 30% homelands: consider Lucas Mangope of of the economy through the state, which owns Bophuthatswana and Bantu Holomisa of banks, Eskom, harbours, rail, transport, mass Transkei. media, the weapons industry and South African Today, hundreds of thousands of poor whites Airways, plus 25% of all land (including 55% live in squatter and trailer camps [17], while in the provinces of Gauteng and the Western state-led BEE means that a small black elite Cape).[11] trades on its race “as a means of justifying enti- tlement” [18]. Unless we take class seriously, it BLACK (AND WHITE) POWER is impossible to explain simple events, such as (FOR SOME) large-scale white worker participation in the state sector strikes of 2007 and 2010. The black elite also has a growing corporate No country, not even South Africa, has ever presence. featured universal white privilege and universal For despite (white) corporate hesitancy on black oppression [19]. BEE, around a quarter of JSE-listed company directorships are held by people of colour [12], with the proportion of senior managers in the INCOMPLETE NATIONAL LIBERATION private sector at 32.5% (2008) [13]. The top 20 The ANC state, despite its talk of national lib- richest in South Africa (using disclosed share eration, is an obstacle to the full emancipation data) include old white money, like the Oppen- of the working class. heimers, and new black money, like billionaires Why? Because, first, the state/corporate elite 11. M. Mohamed, 29 can only exist Feb 2012, “Blacks Tokyo Sexwale, Cyril ‘Own more Than 13% of Ramaphosa, Patrice through the domina- Land’”, The Citizen Motsepe and tion/exploitation of 12. 951 out of 3450 Lazarus Zim [14]. the working class in posts: M. Sibanyoni, Combined with the general, through per- 10 Oct 2010, “Black petuating poverty, Directors Arrive on 25%+ of the economy JSE,” City Press under state control, subordination and it is clear the black authoritarianism. 13. R. Southall, And because, sec- 2010, “Introduction: elite is far from eco- South Africa 2010 ‐ nomically powerless, ond, the conditions Development or and it is a myth that of the black, Decline?” New South Coloured and Indian African Review 1, the “means of pro- 2010, Wits University duction” are all in working class are Press, p. 11 white hands, or that deeply marked by an 14. Southall, “South the ruling class is apartheid/colonial Africa’s Fractured”, mainly white [15]. legacy in education, p. 12 The ruling class is more than just the capital- housing, health, transport and land that cannot 15. Cf. Malema quote, ists, and not all capitalists are white. be removed within capitalism or the state sys- 2009 congress of the However, as the JSE figures show, the private tem, but only through a new order based on self- SA Students’ Con‐ managed, participatory, planned production and gress: B. Naidu & S. sector remains dominated by white capitalists, Pliso, 21 Feb just like the state sector remains dominated by distribution for needs, not profit and power, and 2010, “How Malema black state managers. This is the basic division the abolition of social and economic inequality. made his Millions,” in the ruling class, generating secondary That is, the black elite have achieved their na- Sunday Times contradictions (see below). tional liberation with the capture of state power; 16. Source: NUMSA, it is now an obstacle to the complete national lib- Aug 2011, Central eration of the black, Coloured and Indian work- Committee Meeting CLASS + RACE ing class – and of the full freedom of the white 15 ‐ 19 August 2011, Not every black is poor; not every white rich. working class too. D 1.1 Class is the fundamental mediator. Cost-recov- This is the complicated terrain upon which 17. Beeld, 6 July ery is enforced in basic services in poor black class struggles operate: the gap between classes 2010, “Wêreld sien areas (see “Municipalities, Service Delivery and Wit Armoede in black South Africa opened by the 1990-1994 Protest”, p. 36). Services and housing here are of transition. It must be formulated as incomplete 18. S. Zibi, July 22‐ very low quality, yet very expensive; grants are 28 2011, “Non‐ national liberation, with a class character. racialism and the small, and their expansion reflects not ANC Untouchables,” Mail generosity, but an escalating unemployment cri- & Guardian sis affecting 50% of blacks [16], 25% of NATIONAL LIBERTION STRUGGLE 19. For a general Coloureds, 18% of Indians and 7% of whites. VERSUS NATIONALISM critique of this Obviously all whites – including the white Black nationalism, the official ANC ideology, fashionable American working class – benefited from apartheid, and speaks of a single black interest; it covers the re- theory: L. van der Walt & M. Schmidt, this has had long-term effects. But white South actionary black elite in the flags of suffering and 2009, Black Flame: Africa was (and is) deeply divided by class, often of struggle. It is mistaken to keep reverting to the revolutionary violently: consider the strikes of 1913, 1922, the easy (but always flawed) black nationalist class politics of anarchism and syndi‐ 1942, 1979 ... Meanwhile, under apartheid politics of the 1980s to try and understand the calism, AK Press, there was a powerful, if subordinate, black elite 2000s. Black (like white) nationalism was pp. 303‐305. with state power, notably through the always flawed, was always an obstacle to

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 9 j SOUTH AFRICA completing the national liberation struggle of the ANC government is the tool of big business, the black, Coloured and Indian working class. either by being bribed (the “sold out its princi- Two periods of association with nationalist ples” theory), or by having no choice (the struggle must be distinguished, according to the “victim” theory). Chinese anarchist Ba Jin (Li Pei Kan). The “sold out” theory’s flaw is that the ANC Ba argued that in the period of struggle has never been anti-capitalist, nor for radical against a nationally oppressive state apparatus, change; it has betrayed nothing. Made illegal in the anarchists are with the nationalists against 1960, it turned to armed struggle – but a liberal the regime, but against the nationalists’ pro- with guns is only an “armed liberal” [22]. Its aim gramme: they know it cannot deliver complete was only the end of apartheid, not socialism; it emancipation, because it maintains class, and wanted “the development of a prosperous non- so, they “simply want to go even further”. European bourgeois class” [23], waging a “basi- Then, when the nationalists are in office, the cally national” struggle with a vague notion of anarchists are against their so-called “good gov- “economic emancipation” [24]. ernment”, and with the “revolutionary torrent” Reality is the test, and the ANC in power has of the popular classes, as struggles based on shown that “economic emancipation” depends unsatisfied demands and needs go beyond the on your class: the “prosperous non-European aims the nationalists bourgeois class” forges permit [20]. ahead through BEE and “Reality is the test, and state power, but the RACISM AND the ANC in power has black working class lives THE ANC in slums and clashes shown that “economic with the ANC govern- To apply this: if the ment’s police in the end- ANC before 1994 was emancipation” depends on less series of “service basically progressive, your class: the “prosperous delivery” protests and from 1994 it has become strikes. a force for reaction, as non-European bourgeois has been shown above. class” forges ahead To continue to use na- AUTONOMOUS tionalist politics is dis- through BEE and state POWER empowering, confusing power, but the black work- The victim theory’s and positively harmful. flaw is that the ANC It ignores class, creates ing class lives in slums state wields enormous illusions in the ANC and and clashes with the ANC power through its con- disguises the true na- trol of the armed forces ture of the black elite. government’s police in the and state bureaucracy. And most danger- endless series of “service It is precisely because of ously, it easily trans- its autonomous power lates itself into direct delivery” protests and base that it enacts racism against the mi- strikes.” measures (violation 20. Ba Jin/ Li Pei norities – Coloureds, In- punishable by law) like Kan, [1927] 2005, dians, whites and affirmative action/ “Anarchism and the Question of immigrant blacks – who make up at least 25% tendering and other BEE measures, and defies Practice,” R. Graham of the population [21], especially when it is used private corporate opinion on a host of issues (ed.), Anarchism: a to deflect blame or promote factional agendas. such as foreign policy. documentary history, Endless xenophobic statements by officials, like Ongoing criticism of ANC policy in the private vol. 1, Black Rose, pp. 362‐366 Julius Malema’s insulting of whites (see “Get media reflects precisely the fact of autonomy - Rich or Lie Trying, p. 28), and former govern- that it is a means to effect change indirectly. 21. At least 20% excluding immigrant ment spokesperson and Black Management But when the ANC makes concessions, it does blacks, up to 30% Forum head Jimmy Manyi’s anti-Coloured so on its own terms. On core issues, like BEE, it depending on estimate racism, are all examples of a deadly tendency will not budge, because it is committed to using of latter. (They contradict official ANC policy, that “South state power to grow the prosperous non-Euro- 22. S. Christie& A. Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and pean bourgeois class. The ANC often blames Meltzer, 2010, The white”, but show a racist current exists in the “globalisation” for unpopular choices when Floodgates of Anarchy, PM Press, ANC). speaking to the unions, but let us not conflate second edn., p. 92 BEE, being based on a crude racial preference useful alibis with the facts. States, not anony- 23. N. Mandela, in system, continually fosters a climate of racial mous “markets”, enable globalisation through A. Callinicos, 1988, rivalry. policy reform: the ANC state is no different (see South Africa: between below). reform and revolu‐ Besides, these conflicts are secondary contra- tion, Bookmarks, pp. VICTIM THEORY 64‐65 Let us tackle here another problematic ap- dictions, for despite disagreements on BEE’s scale and pace, Zimbabwe sanctions and so on, 24. Morogoro state‐ proach. While Cosatu and the SACP think that ment, 1969, at the ANC can somehow serve the people, not big the mutual interests of the two ruling class sec- http://www.anc.org.za business, some Trotskyists claim the opposite: tors are profound. They are concretely expressed /show.php?id=149

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PHOTO in a shared programme of South African expan- and Sexwale, and multi-millionaires like Julius Malema sionism, working class containment and neo- Malema and Jacob Zuma. Moreover, “big capi- Photo: SAPA liberalism, exemplifying the primary contradic- tal” contributes heavily to the ANC coffers tions between the ruling class and the working because, as Zuma admits, “investing in the ANC class. … is good value for your money” [29]. The DA is really a coalition of minority voters, small NEO‐LIBERAL AUTONOMY business and white conservatives, with no Every single ANC economic policy in office serious buy-in by “big capital” outside the (not election manifestoes, which are always Western Cape. empty promises) has been fundamentally neo- liberal, including the RDP White Paper (1994), MALEMA AND ELITE FACTIONS the Growth, Employment and Redistribution The ANC itself is undeniably full of factions, strategy (GEAR, 1996), the Accelerated Growth as illustrated by the recent crushing of the noisy Initiative - SA (Asgisa, 2006) and the New but weak Malema faction by the entrenched Growth Path (NGP, 2011). (see “All Geared Zuma faction; an earlier Zuma-Mbeki clash is Up for a New Growth Path, p. 13.) another case. Again, these show the autonomous power of But these conflicts have nothing to do with the state elite – and its proud, active embrace of real political divisions or principles; they arise neo-liberalism. from vicious elite competition for access to the In 1993, the ANC brokered the country’s first wealth and power provided by high state office deal with the IMF in a decade [25] and adopted itself, like access to tenders. Given the powerful World Bank prescriptions in its 1994 election hold of (largely white-run) conglomerates in the manifesto [26]; note that the country then had private sector, naturally the emergent black no debt crisis (due to its economic strength), nor elite must rely primarily on state office for en- even IMF/World Bank loans (due to sanctions). richment and accumulation. But the state has The ANC signed the 1994 General Agreement only so much space – thus the viciousness of the on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) on free trade, and conflicts, paralleling the viciousness of corpo- then cut tariffs on auto components, clothing, rate clashes. The ANC is key to getting office, so telecommunications and textiles far below the this translates into a struggle within the ANC. level required [27]. It was the ANC, not the old Marginalised from this “gravy train”, the National Party, that removed the key capital Malema faction used radical rhetoric and crude 25. H. Marais, 2001, controls, enabling local conglomerates like racist African nationalism to recruit desperately South Africa: limits Anglo-American and San- poor African youth to its to change, Zed/ UCT lam to become truly multi- side, so as to build a signif- Press, revised ed., national. By 1999, the ANC icant base in the ANC. His pp. 109, 133‐134 also removed 75% of ex- faction also rewarded rich 26. Notably, the change controls [28]. allies with tenders and Bank’s Rural Restruc‐ turing Programme: bribes. But Malema has S. Kariuki& L. van NEO‐LIBERAL BEE now been crushingly de- der Walt, 2000, “Land At one level, BEE contra- feated, and by the ANC, not Reform in South whites. (see “Get Rich or Lie Africa,” Southern dicts neo-liberalism by im- Africa Report, vol. posing racial regulations in Trying”, p. 28.) 15, no. 3, p. 20 the supposedly open mar- The real tragedy is that 27. H. Marais, 1998, ket, and it is resisted by Malema was able to use the South Africa: limits local (mainly white) con- terrible suffering of African to change. Zed/ UCT working class youth, the di- st glomerates. Yet, this contra- Press, 1 ed., rect victims of ANC policies pp. 114‐115 diction is partially resolved by the fact that many neo- (not least Malema’s family’s 28. Marais, 1998, shoddy housing and hospi- p. 116 liberal measures can be used for BEE: the most ob- tal contracts) [30], to rally 29. SAPA, 19 Sept support for the ANC and for 2010, “Zuma: ANC vious is privatisation, espe- donations pay off,” cially through an ANC faction; that is, for Fin24.com Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), with their oppressors. Meanwhile Malema supported 30. Naidu & Pliso, awards of massively inflated tenders to the well crackdowns on the poor: the ANCYL “does not 21 February 2010, connected (the “tenderpreneurs”). This also approve of violence and destruction of “How Malema made his takes some pressure off private corporations. infrastructure” and is “inspired” by Zuma’s Millions” Such compromises work. There has not been responses [31]. 31. ANCYL, 6 Aug any serious attempt by the corporate sector to 2009, “National Working Committee sponsor a rival party. ILLUSIONS OF POLOKWANE Media Statement,” Cosatu suggests that the ANC is the party The ANC is not, then, a space that can be con- http://www.politic‐ with a “working class bias” and the opposition tested from within to change state policy in a sweb.co.za/politic‐ Democratic Alliance (DA) a party of “big capi- pro-working class direction, as Cosatu keeps in- sweb/view/politicsweb /en/page71654?oid=138 tal”, but the ANC openly backs “big capital” and sisting, but is an elite formation manipulating 824&sn=Detail its leaders include billionaires like Ramaphosa working class movements for elite purposes and

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 11 j SOUTH AFRICA factional agendas. We can speculate whether the Tribunal (MAT) and Protection of Information ANC could have been captured by a radical left Bill, basically to shield the BEE tenderpreneurs in the past, such as the syndicalists like TW from press leaks by disgruntled rivals and to Thibedi in the late 1910s. (s ee “Black Stars of limit public spats with the conglomerates. Anarchism”, p. 45.) But that time has passed: Cosatu has officially criticised the MAT and the the ANC today is not a mass liberation move- bill, but the SACP leadership (which has a huge ment, but an integral part of the state machin- role in Cosatu) has been co-opted to claim the ery, run from above by ruling class cabals. private media is the “greatest threat to democ- This is illustrated perfectly by Zuma’s 2005- racy” [34]. 2007 rise. Cosatu supported Zuma against in- cumbent president Thabo Mbeki, who it blamed “WORKING CLASS BIAS”? for the ANC’s neo-liberal “1996 class project”. The ANC has no “working class bias”, as But in office, Zuma acted exactly like Mbeki on Cosatu insists to justify the Alliance, but as a policy, in terms of squashing corruption charges, party of the ruling class, has nothing but a self-enrichment, suppression of community “class bias” against the working class. protests and so on. And he stated: “We are Yet the ANC retains a mass working class proud of the fiscal discipline, sound macroeco- base; let us have no illu- nomic management and sions, nor engage in the general manner in fantasy that widespread which the economy has “So long as the political township protests over been managed. That subordination of the the last 10 years are a calls for continuity.” [32] “general urban upris- The system generates working class to the ANC, ing” against the govern- the ANC factions, and and therefore to the ruling ment [35]. the factions are no These myths generate threat to the system: class, continues, the severe misreadings of these are tertiary con- working class is trapped.” the social terrain. tradictions, equivalent True, total, audited to boardroom fights in ANC membership is private companies. And because the ANC is a only 700 000 [36], compared to five million in top-down party, run by small cabals of the rich unions, and true, only 25% of the eligible voting and powerful with enormous state and corpo- age population votes ANC [37]. rate resources, the prospect of Cosatu calling However, the ANC faces no serious political ri- them to account is less than zero. vals. Low votes are mainly due to people not vot- ing in ANC township strongholds, not ANC ALLIANCE VERSUS CLASS UNITY widespread political opposition. Where leftwing Rather than Cosatu using the ANC to extend movements run candidates, like Operation 32. L. Chilwane, 27 working class control over the state, the ANC Khanyisa Movement (OKM), these are regularly Nov 2008, “Economic uses Cosatu (and the SACP) to extend the power defeated: merely one out of 109 Johannesburg Policies to Remain, of a hostile state against the working class itself. Metro councillors (2006, 2011) is OKM, despite Zuma Tells US Busi‐ Measures to undermine the working class in- vast efforts. ness,” Business Day clude the direct co-optation of leaders into top 33. e.g. interview: ANC government positions, institutions that J.T. van Zyl, Nov IDEAS MATTER 2008, “Mbhazima systematically bureaucratise the unions like the So long as the political subordination of the Shilowa,” Wine: a corporatist National Economic Development and working class to the ANC, and therefore to the taste of good living Labour Council (Nedlac) and political manipu- ruling class, continues, the working class is 34. S. Grootes, 18 lation through a pseudo-revolutionary rhetoric trapped. The working class struggle, including Oct 2010, “Blade Nzi‐ that presents the ANC as a movement of the the struggle for the national liberation of the pro- mande’s Ever‐increas‐ black poor. ing Loneliness,” letariat, cannot be waged through the ANC. Daily Maverick Two examples suffice: former Cosatu general Notions of an imminent rupture in the Al- secretary Sam Shilowa rocketed through the 35. e.g. P. Bond, liance are dangerous delusions. Many people are 2010, “South Africa’s ANC to become a wine-collecting multi-million- suffering, and many even fight against ANC Bubble Meets Boiling aire [33]; SACP general secretary Blade Nzi- policies and councillors, but they do not reject Urban Social mande was rewarded for his Zuma support with the ANC as such – usually only corrupt council- Protest”, Monthly Re‐ a ministerial job, immediately buying a R1.2 view vol. 62 no, 2, lors, long housing waiting lists and etcetera. pp. 17‐28 million German luxury car. A real break requires an ideological break Direct consequences of Cosatu’s alliance in- 36. P. Naidoo, 23 with ANC symbols and myths. Without the Sept 2010, “Cosatu in clude a culture among many activists of aspiring widespread influence of alternative ideas, like Numbers: membership to emulate Shilowa and Nzimande, Cosatu’s anarchism/syndicalism, the situation cannot dwarfs ANC”, Finan‐ painful absence from almost every single town- change. cial Mail ship struggle against neo-liberal, shoddy state It is necessary to reject the notion that 37. J. Saul, forth‐ services over the last 15 years and massive spontaneous and militant actions are inherently coming, “A Poisoned working class disorientation. Chalice: liberation, radical, or that a revolution can happen ANC‐style,” Amandla Recently, the ANC proposed a Media Affairs spontaneously. This is not true. magazine

12 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 SOUTH AFRICA j

As Nestor Makhno noted, unless the masses elite, as a stage towards socialism. Evidently, have a revolutionary vision, they will simply “re- this does not work. 38. Quoted in “Land peat the errors of the past years, the error of put- Historically, an alternative approach was de- and Freedom”, Scottish Anarchist, ting our fate into the hands of new masters” [38]. veloped by the most sophisticated wing of the number 3, 1997 That is precisely why Malema could use the anarchists/syndicalists, in China, Cuba, Ireland, 39. Bakunin, “The poor’s frustration to promote an elite agenda, Korea, Mexico, South Africa and elsewhere [40]. Programme of the precisely why Zuma could ride Cosatu frustra- It may be summarised as the programme of pro- Alliance,” Bakunin on tion to the presidency. letarian national liberation, which fuses the Anarchy , pp. 249, No revolutionary ideas, no revolution [39]. struggle against capitalism and the state with 250‐251; P. Kropotkin, [1909] the national liberation struggle of the popular 1986, The Great “PROLETARIAN NATIONAL classes. French Revolution, LIBERATION” 1789‐1973, Elephant Eds., vol. 1, However, any application of anarchism/syndi- BLACK WORKING CLASS PRIDE pp. 22‐23 calism to South African conditions must be This includes: non-racialism and class strug- 40. van der Walt & deeply rooted in recognition of the absolute cen- gle for the abolition of national oppression, and Schmidt, 2009, Black trality of the national question. That is: replacement of hierarchical and colonial ele- Flame, chapter 10, ments of cultures with libertarian, humanistic section on “Imperialism and 1. The profound racial divisions in this society ones. It includes engaging the libertarian ele- National Liberation,” (including within the working class); and ments of African (and Coloured and Indian) cul- looks at this posi‐ 2. The persistence of the national oppression of tures (for instance, ideas of communal tion and the rival the African, Coloured and Indian working ownership) and meeting the psychological im- “liquidationist” and “purist” approaches class through the apartheid legacy. pact of apartheid and colonialism with an affir- mation of black working class pride. Such is part 41. The Interna‐ tional, 22 February This is a legacy that cannot be eradicated of the project of constructing self-management, 1918, “Industrial under capitalism and the state in present con- equality and freedom, a participatory planned Unionism in South ditions. economy, and a South African working class re- Africa” The SACP and Cosatu hope that the ANC can public [41], as part of a “great universal and 42. Bakunin, [1871] solve the problem through a “national demo- international federation” of humanity [42]. 1971, “The Paris Com‐ cratic revolution” based on an ANC-state-led mune and the Idea of the State,” Bakunin reform of capitalism, and a “patriotic” alliance on Anarchy, p. 270 between the working class and the progressive

All GEARed Up for a New Growth Path – on the Road to Nowhere

by Shawn Hattingh (ZACF)

t has become common knowledge that majority of people are expected to bow down, do South Africa is the most unequal country in as told, and swallow their pride. 1. www.treasury. the world. Only 41% of people of working Despite being expected to be subservient, how- gov.za/documents/na‐ I tional%20budget/.../ age are employed, while half of the people em- ever, protests in working class areas are spread- chapter%203.pdf ployed earn less than R 2 500 a month [1]. Worse ing. People have become fed up with being 2. www.info.gov.za still, inequality is growing with wages as a share unemployed, having substandard housing, suf- /view/DownloadFileAc‐ of the national income dropping from 50% in fering humiliation, and having their water and tion?id=135748 1994 to 45% in 2009; while profit as a share of electricity cut off. In fact, per person South 3. Bond, P. South national income has soared from 40% to 45% [2]. Africa has the highest rate of protests in the African development In real terms this means that while a minority world [3]. It is in this context of growing commu- goals will not be live well – and have luxurious houses, swim- nity direct action, even if still largely un-coordi- met. http://www. zcommunications.org/ ming pools, businesses, investments, and cushy nated, that the state has felt it necessary, at south‐african‐ positions in the state - the majority of people live least on a rhetorical level, to declare its inten- development‐goals‐ in shacks or tiny breezeblock dwellings, are sur- tions to lead a fight against unemployment and will‐not‐be‐met‐by‐ rounded by squalor, and struggle on a daily reduce inequality. To supposedly do so it un- patrick‐bond 29th September 2010 basis to acquire the basics of life like food and veiled a new economic framework, The New water. Likewise, while bosses, state managers, Growth Path (NGP), late in 2010 with the de- 4. www.info.gov.za /view/DownloadFile and politicians – both black and white – get to clared aim of creating 5 million jobs by 2020 [4]. Action?id=135748 strut around in fancy suits barking orders; the Amongst certain state officials and politicians,

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 13 j SOUTH AFRICA including amongst the ANC alliance partner – neo-liberalism – like privatisation – the neo-lib- the South African Communist Party (SACP) - eral framework of the NGP at a macroeconomic the NGP has been presented as a monumental level is explicit. Consequently, the NGP stipu- paradigm shift. In fact, it has been presented as lates that the state will be guided by “a more re- the state’s trump card that will set the country strictive fiscal policy backed by macroeconomic on the road to greater equality and full employ- measures to contain inflationary pressures and ment in the long run [5]. Even the SACP’s enhance competitiveness”[7]. This, far from rep- Deputy General Secretary has hailed the NGP resenting a break, replicates the main elements as a break from neo-liberalism and “market fun- of GEAR at a macro-economic level. This, there- damentalism” [6], a decisive shift from the fore, translates into a situation where in real Growth, Employment and Redistribution Policy terms, and for the foreseeable future, the spend- (GEAR). Unfortunately, as will be argued in the ing of the state will be reduced. While economic first half of the paper from an anarchist perspec- growth is envisioned as being 4% per annum in tive, all of these claims are either wishful think- the NGP, and inflation slightly higher, govern- ing or outright distortions. Neo-liberalism - in ment spending will be increased by only 2% a the form of a class war year [8]. By its own ad- from above – is alive mission, therefore, all and well in South “The NGP... contains ... the state is aiming to do Africa. As such, it will is to use its resources be argued that the NGP anti-working class more effectively and tar- builds on past ANC-led measures. It outlines ... get its spending towards state policies that have investments that would attacked workers and how workers and the poor bring economic growth - the poor; while further- in South Africa have and according to its ing the interests of the rhetoric, the accompa- ruling class and promot- suffered, but it then calls nying new jobs. Far ing the growth of a for greater exploitation from rolling services out black elite within it. to the poor, therefore, The anarchist critique of the workers and the the NGP’s main aim is 5. Mantashe, G. “The New Growth Path is which is offered in this poor as a measure to to allow for a more effi- the answer for jobs”. paper, however, is not paradoxically overcome cient capitalist economy ANC NEC Bulletin the first critique of the and it calls for hard January 2011. NGP. Various other left this suffering.” choices to be made in 6. Cronin, J. “Lets individuals and organi- order to do so [9]. Thus, consolidate support sations, using a mixture in terms of macroeco- for a new growth path”. Umsebenzi of Marx and Keynes, have over the past few nomics the NGP is hardly a new path or a fun- Online. Vol. No. 2 months also critiqued the NGP (what makes damental break from GEAR. http://www.sacp.org. this paper different though is its anarchist It is not only at the level of restrictive fiscal za/main.php?include= framework, which leads to different conclu- policy that the NGP fails to break with the cen- pubs/umsebenzi/2011/ vol10‐02.html sions). Due to their theoretical framework, the tral tenets of GEAR. Like its predecessors – 19th January 2011. suggestions that have come out of these past cri- GEAR and the Accelerated and Shared Growth 7. South African tiques have called for a greater role for the state Initiative for South Africa (ASGISA) – the NGP Treasury. 2010. New in the economy. For example, the Congress of views an export orientated economy, increased Growth Path, South African Trade Unions (COSATU) has competitiveness, foreign direct investment, in- www.info.gov.za/view/ called for the state to nationalise key industries creased productivity, wage restraints, cutting of DownloadFileAction? id=135748 pg. 16\ and align itself firmly with the working class in costs for businesses and economic growth as order to address inequalities and unemploy- being central to supposedly creating jobs [10]. 8. South African Treasury. 2010. New ment. In the second half of this paper, it will be This is largely a carbon copy of the main ele- Growth Path, argued that such suggested alternatives are ments of GEAR. In fact, the NGP promotes the www.info.gov.za/view/ flawed from a class perspective. This is due to idea that wages should be capped and produc- DownloadFileAction? the reality that despite calling for what amounts tivity agreements widely implemented. Of id=135748 pg. 16 to a ‘mixed’ economy, the alternatives suggested course, productivity agreements make wage in- 9. South African by COSATU ultimately fail to fully address the creases conditional on increased productivity; Treasury. 2010. New Growth Path, root causes of unemployment and inequality: they decrease the ability of workers to control www.info.gov.za/view/ class rule, the capitalist and state systems. the pace of work; and lead to the greater ex- DownloadFileAction? ploitation of workers [11]. The NGP, therefore, id=135748, DOES THE NGP REPRESENT contains classic neo-liberal elements and anti- 10. South African ANYTHING NEW? working class measures. It outlines eloquently Treasury. 2010. New in its introduction how workers and the poor in Growth Path, While the NGP may claim that its central aim www.info.gov.za/view/ South Africa have suffered, but it then calls for is to reduce unemployment and fight inequality, DownloadFileAction? greater exploitation of the workers and the poor id=135748 in terms of policies, it is clearly mostly a contin- as a measure to paradoxically overcome this uation of neo-liberalism. Certainly, while the 11. www.docencia.izt. suffering. ANC-led state has become adept at avoiding uam.mx/egt/publica‐ While the NGP crows loudly about its ciones/capitulosli‐ much of the language overtly associated with bros/ingl.pdf

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declared intentions to create jobs and reduce in- either privatisation or greater labour flexibility; equality, the omissions of NGP document are, in and the housing backlog has grown to mammoth many ways, more telling. The neo-liberal frame- proportions [14]. This means that although peo- work in South Africa is not a new phenomenon; ple had high hopes for a post-apartheid society, it has been systematically put in place over a pe- and envisioned a more egalitarian society, the riod of three decades. Aspects of neo-liberalism continued entrenchment of neo-liberalism has were first violently imposed by the P.W. Botha led to worse material conditions for the black regime in the 1980s. It was in the 1980s that the working class (who due to apartheid already had drive to commercialise and privatise services very little), while the coloured, Indian, and and state-owned entities first began – at the white working classes have also sunk into time the main beneficiaries were a white elite poverty. Likewise, the gendered nature of neo- associated with the apartheid state. Likewise, it liberalism has also proved evident, with women was also during this period that a neo-liberal disproportionately bearing the brunt of restruc- township housing policy was initially imple- turing and privatization [15]. So while a black mented and municipal taverns and community elite, via the state, have joined the white elite in halls privatised. This was done in the context of the ruling class with the fall of apartheid, little massive black working class militancy and was has changed for the majority of people: the black aimed at promoting an allegiance to the notion working class may have won the vote, but be- of private property amongst black township res- yond that little has altered and people within idents to counter this militancy. Coupled with the working class have generally sank deeper this, the aim of furthering the growth of a black into poverty. The fact is that the NGP fails to ef- entrepreneurial class – via privatising munici- fectively address this nor does it link deepening pal taverns in townships poverty to neo-liberal- and encouraging the ism. The NGP is, there- private taxi industry “The consequences of these fore, not a break with 12. Schmidt, M. “The was pursued. The state neo-liberalism, as Dictatorial Roots of Neo‐liberal Democracy hoped that if it could en- policies have been devas- claimed by the SACP, in South Africa and courage the growth of a tating for workers and the but it rather takes the Chile” www.ainfos.ca black entrepreneurial neo-liberal restructur- /en/ainfos23104.htm poor. Since 1994, 10 13th September 2009 stratum, it would align ing of the South African itself with the regime economy and society as 13. Bikisha Media million people have had Collective. 2001. and capitalism and a given. Fighting Privatisa‐ blunt calls for socialism their water or electricity tion in South Africa: [12]. cut; 5 million people have WHY DOES THE Lessons from the When the ANC came Struggle Against SACP THEN VIEW into state power in 1994, been evicted from their Neo‐liberalism at THE NGP AS A Wits University – they continued and homes; millions of people an Anarchist Pam‐ deepened neo-liberal- BREAK WITH NEO‐ phlet. Bikisha Media ism. Naturally, top ANC have lost their jobs due to Collective: South LIBERALISM? Africa. officials did this for their the impact of either Perhaps the funda- own interests (more of 14. Van der Walt, L. privatisation or greater mental mistake the 2007. “After ten which will be discussed SACP makes, when years of GEAR: below). Under ANC rule, labour flexibility” viewing the NGP as a COSATU, the Zuma therefore, trade tariffs break with GEAR, is trial and the dead were cut; financial liber- end alliance poli‐ that they have come to tics”. Zabalaza: A alisation cemented; labour flexibility promoted, see any sort of state intervention in the economy Journal of Southern privatisation extended, and the corporatisation as a shift from neo-liberalism. Consequently, the African Revolutionary of state-owned entities accelerated and ex- SACP views the NGP as a break from neo-liber- Anarchism, No 7. panded. During the first months of ANC rule, http://zabalaza.net/ alism partly because the state has made its in- 2006/12/07/zabalaza‐ the neo-liberal housing policy of PW Botha was tentions clear to continue its investments in 7‐december‐2006/ also revived by the new housing minister and infrastructure, and use state-owned corpora- 15. ILRIG. 1999. An SACP heavy weight, Joe Slovo [13]. Indeed, the tions to try and stimulate growth, as first out- Alternative View of ANC used its ‘liberation’ credentials to push lined in ASGISA [16]. However, the bulk of the Gender and Globalisa‐ through neo-liberal measures that the apartheid tion. ILRIG: South infrastructure that the state intends to invest in Africa. state, due to popular resistance, never could. is aimed at promoting the efficiency of the capi- For almost two decades, the ANC led state has talist economy. This mainly revolves around im- 16. www.sacp.org.za/ built on these policies, meaning the economy main.php?include=docs proving infrastructure related to freight /pr/ 2010/pr1128.html and social life has been fundamentally altered transport and expanding the energy supply by 28th November 2010 by neo-liberalism. The consequences of these investing in green technologies and nuclear 17. South African policies have been devastating for workers and power [17]. The main beneficiaries of this will, Treasury. 2010. New the poor. Since 1994, 10 million people have had of course, be corporations. As pointed out by Growth Path, their water or electricity cut; 5 million people www.info.gov.za/view/ South African anarchists such state interven- DownloadFileAction?id have been evicted from their homes; millions of tion, and the expansion and maintenance of =135748 people have lost their jobs due to the impact of vital infrastructure, in itself does not represent

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 15 j SOUTH AFRICA a break from neo-liberalism [18]. whether in South Africa or internationally – The flawed logic of the SACP, however, is continue to play a key role in the economy (in merely representative of a general trend South Africa state expenditure still accounts for amongst many within the left. There is often a over 30% of the GDP [23]). Although some states 18. Van der Walt, L. 2008. “ASGISA: a mistaken assumption that neo-liberalism (but certainly not all) may cap their spending, working class cri‐ equates to a reduction in the power of the state, what they do spend is also increasingly directed tique”. Zabalaza: A and that under neo-liberalism the state with- towards benefiting the ruling class. As such, Journal of Southern African Revolutionary draws from the economy. Nothing could be fur- neo-liberalism, both in South Africa and inter- Anarchism, No 8. ther from the truth. Neo-liberalism arose as a nationally, has involved the state using its vast http://zabalaza.net/ response by states to the downturn in the global power and resources to shift the balances of 2008/02/08/zabalaza‐ economy – including in South Africa – that first forces continuously towards the ruling class. 8‐february‐2008/ erupted in the 1970s [19]. In terms of this, neo- Given that neo-liberalism is a class war from 19. Hattingh, S. “The liberalism represents a class war from above to above, the fact that the South African state in- global economic crisis and the Fourth restore growth rates and increase profits to pre- tends to spend money on projects that will stim- World War”. www. 1970 levels. Neo-liberalism, therefore, involves ulate growth and ultimately benefit the ruling zcommunications.org/ the state actively moving against workers and class is, therefore, not a break with neo-liberal- the‐global‐economic‐ the poor through promoting privatisation, ism; it is rather a central part of it. crisis‐and‐the‐ fourth‐world‐war‐by‐ labour flexibility, wage restraints and the cut- The SACP has also lauded the fact that the shawn‐hattingh 15th ting of services to the working class. While this NGP proposes that the state should intervene to April 2009 is done to workers and broaden black economic 20. Price, W. 2001. the poor, as part of neo- empowerment (BEE). In “Capitalist globali‐ liberalism the state also reality, however, this is sation and the intervenes for the bene- simply a continuation of national state”. www.utopianmag.com/ fit of the ruling class past state policies and files/in/1000000048/ through amongst other offers very little indeed globalization.pdf things bailouts, tax re- for the black working 21. Hattingh, S. “The ductions for the rich, class. The NGP makes it global economic cri‐ opening up new invest- clear that the interven- sis and the Fourth ment opportunities to tions proposed are World War”. www. zcommunications.org/ corporations, outsourc- aimed at benefiting the‐global‐economic‐ ing, providing cheap fi- black-owned businesses. crisis‐and‐the‐ nance and even To promote BEE, there- fourth‐world‐war‐by‐ shawn‐hattingh 15th subsidising certain key fore, the NGP proposes April 2009 industries. Further- that the state increase more, neoliberalism pro- its procurement, in 22. Hattingh, S. “Subsidies for the motes a strong state terms of products and rich, cut‐offs for that can maintain a services (which would the poor”. www. “level playing field” for involve outsourcing), zcommunications.org/ subsidies‐for‐the‐ the private sector and actively and effectively from black entrepreneurs [24]. Added to this, it rich‐cut‐offs‐for‐ enforce private property rights. Thus under neo- makes proposals for the establishment of a sin- the‐poor‐by‐shawn‐ liberalism states have also expanded their op- gle funding agency to assist medium and small hattingh 30th April pressive functions, such as policing and enterprises gain easier access to credit [25]. 2010 intelligence gathering, to try blunt the protests Again this is not anything new. ASGISA 23. www.iol.co.za that often accompany the attack on workers and strongly promoted BEE, and it tied it to – /.../highlights‐of‐ sa‐2011‐12‐budget‐ the poor [20]. The aim of all these measures, amongst other things – the promotion of speech‐1.1031293? therefore, is not to decrease the power of the medium and small businesses [26]. Likewise, 24. South African state, but rather to use state power to increase when the ANC took state power, in the context Treasury. 2010. New the ruling classes’ profits and wealth, while also where neo-liberalism was hegemonic interna- Growth Path, securing its own sustainability by cutting the tionally, it sought to use neo-liberalism to pro- www.info.gov.za/view/ costs of providing services to the poor [21]. In- mote the emergence of a black elite. This was DownloadFileAction? id=135748, pg. 17 deed, state officials, in order to secure their own done through privatisation and outsourcing. Al- position in the ruling class, desire a strong econ- though BEE in and of itself does not represent 25. South African Treasury. 2010. New omy – and in the current context they push neo- a neo-liberal policy; neo-liberalism therefore was Growth Path, liberalism to try and ensure this. In this, their used as a tool to promote BEE. The ANC has www.info.gov.za/view/ interests converge with the other part of the rul- also directly used the state to further the devel- DownloadFileAction? ing class, the capitalists. opment of a black elite via well-paid state jobs id=135748, pg. 21 In South Africa, therefore, while attacking for top party members and making state loans 26. Van der Walt, L. workers and the poor, the neo-liberal South to businesses conditional on them being BEE 2008. “ASGISA: a working class cri‐ African state has continuously tried to assist complaint. In fact, the ANC’s nationalist agenda tique”. Zabalaza: A corporations in restoring and maximising has always been to try to promote the develop- Journal of Southern growth. This has even involved the state using ment of black elite and black ‘middle class’ African Revolutionary its resources to provide services to corporations strata. For most of its history, the ANC leader- Anarchism, No 8. http://zabalaza.net/ at below cost and, when needed, it has also ship envisioned doing so through the 2008/02/08/zabalaza‐ bailed out companies [22]. Therefore, states – nationalisation of key industries under a 8‐february‐2008/

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capitalist framework [27]; by the 1990s, how- and its goal of ensuring capitalist growth. It is ever, privatisation, equity schemes, state fi- also clear that the state-owned mining company nance and outsourcing was viewed as key [28]. itself will be run on capitalist lines and perhaps Nonetheless, as part of its commitment to foster it is no accident the largest mineworkers’ union the growth of a black elite, the possibility of the was deliberately snubbed at the launch of ANC-centred state officials (who form a distinct AEMFC’s newest coal mine [31]. part of the ruling class) nationalising key By claiming that its aims are to end inequality industries in the future to further bolster this and unemployment, however, the NGP at- elite should also not be completely ruled out, tempts to hide its true intentions and to hide the despite the ANC’s current commitment to neo- real nature of the state. When under pressure, liberalism. or to maintain the status quo, states will regu- To foster the growth of this black elite, work- larly claim to be the servants of the poor and ers and the poor, the majority of whom are workers; while in reality facilitating their ex- black, however, have been and will continue to ploitation and oppression. It is this that led the be ruthlessly exploited and oppressed. Indeed, revolutionary anarchist Errico Malatesta to the wealth of the elite in South Africa – white argue that the state: “cannot maintain itself for and black – rests on the exploitation of the long without hiding its true nature behind a pre- working class and the tence of general useful- continued oppression of ness; it cannot impose black workers. As such, respect for the lives of the proposal of the NGP “To foster the growth of the privileged people if to further the growth of this black elite, workers it does not appear to de- a black elite and entre- mand respect for human preneurial strata, from and the poor, the majority life, it cannot impose ac- a class perspective, of- of whom are black, ceptance of the privi- fers very little indeed to leges of the few if it does 27. Zabalaza Anar‐ however, have been and chist Communist Front black workers and the not pretend to be the (ZACF). “BEE‐ poor, and the working will continue to be ruth- guardian of the rights of llionaires in Mbeki‐ class of all races in gen- all” [32]. Via the NGP, stan: BEE debate lessly exploited and shows nature of post‐ eral. The SACP, due to and other documents, apartheid SA, and its commitment to a oppressed.” therefore the South limits of ‘left’ two-stage theory of rev- African state is attack- critique”. Zabalaza: olution, fails to grapple ing workers and the A Journal of Southern African Revolutionary with this - let alone openly recognise it. Thus, poor whilst claiming to be their defender. As Anarchism, No. 6. with regards to the NGP’s promotion of BEE, such, one of its central goals is to stop people http://zabalaza.net/ very little is new including the rhetoric that it identifying the South African state for what it 2005/04/06/zabalaza‐ should be ‘broad based’. is: an instrument of exploitation and oppression. 6‐april‐2005/ It is also in this context of striving to expand In terms of this hypocrisy the South African 28. McKinley, D. “The the black elite and ‘middle class’ strata that the state is no different to any other state and, as real history and contemporary charac‐ NGP’s proposal to create a state-owned mining such, it is well-versed in the art of politics: lying ter of Black Economic company, and possibly bank, should be viewed. and deceiving. Empowerment (Part These proposals too have been lauded by the 2)”. www.sacsis.org. SACP, who views them ultimately as being a za/site/article/617.1 A SOLUTION FROM MARX? OR IS 9th February 2011 possible foundation on which socialism could be THAT KEYNES? built once the National Democratic phase of the 29. Programme of the Although the SACP has rained down praise on ‘revolution’ is supposedly completed [29]. When South African Com‐ the NGP; other left organisations have been munist Party. 1962. the state-owned mining company, discussed in more critical. Despite being in an alliance with The Road to South the NGP and so praised by the SACP, was the ANC and ‘deploying’ officials into the state, African Freedom. ‘launched’ in May 2011 it, however, entailed ex- Farleigh Press Ltd: the largest union federation in the country, the panding and further commercialising an exist- United Kingdom Congress of South African Trade Unions ing state-owned entity, the African Exploration 30. http://www. (COSATU), has also rightly described the NGP Mining and Finance Corporation (AEMFC). The businesslive.co.za/ as neo-liberal. To counter this neo-liberalism it incoming/2011/02/26/ central aim of the AEMFC is to mine minerals has suggested that the state should play a zuma‐launches‐new‐ that are seen as strategic for the growth of the greater role in the economy and align firmly state‐owned‐mine 26th South African economy. In fact, the AEMFC will February 2011 with workers and the poor. Amongst other be heavily involved in coal mining to supply the things it has argued that a new growth path 31. http://www. state-owned energy producer ESKOM (which businesslive.co.za/ should, therefore, be based on the state expand- provides electricity at below cost to the biggest incoming/2011/02/26/ ing its direct employment of people, the state zuma‐launches‐new‐ companies in South Africa) with coal. As part of rolling out social services, the state undertaking state‐owned‐mine 26th expanding the AEMFC, private companies with land redistribution, the state ensuring fair trade February 2011 BEE credentials will be receiving the contracts and the state nationalising key industries. It be- 32. Malatesta, E. for the construction of coalmines [30]. As such, lieves that through this, and by becoming bias 1974. Anarchy. the expansion of the state’s mining company fits Freedom Press: towards the working class, the state could play in nicely with the state’s commitment to BEE Britain, pg. 10. a key role in addressing and reversing the class,

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 17 j SOUTH AFRICA race and gender inequalities in South Africa. As therefore, synonymous. Thus, the state serves such, it argues that the state should intervene dominant minorities and by definition it has to to alleviate the worst effects of capitalism [33]. be centralised, since a minority can only rule Although its critique of the NGP is by and when power is concentrated in their hands and large sound, in terms of its suggested alterna- when decisions made by them flow down a chain tives, COSATU falls into a number of traps. Al- of command. It is specifically this that allows though COSATU has a genuine desire to see the minorities who seek to rule people (high ranking lives of workers and the poor improved, it does state officials) and exploit people (capitalists) to not call for a complete break with capitalism. As achieve their aims [37]. Therefore, states, in- such, COSATU in essence demands a mixed cluding the South African state, ultimately can economy and ultimately its suggested alterna- never serve the interests of the working class, tives amount to a call for a Keynisenian type or have a bias towards the working class (as welfare state. In this, however, COSATU fails COSATU hopes), but are rather central instru- to fully address the reality that even under Key- ments of ruling class power. As Bakunin nesian capitalism, where the state has owner- stressed, the state is “the flagrant, the most cyn- ship of certain key industries and roles out ical and the most complete negation of human- greater welfare, unemployment, inequality and ity…it shatters the universal solidarity of all exploitation of the working class still continues men and women on the earth, and brings some [34]. Under all forms of capitalism, whether neo- of them into association only for the purpose of liberalism or the type demanded by COSATU, destroying, conquering and enslaving all the it is the working class that produces all the rest” [38]. wealth, and it is the ruling class that seizes The oppression and exploitation of the major- 33. Congress of South most of it through the wage system and taxes. ity of people will, and does, happen even under African Trade Unions Worse still, because under all forms of capital- a parliamentary system. This is because even in (COSATU). 2011. ism goods are produce for profit, and not need, a parliamentary system a handful of people get “Government’s New the fewer workers to make decisions, Growth Path Frame‐ work: One Step that are employed instruct others Forward, Two Steps the better for the what to do, and Backward”. capitalists: it in- enforce these in- www.cosatu.org.za/ creases their prof- structions through docs/subs/2011/ ngp_response.html its [35]. Hence the state. Bakunin inequalities and noted that it may 34. Van der Walt, L. 2010. “COSATU’s unemployment be better to live response to the are part and par- under a parlia- crisis: An anarcho‐ cel of all forms of mentary system synidicalist perspec‐ capitalism. than a pure dicta- tive”. Zabalaza: A Journal of Southern COSATU’s sug- torship, but he African Revolutionary gested alterna- also pointed out Anarchism, No 11. tives don’t fully that a parliamen- 35. Berkman, A. 1989. address this, and tary system was What is Communist their alternatives “the surest way to Anarchism?. Phoenix – if implemented – consolidate under Press: Britain would amount to a situation whereby there the mantle of liberalism and justice the perma- 36. Bakunin, M. The would be a continuous papering over of cracks; nent domination of the people by the owning Immorality of the State. http:// and the root cause of inequality and unemploy- classes, to the detriment of popular liberty” [39]. libcom.org/library/ ment, capitalism, would remain unaddressed. As a consequence, even under a parliamentary immorality‐of‐the‐ Certainly, it may be better to live under Keyne- system, when people don’t obey the top-down in- state‐mikhail‐bakunin sian capitalism than a neo-liberal variety, but structions of the state or disagree with them, 37. Van der Walt, L. under Keynesianism workers are still robbed by the power of the state is used to coerce and/ or & Schmidt, M. 2009. the ruling class and inequality still exists. punish them. Thus, the state as a centralised Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Perhaps the biggest problem with COSATU’s mechanism of ruling class power also claims a Politics of Anarchism suggested alternative, from an anarchist per- monopoly of legitimate force within ‘its’ terri- and Syndicalism. spective, is its faith that states could deliver tory; and will use that force when it deems nec- AK Press: United greater equality, meet the needs of the working essary – including against protestors raising States.\ class, and side with the working class. All issues like a lack of jobs, a lack of housing, poor 38. Bakunin, M. states, of whatever variety, are inherently op- wages and a lack of basic services. States are, Rousseau’s Theory of the State. pressive and violent. Thus, beneath all of the therefore, the antithesis of freedom. www.libcom.org/ rhetoric about being instruments of the people, The Soviet Union was a prime example of this. library/rousseau‐ states are centralising and hierarchical institu- It was the Soviet state, under the dictatorship theory‐of‐state‐ tions which exist to enforce a situation whereby of the Bolshevik Party, which violently de- mikhail‐bakunin a minority rules over a majority [36]. The hier- stroyed the drive by workers, peasants and the 39. Dolgoff, S (ed.). archical structure of all states also inevitably poor for freedom and socialism in Russia. This 2002. Bakunin on Anarchism. Black Rose concentrates power in the hands of the directing happened shortly after the October Revolution Books: United States, elite. States and the existence of an elite are, when the interests of the working class and pg. 224

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peasantry began to openly clash with those of italist and statist orientation it cannot do this the elite within the Bolshevik Party. Beginning and is rather an instrument developed by the in 1917, once the Bolsheviks had solidified their ruling class to serve the interests of the ruling grasp on state power, they used the state to un- class. In fact, the ruling class – in the form of dermine the hope of direct democracy within the capitalists and high-ranking state officials – will soviets; they created a new secret police to crush never deliver employment for all and equality. anarchists, workers and peasants who wanted Their positions at the top of society are based stateless socialism; they re-instated hierarchies solely on the exploitation and oppression of within the military; and they ended freedom of workers and the poor. Hence, workers and the speech [40]. By 1921 those who resisted Bolshe- poor can’t rely on ruling classes or their docu- vik and state power were even sent off to con- ments like the NGP, or states – which due to centration camps. Likewise, and under Lenin, their centralised and hierarchical nature serve the state also killed any hope of worker control and generate rulers – to bring about an end to over the economy. Within months of the Bolshe- unemployment, inequality, oppression and ex- viks first seizing state power, worker-self- ploitation. management was ended, strikes were effectively While the working class needs to engage in outlawed, labour was militarised, one-man man- struggles to fight for jobs, end privatisation, stop agement was imposed, Taylorism was embraced, labour flexibility, raise wages and improve work- and the relations of production that define cap- ing conditions today, there also, therefore, needs italism were celebrated and entrenched [41]. to be a realisation that the state and capitalism The fact that the Soviet state had nationalised are the root causes of these evils. As such, we most of the factories, need to begin to work to- which had originally wards galvanising the been seized by workers “...only when workers... existing struggles in from the capitalists, South Africa into a contributed to this – it have direct control of the movement that could be- gave the Soviet state im- economy, when all wealth come a counter-power to mense power which it has been socialised, and the state and capital- wielded against the ism, and in doing so we workers. In fact, the So- when the state has been need to gradually trans- viet state accepted no replaced with structures form struggles from de- independent initiative fensive in nature to from workers in facto- of direct democracy, self- offensive. We, therefore, ries and state rule management and self- need to use the fight for proved itself incompati- reforms today to begin ble with workers self- governance – like to build towards a social management, direct federated community and revolution. Social revo- democracy and genuine lution, however, does not socialism [42]. Indeed, worker assemblies/ mean the state simply state ownership never councils – will unemploy- nationalising industries, translated into the so- as COSATU, other left cialisation of property ment and inequality be forces and some nation- and wealth, it never led permanently ended. alists have called for in to an end to capitalism, South Africa. It rather it did not overturn capi- means doing away with talist relations of production, and it smothered the state and capitalism completely – only when 40. Chattopadhyay, P. workers’ control. Therefore, the very logic of all these oppressive and exploiting systems are “Did the Bolshevik seizure of power states has proven to be centralist, authoritarian gone can workers and the poor achieve freedom. inaugurate a and elitist. It is this that needs be reflected upon As such, only when workers and the poor have socialist Revolution? and considered before placing faith in states, or direct control of the economy, when all wealth A Marxian inquiry”. believing that they could deliver justice and free- has been socialised, and when the state has http://libcom.org/ library/did‐ dom for the oppressed. been replaced with structures of direct democ- bolshevik‐seizure‐ racy, self-management and self-governance – power‐inaugurate‐ CONCLUSION like federated community and worker assem- socialist‐revolution‐ blies/councils – will unemployment and inequal- marxian‐inquiry‐ The NGP needs to be seen for what it is: an at- paresh‐chatt tempt by the state to improve the economy’s ef- ity be permanently ended. Claiming that the NGP breaks with neo-liberalism or placing hope 41. Brown, T. 1995. ficiency, to maintain economic growth and to Lenin and Workers’ nurture the continued growth of a black elite. To in the state, however, is not bringing us any Control. AK Press: do so, workers and the poor in South Africa have closer to such a society or struggle; it rather dis- United States to be ruthlessly exploited. The NGP itself makes tracts us from it, offers nothing and leads down 42. Brinton, M. 1970. this clear with its calls for wage restraints and a road to nowhere. The Bolsheviks and Workers’ Control. productivity agreements. At a rhetorical level Black Rose Books: the NGP may claim that it wants to promote em- Canada ployment and fight inequality, but due to its cap-

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 19 j SOUTH AFRICA Alternative Needed to Nationalisation and Privatisation: State Industries like South Africa’s ESKOM show Working Class deserves better

by Tina Sizovuka and Lucien van der Walt

“To assure the labourers that they will be able to establish socialism … [through] government machinery, changing only the persons who manage it… is… a colossal historical blunder which borders upon crime…” Pyotr Kropotkin, “Modern Science and Anarchism” “It is necessary INTRODUCTION democratic planning and control to meet human to tactically Privatisation – the transfer of functions and needs and end oppression, in a universal human oppose... privati- industry to the private sector – is widely and community. sation of existing correctly rejected on the left and in the working It is necessary to tactically oppose the privati- state companies sation of existing state companies because this class. Privatisation leads only to higher prices, because this is less and worse jobs, and worse services. Given is demonstrably used to launch further attacks this, some view nationalisation – the transfer of on the working class – but this is quite different demonstrably economic resources (e.g. mines, banks, and fac- to a strategy of promoting state industry as a used to launch tories) to state ownership and control – as a ral- solution to the problems of the working class. further attacks lying cry for a socialist alternative. As the This is because state industry is itself a weapon supposedly pro-working class alternative, this used by the ruling class against the working on the working cry has resounded in sections of the SA Commu- class. Neither privatisation nor nationalisation class – but this nist Party (SACP), in the Congress of SA Trade is a solution. is quite different State companies play a central role in oppress- Unions (Cosatu), in the African National to a strategy Congress Youth League (ANCYL) ing the working class in every single membership, and on the independ- country. In the South African case, they of promoting ent Trotskyite and social demo- actively perpetuate the economic ex- state industry... cratic left. ploitation, social domination because state and national oppression of This article argues that na- industry is itself tionalisation has never re- the majority. The notion moved capitalism, nor led to that nationalisation is a weapon used socialism, and it certainly somehow inherently left- by the ruling does not have a demonstra- wing is untrue: it has class against the been used by governments ble record of consistently im- working class. proving wages, jobs, rights as reactionary as the apartheid regime, and safety. Nationalisation, Portuguese colonialism, and Nazi Ger- Neither privati- rather than promote “workers’ con- many. Its existence in the old Soviet Union sation nor trol” or companies’ accountability to the public, and other so-called “communist” regimes does nationalisation not change this: these Marxist regimes were has routinely meant top-down management, is a solution.” union-bashing, bad services and bad conditions. state-capitalist dictatorships based on terror This article appeals to progressive working and repression, regardless of their rhetoric class forces to look instead to another way: col- about socialism, workers’ power etc. (see below). lectivisation from below, where industry is Privatisation and nationalisation have failed placed under direct workers’ self-management, the working class: the collectivisation alterna- subject to worker-community participatory tive has a demonstrable and inspiring history of direct “workers’ control” and accountability, of

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1. See M. Amsden, dramatically improved working conditions, WHY DO SOME WANT 1978, “Industrial and of enormous contributions to jobs and NATIONALISATION? Collectivisation communities.[1] Under Workers’ Here, we must distinguish between the It is also being revived internationally, at a Control: Catalonia, Malema/ ANCYL leadership, who use the “na- 1937 – 1939”, time that privatisation and nationalisation are tionalisation” slogan with a hidden elitist Antipode: A Radical discredited. The Argentinean occupation move- agenda, and the progressive forces who gen- Journal of Geography, ment of the 2000s and other recent examples are Vol 10. No 3. uinely see nationalisation as a way forward for the latest in a tradition that has achieved in- the working class. 2. ANCYL, 2010, credible successes. A highpoint is the anar- Towards the Transfer In 2010 and 2011, the ANCYL grabbed head- chist/syndicalist Spanish Revolution of the of Mineral Wealth to lines worldwide by calling for the “nationalisa- the Ownership of the 1930s, perhaps the most impressive worker/ tion of the mines” and “other monopoly People as a Whole: a peasant revolution of all time. industries”, as a means of democratising wealth perspective on So, it is urgent and important that anarchists/ nationalisation of and funding welfare, more and better jobs and syndicalists explain why nationalisation does the mines. Available “economic freedom”.[3] at http://us‐ not and never has provided a real solution, and This was a case of simple political dishonesty. cdn.creamermedia.co. to articulate collectivisation as a desirable and Then-ANCYL head Julius Malema, who posed za/assets/articles/ feasible alternative. The attachments/25571_ as a radical champion of struggle against ruling nationalisation_of_ the poor, was an ex- mines_document‐ class domination and ploiter of the worst type. feb_2010.pdf exploitation, which op- “The struggle against A controversial and cor- 3. ANCYL, 2010, To‐ erates through both pri- ruling class domination rupt multi-millionaire, wards the Transfer of vate companies and Mineral Wealth to the he made a fortune steal- state companies, must and exploitation, which Ownership of the Peo‐ ing money from hospi- be linked to a conscious ple as a Whole: a operates through both tals, schools and public perspective on na‐ struggle to replace both housing projects tionalisation of the types with a new bot- private companies and mines. Available at through crooked privati- tom-up model: the work- state companies, must be http://us‐cdn.cream‐ sation deals.[4] (See ar- ers’ collective, based on ermedia.co.za/as‐ linked to a conscious ticle on Malema, this sets/articles/attachm the slogan Resist-Oc- issue). ents/25571_nationali‐ cupy-Produce, and struggle to replace both sation_of_mines_docu‐ But Malema had located within a ment‐feb_2010.pdf types with a new bottom- touched a proletarian democratic worker- 4. B. Naidu & S. nerve. Whatever the an- community-run up model: the workers’ Pliso, 21 Feb 2010, tics of the ANCYL lead- “How Malema made his anarchist communist collective, based on the ership, the organisation Millions”, Sunday economy. Times slogan Resist-Occupy- certainly attracts some sincere black working 5. SAPA, 12 Feb 2012, AIMS OF ARTICLE Produce, and located “Malema Cronies class youth, who are Looted Limpopo: This article develops within a democratic desperately looking for report”, TimesLive, these arguments, mak- worker-community-run solutions. South Africa at http://www.times‐ ing concrete reference to live.co.za/local/2012 anarchist communist remains a society with /02/12/malema‐ the long and unpleasant massive inequalities, cronies‐looted‐ South African experi- economy.” and so a range of other limpopo‐report ence of state industry leftwing forces also 6. E.g. Cosatu/ SACP, and nationalisation. The sought to ride the wave 1999, Building extensive South African experience of national- of enthusiasm that the nationalisation slogan Socialism Now: isation and state industry, including Eskom Preparing for the New evoked. Millennium (Johannes‐ (power), Spoornet (rail) and Sasol (oil), provides Cosatu (correctly) condemned Malema’s ANC burg: Cosatu), pp. a concrete case showing nationalisation has faction and allies as “predators” for their role in 65, 70; SA Communist nothing to do with the “liberation of the working looting the Limpopo province through the Party, 1999. For a class” – as some, like Julius Malema of the fuller discussion and state.[5] Yet it also highlighted nationalisation assessment of the ANCYL, have claimed.[2] as a plank in its (essentially social democratic) Cosatu programme: Recent reports – by state-owned Eskom, the programme of slowly reforming capitalism into L. van der Walt, biggest power utility in Africa, of 60 percent socialism.[6] 2010, “COSATU’s Re‐ profits, despite its record of racism before 1994, sponse to the Crisis: Since Cosatu’s strategy centres on winning an anarcho‐syndical‐ of massive retrenchments, discriminatory tar- the ANC over from neo-liberalism, it used ist assessment and iffs, millions of cut-offs of poor households, and Malema’s outbursts to raise nationalisation alternative”, economically devastating rolling blackouts – are Zabalaza: a journal with the ANC,[7] meanwhile “engaging” the of southern African just the tip of a dirty iceberg. ANCYL.[8 on facing page] The SACP – like revolutionary The failings of nationalisation are true regard- Cosatu, allied to the ruling ANC – also endorsed anarchism, no. 11 less of the party holding office. And true regard- some nationalisation at its July 2012 congress. 7. N. Bauer, 5 August less of whether the state in question calls itself (For more on Cosatu’s programme see article on 2011, “A foregone a “workers’ state”, a “people’s republic”, or the “New Growth Path”, this issue.) conclusion, says “soviet”, or “anti-imperialist”. Cosatu”, Mail and Outside the ANC/SACP/ Cosatu milieu, the Guardian newly formed Democratic Left Front’s (DLF’s)

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Brian Ashley (editor of Amandla magazine) is always and everywhere unaccountable to the asked: “Nationalisation: can we afford not to?” working class. He insisted “the left should welcome” the nation- Nationalised and state industries have exactly alisation call, since nationalisation was suppos- the same features as the state more generally. edly a “radical reform” linked to the “struggle for Like private companies, they are run form socialism”.[9] The Democratic Socialist above, by and for the ruling elite, and rest upon Movement (DSM), a well-established Trotskyist accumulation through exploitation. formation that played a heroic role in the 2010/11 Mine-Line occupation in Gauteng,[10] “UNDER WORKERS’ CONTROL”? and has recently played an important role in As a result, “nationalisation under workers’ supporting strike committees during the strike control” is a contradiction in terms; it is impos- wave on the Rustenburg mines, also called sible to implement. If the means of production for nationalisation, although “under workers’ are nationalised, they cannot be under any real control”. “workers’ control”, but only under elite control. Nationalisation and privatisation are just two SO, WHERE DOES THE PROBLEM LIE? different ways that the ruling class runs society; The exploitation of the working class – as well they are not means through which the working as other forms of oppression, such as national class can run society. Both are undemocratic, oppression – are to a run top-down by and large extent the result for the rich and of a society run from powerful. the top down, as a Now, it may be ar- small ruling class mo- gued (in the classical nopolises production, Marxist tradition), 8. For example, “Vavi administration and co- that what applies to joins ANCYL in Calls ercion. Such a society nationalisation under for Nationalisation”, is undemocratic, ex- a capitalist state will 6 Aug 2011, Mail and ploitative and inegali- not apply under a so- Guardian Online, at http://mg.co.za/ tarian. This situation called “workers’ article/2011‐08‐ helps grow the bitter state”.[11] The so- 06‐vavi‐speaks‐in‐ fruits of wars, poverty called “dictatorship of favour‐of‐nationali‐ and racism. the proletariat” sation To really change so- would operate, it is 9. B. Ashley, 2010, ciety, economic and po- claimed, under the “The Left and the Nationalisation litical power needs to democratic control of Debate: shape it, be removed from the the working class. don’t sidestep it”, ruling class, and be This, supposedly, is Amandla, no. 13 placed in the hands of the majority of people; to what happened in the early years of the Soviet 10. See S. Hattingh, exercise control through self-management, as- Union. 2011, “Take Back What’s Yours: the semblies, worker and community councils, and In fact, that there is not a single historical ex- Mine‐Line Occupa‐ participatory planning. This is precisely the vi- ample of “nationalisation under workers’ con- tion”, Zabalaza: a sion of anarchism/ syndicalism (as well as other trol” – and the history of the early Soviet Union journal of southern libertarian socialist currents, like Council Com- bears this claim out; it does not contradict it. African revolutionary anarchism, no. 11, munism). pp. 4‐5 THE SOVIET MIRAGE 11. E.g. New THE STATE IS PART OF All of the so-called “workers’ states”, of which Nation, 7‐13 Dec. THE PROBLEM the Soviet Union was the first, were, from day 1990, “Nationalisa‐ tion” So, if socialism means anything, it must mean one, one-party dictatorships based on the clas- democratic working class power. But how can sical Marxist idea of a “political party” grabbing 12. Marx’s words: H. “state power”, using “centralisation”, “dictator- Gerth (ed.), 1958, this exist in a nationalised industry? The SACP, The First Interna‐ Cosatu and Ashley are fairly vague, placing ship” and “force”,[12] with the economy in “the tional: Minutes of their hopes in a “progressive” government tak- hands of the state”, worked by state-directed “in- the Hague Conference ing its lead from the electorate (with some input dustrial armies”.[13] of 1872, University The Soviet Union under V.I. Lenin set the pat- of Wisconsin Press, from unions). 1958, pp. 216‐17, The problem is that the state cannot be placed tern. Lenin imposed nationalisation 285‐86 on worker-run industries, with the workers’ under the control of the working class, as it is a 13. K. Marx & F. hierarchical structure run by a ruling class mi- committees set up at the start of the revolution Engels, [1848] 1954, nority, in which most people have no say at all. replaced by state-appointed managers with “un- The Communist For example, current South African state policy limited” power.[14] Unions were illegal, wages Manifesto, Henry fell, industrial accidents were commonplace; Regnery, pp. 40, under the ANC is neo-liberal, stressing privati- 55‐56 sation and the like. While the majority of the protestors were murdered or jailed. Like Joseph Stalin, Leon Trotsky too insisted upon state-run 14. E.g. M. Brinton, population openly opposes these measures, it 1970, The Bolsheviks has never really been asked its opinion: the ANC industry, and upon the dictatorship of a single and Workers Control, imposes these measures nonetheless. The state Party, “even if that dictatorship temporarily 1917‐1921, Solidarity

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clashed with the passing moods of the workers’ tors; Brazilian dictator Getúlio Dornelles Vargas democracy”.[15] used nationalisation, and industries were rou- (Of course, there are alternative Marxist tinely nationalised in the Soviet Union. traditions, like Council Communism, which take The ANC, now South Africa’s ruling party, entirely different positions: however, the statist, favoured nationalisation in its 1955 “Freedom dictatorial “classical” strand has been over- Charter”, and again in the famed 1969 “Moro- whelmingly dominant in the Marxist tradition goro” statement. But this was not a radical po- and its history). sition: its opponent, the ruling apartheid National Party (NP), was elected in 1948 on a NO SUCH THING AS THE pro-nationalisation platform. Its project in- “PUBLIC SECTOR” cluded massively expanding the state industry over the 30 years that followed, and offering It is also flatly wrong to describe the state sec- large-scale assistance, in an effort to expand and tor as the “public sector”, as we have been boost the historically weak Afrikaner elite. taught to do: the state is neither run for, nor by, In this, the NP merely built upon the policies the working class majority of the “public”. And of earlier South African governments, notably state industries basically operate to ensure eco- the 1924-1948 Pact / Fusion era: Eskom / Escom nomic growth, profits and war preparation for (a contraction of “electricity supply commission”) the benefit of the ruling class. was formed in 1923, the South African Broad- Anarchists have long argued that the state is casting Corporation (SABC) in 1927, Iscor (iron part of ruling class power. No matter which and steel) in 1928, and South African Airways party is in power, “States are … not neutral en- (SAA) in 1934. tities or potential allies of the oppressed; they are The ANC was never anti-capitalist: it was a rather part of the oppression of the majority of nationalist party controlled by the African elite people”.[16] There is nothing democratic about that was being throttled by racist laws. Of the state: the state managers are part of the rul- course, it played a progressive role in the fight ing class, along with the private capitalists. against apartheid, but that is a separate matter. The working class is Nationalisation was exploited in state in- envisaged as a means dustries, just as in pri- of helping that elite vate industries, expand through a sup- through wage labour, portive ANC govern- and lacks any real con- ment. trol over these means Specifically reject- of production. The ing claims that the work process is author- Freedom Charter was itarian, run top-down “communist”, Nelson by the state elite, and, Mandela insisted that just as in the private nationalisation was sector, unpaid surplus aimed at “the develop- value is accumulated ment of a prosperous 15. Quoted in Alec and reinvested. non-European bour- Nove, 1990, Studies Sometimes the state subsidises nationalised geois class”.[18] (This is comparable to the NP in Economics and industries, but it does so by purchasing inputs Russia, Macmillan, strategy discussed above) p. 181 (excluding labour) at a loss, and/ or by selling the products at a loss. It does not subsidise the 16. Hattingh, SA COMMUNIST PARTY AND 2011,pp. 4‐5 workforce: rather, the workforce subsidises the nationalised industry through direct exploita- THE CHARTER 17. Quoted in C. Berneri, [1925] tion as well as through taxes and levies. Anar- The Freedom Charter was largely written by 1995, “Kropotkin: chist theorist Pyotr Kropotkin stressed that “the SACP cadre; but this does not change the above his federalist amount of work given every year by the producer analysis – because the SACP (and the earlier ideas”, The Raven, to the state must be enormous”.[17] Communist Party of South Africa/ CPSA) was no. 31, p. 274 from 1928 committed to the Marxist-Leninist 18. N. Mandela, June two-stage strategy for the “colonial and semi- 1956, “In Our Life‐ THE ANC, NP AND NATIONALISATION time”, Liberation, Although privatisation is today embraced by colonial world”: first anti-imperialism (in SA, anti-“internal colonialism”/apartheid); socialism 19. See P. Alexander, most states, nationalisation was routinely 2000, Workers, War adopted by capitalist states and parties world- later. and the Origins of wide until the late 1970s; it was not a controver- In the 1940s, the CPSA/ SACP decided that Apartheid: labour and sial policy, but one shared by everyone from the ANC (not the CPSA) was the vehicle for politics in South stage one. So, the CPSA, the dominant force in Africa, James Currey Lenin, to Hendrik Verwoerd. Big “Western” pow- etal; L. Callinicos, ers used nationalisation regularly: Britain had black politics at the time,[19] transferred its 1990, “The Communist nationalised coal mines, BP, Rolls Royce; the US base and cadre to the small crisis-ridden ANC, Party during the War which subsequently became a mass movement. Years”, South African nationalised some railways and banks; Park Labour Bulletin, Chung Hee’s rightwing South Korean dictator- (Mandela’s and Tambo’s small ANCYL later got vol. 15, no. 3. ship nationalised banks, railways and other sec- the credit).

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But the party did not aim to make the ANC The NP in South Africa regularly used nation- anti-capitalist; instead it was to be transformed, alisation as a policy, as part of an ISI project, into a multi-class, anti-monopoly, anti-imperial- both in its first term in office as part the 1924 ist Popular Front for a “national democracy”. Pact government, and then again from 1948. It Such a Front cannot be anti-capitalist, as it eventually ran a larger state sector than Marx- aims to include capitalists – and this is why the ist Czechoslovakia. Nationalisation was the Charter was explicitly designed to accommodate openly stated policy of men like J.B.M. Hertzog, all classes, including the supposedly anti-impe- D.F. Malan, and Verwoerd. rialist “non- European bourgeois class”. Some of these assets were privatised from 1979, when the NP shifted policy (see below), A “MIXED ECONOMY”? notably the flagship Sasol and Iscor enterprises; The 1969 “Morogoro” statement used the fiery most were not. When the ANC entered govern- ment from late 1993 (as part of the Transitional 20. S. Christie and language of “revolution”, but “revolution” here A. Meltzer, 2010, simply meant the recently-banned ANC’s turn Executive) there were an estimated 300 state The Floodgates of to guerrilla war in the face of relentless NP per- companies, which the ANC inherited when the Anarchy, PM Press, secution. For the ANC, NP left the ANC-led second edn., p. 92 “revolution” meant only “Government of Na- 21. Online at the forcible defeat of the tional Unity” in 1996. http://www.anc.org.za /show.php?id=149 NP (now that lobbying “[T]he party [the SACP] was impossible), thereby THE BLACK STATE 22. Online at did not aim to make the http://www.anc.org.za enabling implementa- ELITE /show.php?id=149 tion of the ANC’s moder- ANC anti-capitalist; The ANC has contin- 23. See inter alia, ate, pro-capitalist instead it was to be trans- ued the privatisation World Factbook: South reform programme. formed, into a multi-class, policy, started by the NP Africa (2010) at Using guns is not, in in its last years, but https://www.cia.gov/ fact, automatically “rev- anti-monopoly, anti-impe- library/publica‐ even so, the state sector tions/the‐world‐fact‐ olutionary”: a liberal rialist Popular Front for a remains vast. Those book/geos/sf.html; with guns is just an who complain that the and Government of “armed liberal”.[20] “national democracy”. black elite lack economic South Africa, The “Morogoro’s” framework Public Service (2010) Such a Front cannot be power need look no fur- at http://www.info. remained the Freedom ther. gov.za/aboutgovt/ Charter, and all that anti-capitalist, as it aims The state is still the publicadmin/ that entailed.[21] index.htm. South to include capitalists biggest single employer, Africa is ranked 32nd Twenty years on, the the state’s 2009/2010 in conventional, non‐ ANC’s leader, O.R. budget is around 23 per- nuclear, indexes of Tambo, again clari- cent of the value of total GDP,[23] and the state world military fied:[22] strength, and is the is responsible for 44 percent of fixed capital third most powerful stock, also owning at least 25% of land (more if military state in The Freedom Charter does not even pur- we include state companies’ land).[24] Africa, following port to want to destroy the capitalist system. In state industry, the old Afrikaner elite has Egypt and Libya: All that the Freedom Charter does is to en- www.globalfirepower. been rapidly replaced by a new African elite, but com visage a mixed economy in which part of the the state companies’ old tradition of bad serv- economy, some of the industries, would be 24. R. Rumney, 2005, ices, low wages, casual labour, and high prices “Who Owns South controlled, owned by the state (as happens in continues. None of these companies were ever Africa: an analysis many countries), and the rest by private own- “beacons of safer working environments and of state and private ership – a mixed economy. working conditions”[25] - as the logic of the na- ownership patterns”, in J. Daniel, R. tionalisation argument suggests they should Southall and J. In short, a “mixed economy” was merely a mix- have been. Lutchman (eds.), ture of top-down state and top-down private State of the Nation: ownership: the main forms were the Keynesian ESKOM AND THE “BIG FOUR” South Africa 2004‐ Welfare State (KWS) and Import-Substitution 2005, HSRC: Pretoria, The four largest state companies (the “Big pp. 405‐406, (ISI) models. Four”) include Transnet (transport), which was 25. ANCYL, 2010, created by the NP in 1990 from South African Towards the Transfer STATE INDUSTRY IN Airways (SAA, formed in 1934), and the SA of Mineral Wealth, p. 13 SOUTHERN AFRICA Railways and Harbours division (formed 1910). Such a “mixed economy” was commonplace Telkom (telecommunications) emerged in 1991 26. “Armscor” today refers to the state under the southern African colonial and from the Post and Telecommunications Depart- weapons procurement apartheid regimes that parties like the ANC op- ment. Denel was formed in 1992 from Armscor division; the old posed. Portugal nationalised extensive foreign (weapons, formed in 1948).[26] (Contrary, then, Armscor manufacturing assets in colonial Mozambique and Angola from to ridiculous ANCYL calls for the nationalisa- division is now Denel. 1910. Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) got seriously tion of “rail and energy”, these have been in started on its ISI policy in the 1930s, and its state hands for roughly 100 years).[27] 27. On this bizarre call, see Mail & state sector kept growing under Ian Smith’s Other notable state operations today include Guardian, 6 Nov 2009, 1960s and 1970s white republic. the SA Post Office (also from the old Post and “Nationalising Eskom”

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Telecommunications Department), the SABC, tied to the ANC’s historic agenda of fostering “a the main universities (e.g. Wits, UCT), the Rand prosperous non-European bourgeois class”. Water Board, the state forestry company Safcol, With nationalisation off the agenda and the state mines like Alexkor and Nkomati An- ANC committed to budget cuts[31] and privati- thracite Coal, and state banks like the Land sation[32] as the basis for capitalist restructur- Bank, the Development Bank of Southern ing, it has substituted privatisation as the main Africa (DBSA), and the Industrial Development means for its elitist Black Economic Empower- Corporation (IDC). ment (BEE) measures. Key policies include “affirmative” tendering WHY DID NP AND ANC DROP directed to BEE companies, discounted BEE NATIONALISATION? shares when state companies are sold, and the use of divesture revenues to capitalise the Na- As the world changed rapidly from the 1970s, tional Empowerment Fund. Malema is a prod- state-capitalism (and the KWS and ISI “mixed uct of this policy mix.[33] economy”) were rapidly replaced by the neo-lib- So, while neo-liberalism has major benefits for eral “free market”, central to which was privati- big white capital, it is also key to the ANC’s sation.[28] Contrary to some views, the state is BEE project of building black capitalists. never absent in neo-liberalism: it is a central actor because it creates and maintains the so- called “free market” by aiding capitalists, and ESKOM: REAL WORLD TEST CASE suppressing and expropriating labour.[29] Neo- But it is not necessary to go back before 1979 liberalism entails mas- in South Africa, when privatisation started, or to the Soviet Union be- 28. For a partial sive restructuring to explanation, see WSF, dismantle state-capital- fore its collapse in 1991, 1997, “Stealing From ism, the KWS and ISI, “Eskom – under both the or to travel to North The Poor: ‘Free and it is the state that NP and the ANC – illus- Korea today, to learn Market’ Policies”, what state industry en- Workers Solidarity: drives the process. voice of anarcho‐ Thus the NP govern- trates the point that state tails. The working class syndicalism, vol. 3, ment, like its counter- companies, and nationali- in South Africa cur- no. 1 parts abroad – including rently encounters these 29. P. Kropotkin, in Zambia and Britain, sation, have absolutely realities daily – and [1912] 1970, “Modern where the ANC’s exile nothing to do with work- most frequently in the Science and form of Eskom. Anarchism”, in leadership was based – ing class empowerment Kropotkin’s Revolu‐ started to shift to neo- Eskom – under both tionary Pamphlets, liberalism. The NP sold (let alone socialism), the NP and the ANC – New York: Dover, off most of Sasol (1979- illustrates the point that pp. 182‐183 regardless of the political 1982), followed by Iscor state companies, and 30. M. Merten, 11 Feb (1987-1989), and exper- system or ruling party.” nationalisation, have 2012, “‘Mine Nation‐ absolutely nothing to do alisation not ANC imented with municipal policy”, IOLNews, at privatisation. with working class em- http://www.iol.co.za/ powerment (let alone socialism), regardless of news/politics/mine‐ ANC PRIVATISATION the political system or ruling party. nationalisation‐not‐ Eskom is a state-run monopoly in electricity anc‐policy‐1.1232105 As early as the late 1980s, the ANC was re- generation, distribution and transmission. It considering nationalisation: by 1991, years be- 31. R. Vollgraaff, 30 originally operated to regulate (and supple- October 2011, fore taking office, it had largely shifted to ment) the then-dominant private electricity in- “Gordhan Leaves neo-liberalism. Nationalisation has not been Little Room for dustry, ensuring cheap power for mines and the ANC policy for the last two decades,[30] despite Maneouvering”, state.[34] Cheap electricity (resting on South press hysteria that nationalisation is on the Sunday Times Africa’s large coal stocks) was (and is) just as es- cards. 32. This could be sential to state power and capital accumulation Under the ANC government, municipal pri- through outright or as cheap black labour (resting on coercion and partial sales, or vatisation has been drastically accelerated. conquest). through public‐ While over 60% of Telkom has been sold off plus private partnerships (briefly) part of SAA, the ANC’s preferred forms like outsourcing, ESKOM AND NATIONALISATION leases and of privatisation are not divesture (sales), but concessions. outsourcing, concessions and leases. For exam- By the end of the 1940s, Eskom had grown 33. B. Naidu & S. ple, every single South African university dramatically, largely through the nationalisa- Pliso, 21 Feb 2010, adopted outsourcing in the 1990s and 2000s, tion of municipal power stations, and of the “How Malema made under pressure from the national government. giant Victoria Falls and Transvaal Power Com- his Millions”, pany (VFTPC). Sunday Times (See the Zabalaza pamphlet Fighting Privatisa- tion in South Africa and South Africa: from As apartheid’s capitalist economy boomed 34. See Govt. of from the 1950s, Eskom grew dramatically, South Africa, 2010, apartheid to neo-liberalism). The Public Service, backed by World Bank loans. By the close of the http://www.info.gov. THE BLACK PRIVATE ELITE 1970s, Eskom had nationalised (or driven out of za/aboutgovt/ business), almost all rivals. By the 1990s, it was In South Africa, these measures are closely publicadmin/index.htm the 5th largest energy producer in the world.[35]

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It currently accounts for 95.6% of South Africa’s per unit for the residential user than for indus- electricity generation, and around 65% of trial and agricultural capitalists. Africa’s electricity generation, and also domi- Furthermore, charges are also far higher for nates transmission (i.e. the power grid) and dis- poor rural black areas than for urban black tribution (i.e. sales). townships, and far higher for urban black town- Eskom today operates in 31 African countries, ships than for historically white suburbs, which as a state-run, profit-driven, multi-national cor- are now of course enjoyed by middle and ruling 35. See S. Greenberg, poration.[36] Its after-tax profits were report- class people of all races. Research in 2000 2009, “Market Liber‐ edly twice the international average for showed that rural black areas were paying twice alisation and Conti‐ nental Expansion”, in electricity utilities in 2005.[37] It is heavily in- what suburbs paid, and Soweto users 30% more D.A. McDonald (ed.), volved in neo-liberalism on the continent, since than Sandton users.[43] Electric Capitalism: much of its African business entails privatisa- recolonising Africa tion contracts and sales. It must also be seen as on the power grid, UNEQUAL COVERAGE & “FREE HSRC/Earthscan a key part of current South African imperial- BASIC ELECTRICITY” ism,[38] as it is a core means of projecting the 36. M. Wagernagel, It is true – and commendable – that Eskom 12‐18 April 1996, economic and political power of the South has massively increased coverage of black town- “’Power’ to the African ruling class across the continent. Masses Comes First”, ships in the 1990s, with over 3.1. million new Mail & Guardian connections from 1991 to 2004. This is to be wel- ESKOM VS. THE WORKERS AND POOR 37. S. Greenberg, comed as a victory for mass struggle, not a gift 2006, The State, This state-run multinational giant has histor- from above. It must be remembered that this is Privatisation and the ically played an enormous role in polluting the result of massive community risings in the Public Sector in South Africa, through the use of dirty coal burn- 1980s and early 1990s. South Africa, Cape ers. These have often been located near poor Town: AIDC/ SAPSN, However, many of the new links are low-volt- p. 39 black neighbourhoods, while consistently failing age single-phase connections that cannot run to provide decent electricity to the black major- 38. International major appliances (like fridges). Installation is Rivers, 2003, ity of the working class.[39] usually tied to enforcing cost-recovery (“user- “Eskom’s Expanding And, Eskom has always been – and remains – pays”) policies, with strict cut-offs through mass Empire: the social associated with oppressive working conditions disconnections or prepaid meters. In early 2002, and ecological foot‐ and low wages, as print of Africa’s a quarter of a mil- largest power util‐ well as with union- lion people were cut- ity”, available at busting. Until 1995, off monthly by http://www.interna‐ when labour law re- Eskom and munici- tionalrivers.org/ forms finally ex- africa/eskom‐s‐ palities,[44] part of expanding‐empire‐ tended farm, perhaps 10 million social‐and‐ecologi‐ domestic and state cut-offs from cal‐footprint‐africa‐ workers legal bar- s‐largest‐power‐ 1994.[45] Connec- utility gaining rights, state tions, in short, do companies like not mean access, be- 39. M. Gandar, 1991, Eskom barely toler- “The Imbalance of cause at least as Power”, in J. Cock ated trade unions – many people get cut- and E. Koch (eds.), not even those of off as get connected Going Green: people, skilled white work- politics and the every year. environment in South ers. Eskom’s cut-offs Africa, Oxford Although union and escalating University Press, rights are now prices provoked Cape Town legally guaranteed, they are continually under- widespread resistance, some channeled through 40. Greenberg, 2006, mined. For example, Eskom’s workforce has bodies like the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF, figure 4 p. 38 been gutted, falling from 65 000 in 1985 to 30 formed 2000), in which anarchists and others 41. Greenberg, 2009, 000 in 2003.[40] Benefits and allowances have were active. Here, disconnections were met with p. 85 fallen steeply since 1996, with the new (ANC- illegal reconnections, prepaid meters were 42. Greenberg, 2006, linked) management taking a hard-line posi- burnt, and debts were not paid. figure 3 p. 37 tion.[41] Wage negotiations have broken down The state was finally forced to write off many 43. D.A. McDonald, regularly over the last five years, as Eskom has debts, plus provide a Free Basic Electricity 2002, “The Theory and tried to unilaterally impose terms, insisting that (FBE) policy for “poor households”: announced Practice of Cost (as electricity is an essential service), strikes are Recovery in South in 2003, FBE took some years to cover most of Africa”, in D.A. illegal. (This led to a major strike in 2011). the country. McDonald and J. Pape, Again, this was a victory, providing some re- eds., Cost Recovery THE PRICE OF POWER and the Crisis of lief. But it is only a partial one, always limited Service Delivery in Meanwhile, prices for electricity have jumped by the overall Eskom model. The free 50kWh South Africa, HSRC/ sharply since the 1980s: the highest increases allocation is usually accessed through the low- Zed Books, p. 27 have been for residential (i.e. home) users, the voltage single-phase connections, and usually 44. Greenberg, 2006, majority of whom are working class, getting requires households to accept prepaid meters. It table 4 p. 37 eight times more costly from 1980 to 2005.[42] is also a very small amount for households that 45. McDonald, 2002, From the available data, charges are far higher average 6-8 people. For example, using four 60W p. 22

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light bulbs for four hours a day, and boiling a tually, top Eskom managers routinely earned far kettle for 30 minutes a day, over a month, will more than most private sector directors.[47] use up 42kWh.[46] “LOAD‐SHEDDING” AND JOB LOSSES PROFITS FROM POWER The failure to build new stations, or to main- The ANC has also continued the NP’s drive to tain existing facilities, and the failure to attract commercialise (i.e. operate state companies on IPPs, plus some mismanagement by self-enrich- a for-profit basis), and privatise, electricity. The ing ANC-appointed managers and cronies,[48] 1998 White Paper on Energy Policy, the 2001 led straight to a series of disastrous power Eskom Amendment Act, and the 2001 Eskom crashes from 2005-2009. This “load-shedding” Conversion Act, made Eskom a tax-and- scared private investors, contributing to a de- dividend-paying entity, owned entirely by the cline in private investment and to fewer jobs. state. Throughout the disaster, Eskom execs contin- Commercialisation has perpetuated Eskom’s ued to pay themselves performance bonuses: anti-working class policies: it requires holding and when public anger finally forced Eskom down wages, increasing prices, and top-down CEO Jacob Maroga to resign, he sued for R85 control, plus ongoing lay-offs, cuts in mainte- million in “lost earnings”. Malema and the nance, some outsourcing, and cutting coal ANCYL leadership naturally supported his out- stocks. Rather than Eskom draining state rev- rageous claims: as an admirer of getting rich by enues raised by tax (as was the case before the any means necessary, including looting the 1980s), Eskom now pays hefty taxes (and divi- state, Malema recognised a true master of the dends) to the state: it is a highly profitable state art. investment. POWER TO THE ELITE FAILED PRIVATISATION Now finally having been forced to start invest- Regarding privatisation, the initial plan was ing in power stations, Eskom and the state have to sell off parts of Eskom: some stations like used the situation to further attack the working Kelvin were, in fact, class. As recorded prof- sold. However, this ap- its were wiped out by proach was later shelved “A large part of the expen- the costs of repairing in favour of opening up the existing facilities, space for the entry of In- diture to fix the elite’s and of building new sta- dependent Power Pro- Eskom mess is being tions, Eskom pushed for ducers (IPPs) (new and got massive annual private power stations), borne by the historically increases in electricity and for competing Re- nationally oppressed charges of 30% per year gional Electricity Dis- black, Coloured and In- for 2010-2012.[49] This tributors (REDs) (which was in the face of mas- would compete to sell dian working class.... sive opposition by power). Charged the highest rates unions and community Eskom therefore groups. halted expansion of its despite the lowest This money was ear- own production facili- incomes, given the poorest marked to repay mas- ties: not only would such electricity access and sive loans, used mainly expansion discourage to contract-in private 46. F. Adam, 2010, IPPs, but the whole affected most by cut-offs, construction consor- Free Basic Electric‐ point of attracting IPPs tiums. The key contracts ity: a better life the working class as a for all, research was to shift expansion for the new Medupi and report, Earthlife costs onto the private whole has to pay for Kusile stations have Africa: Johannesburg, sector. Prices were also Eskom’s mess.” gone to a coalition of p. 6 raised, partly to in- local and foreign capital- 47. K. Davie, 24‐30 crease Eskom profits ists, centred on Hitachi Mar 2006, “Power Pay but partly to attract potential IPPs with the Africa.[50] And Chancellor House, the ANC’s in- Day”, Mail & Guardian prospect of high profits. vestment arm, owns a 25% stake in Hitachi 48. A. Habib, 15 Nov However, the plan failed dramatically: the Africa. 2009, “Power Crisis is Rooted in a IPPs never materialised, and Eskom never With at least R500 billion rand involved in the History of Poor stepped in to prevent the massive electricity expansions, fortunes will (as usual) be made, for Governance”, shortfall that resulted. Rather, it recorded the the lucky few; the ANC-linked state elite and the Sunday Times money generated through rising prices and big private companies. 49. S. Njobeni, 11 falling spending as profit, for which Eskom ex- Who pays? A large part of the expenditure to Jan 2010, “Eskom’s ecutives received enormous salaries plus per- fix the elite’s Eskom mess is being borne by the Growing Appetite for Cash”, Business Day formance bonuses. Eskom executives earned historically nationally oppressed black, R73 million in the 2004/5 year — the second Coloured and Indian working class through ex- 50. Rumney, 2005, pp. 405‐406 highest executive salary bill in South Africa. Ac- ploitation, taxes and rising tariffs. Charged the

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 27 j SOUTH AFRICA highest rates despite the lowest incomes, given COLLECTIVISE: the poorest electricity access and affected most RESIST‐OCCUPY‐PRODUCE by cut-offs, the working class as a whole has to There is an alternative to both privatisation pay for Eskom’s mess. and nationalisation. It is an alternative that is With three years of sharp increases already in pro-working class, and that can also complete place, Eskom has again become highly prof- the national liberation of the country’s working itable, posting nearly a 60 percent profit for the and poor Africans, Coloureds and Indians – by 2012 year. It is now requesting a further five radically changing the distribution of wealth years of 14.6 percent annual tariff increases, ef- and power rather than just enriching the eco- fectively doubling the average price of electric- nomic and political elite. ity.[51] Revolutionary anarchism/ syndicalism wants workers’ control, collective self-ownership, real NEITHER NATIONALISATION NOR peoples’ power. It is only through building up a PRIVATISATION formidable counter-power in opposition to both Truly, the system is unjust. But nationalisa- private capitalists and state managers i.e. the 51. Reuters, 14 June tion, like privatisation, is not a solution to the ruling class, that this project can be driven for- 2012, “Big Profits problems the working class faces. Eskom’s past ward. for Eskom”, Sowetan performance (as a state company built through The horrors of the Soviet Union have shown Live, at http://www. nationalisation), is evidence enough that nation- that the road to socialism lies outside and sowetanlive.co.za/new s/business/2012/ alisation takes us nowhere. And Malema’s sup- against the state, in occupation and collectivisa- 06/14/big‐profits‐ port for Maroga shows clearly the elite’s tion, from the bottom-up, not nationalisation for‐eskom; Jan de common interest in maintaining this vicious from the top-down. It is in Spain 1936, not Rus- Lange, 16 July 2012, system. sia in 1918, that the example of a new world, “Industry seeks Talks over Eskom Tariff State bureaucrats and managers are part of free and equal and just, is to be glimpsed. Proposals”; Miningmx, the ruling class, part of the problem. Nationali- at http://www. sation is an extension of the power of the state, miningmx.com/news/ energy/Industry‐ and should be opposed by the working class and seeks‐talks‐over‐ poor because this is in direct opposition to their Eskom‐tariff‐ own interests. proposals.htm Get Rich or Lie Trying: Why ANC Millionaire Julius Malema posed as a Radical, why he lost, and what this tells us about the Post-Apartheid ANC

by Tina Sizovuka and Lucien van der Walt

his article aims to explain, from an anar- not a party that serves, or can serve, the work- "Malema chist / syndicalist perspective, the rapid ing class; on the contrary, it is the site of bitter represented a T rise and fall of Julius Malema, the con- struggles for state contracts and office between troversial and corrupt multi-millionaire leader rival elite factions. It is a bureaucratic-bour- frustrated fac- of South Africa’s ruling party, the African Na- geois-black nationalist party, lodged in the state. tion of the black tional Congress’s (ANC’s) “youth league” Malema represented a frustrated faction of elite... who (ANCYL). It is demonstrated that Malema’s pos- the black elite in these internal battles, who sought to build turing as radical champion of the black poor was sought to build a black working class base by simply a means to an end: rising higher in the posing as a radical, in order to win a better seat a black working ranks of the ANC, in order to access bigger state on the ANC’s “gravy train”. In doing so, however, class base by tenders and higher paying political office. Malema made enemies in high places. His de- posing as a radi- The larger political implications of the feat by the dominant Jacob Zuma-Gwede Man- cal, in order to Malema affair are also considered, especially tashe faction must be understood in this context. win a better seat the role of the ANC – as a vehicle for the accu- In turn, the largely black state managerial elite mulation of wealth and power by the rising is allied to the largely white private business on the ANC’s black elite, which is centred on the state. It is elite. “gravy train”."

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Neo-liberal measures – including privatisa- media as a rising ANC leader, even, perhaps, a tion through state tenders – are key to the en- future head of state. richment and empowerment of these two wings Malema’s claims to fame were many, includ- of the ruling class. This elite pact rests upon the ing outrageous public statements (successfully) exploitation and domination of the whole work- calculated to maximise coverage; ongoing inves- ing class, and reproduces the national/ racial op- tigations for corruption, money-laundering and pression of the black, Coloured and Indian fraud, notably his R16 million mansion on a working class majority. monthly ANC salary of R25 000; insulting jour- In the absence of a left pole of attraction, able nalists at press events; open support for the dic- to break the ideological grip of the ANC over tators Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe; large swathes of the masses, it becomes possible and public threats against both the Congress of for racist demagogues like Malema to pose as South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the radicals, to get rich or lie trying. Such posturing SA Communist Party (SACP). hides the complicity of the ANC elite in South But most striking of all was Malema’s call for Africa’s terrible in- “economic freedom,” equalities – indeed, it meaning specifically the feeds upon it. In the “nationalisation of the context of mass suffer- “Malema and his family mines” and “other mo- ing, such demagogy will have made their fortune nopoly industries.” This certainly resurface was presented as a again, promoting through state privatisa- means to redistribute racial tensions and pro- tion contracts. No enemy wealth, fund welfare and viding fertile of mining capitalism, he create more, and better, grounds for serious jobs. [1] Malema even clashes, while providing has instead been closely called himself an enemy no solutions to the prob- linked to mine bosses like of “ruthless capitalism.” lems of the working [2] Yet, behind the im- class. the late Brett Kebble... agery of Malema-as- Obviously many sin- and ANC minister, champion-of-the-poor, is cere working class and a man who spent poor youth join the mining billionaire Tokyo R400,000 on his 2010 1. ANCYL. 2010. ANCYL for the best of birthday party without Towards the Transfer Sexwale.” of Mineral Wealth to reasons. However, the batting an eyelid. [3] the Ownership of the ANCYL, like the larger This call resonated People as a Whole: a ANC, is controlled by widely precisely because perspective on the rich and powerful; it is has no genuine in- it touched a nerve: it was directed to the op- nationalisation of the mines, available terest in empowering the masses. pressed black working class, and framed as the at http://us‐ It is therefore necessary to build an effective key to complete national liberation – something cdn.creamermedia.co. anarchist/ syndicalist movement, rooted in the that remains to be achieved. za/assets/articles/ black working class, that is able to promote an attachments/25571_ nationalisation_of_ independent, participatory-democratic, revolu- QUESTIONS: mines_document‐ tionary front of the oppressed classes. This will MALEMA MYSTERIES feb_2010.pdf build counterpower and counterculture in order There are several mysteries here. 2. SAPA, 20 July to end national oppression and class domination First, why was Malema expelled, especially 2011, “Malema: My and exploitation, through a fundamental change since he was having real success in presenting money is nobody’s in society. Such a movement must, naturally, be business,” the ANC as a champion of the black working independent of the ANC tradition. Business Report class? Cynicism towards the ANC is widespread 3. IOL NEWS, 4 March in the masses, although loyalty is strong. 2010, “Malema a BACKGROUND: MALEMA RISING Malema seemed to show that the ANC could be- Bourgeoisie and Not The ANCYL grabbed headlines for several Pro‐poor – PAYCO,” come radical. IOL News, at years, particularly under Malema. Politics can Second, why did Malema, an out-and-out cap- http://www.iol.co.za/ change rapidly: Malema has since been expelled italist and an open anti-communist, start to news/politics/ from the ANC, stripping him of his party posi- champion nationalisation? His wealth, after all, malema‐a‐bourgeoisie‐ tion. This removes his access to the lucrative and‐not‐pro‐poor‐ has been made largely through state tenders for payco‐1.475274 state contracts that made his fortune, as well as supplying hospitals, schools and public housing the access to the money and patronage networks 4. B. Naidu & S. projects – that is, through privatisation. [4] Pliso, 21 Feb 2010, that funded his political activities. Also affected Malema is a typical “tenderprenuer” (a capi- “How Malema made his are five other key ANCYL figures, including talist reliant on state tenders) – hardly a rare Millions,” Malema’s lieutenant, Floyd Shivambu. The Sunday Times species in the ANC. But he is especially famous purge followed prior disciplinary actions against for the high prices, poor services and outright 5. See M. Wiener, the Malema group, going back to 2010. fraud that characterise his contracts. (Malema 2011, Killing None were more shocked at this outcome than Kebble: An and his family have made their fortune through underworld exposed. the six affected. Malema had held the media state privatisation contracts. No enemy of min- Pan Macmillan spotlight for years, and was presented in the ing capitalism, he has instead been closely

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 29 j SOUTH AFRICA linked to mine bosses like the late Brett Kebble ISSUE 1: WHY MALEMA FELL [5] and ANC minister, mining billionaire Tokyo Malema was expelled, not for being a radical Sexwale.) (as he claims), but for openly challenging the Third, why did Malema increasingly use racist dominant Zuma-Mantashe faction, openly lining populism – demagogy mixing pseudo-left and up with ANC factions that aimed to oust Zuma, racist rhetoric – in the form of an increasingly and by defying ANC directives. Malema has also vicious anti-white (and sometimes anti-Indian) blamed everything from “imperialism” to white rhetoric, exemplified by use of the old (now conspiracies “in the ANC”. [8] In reality, banned) ANC song Dubul’ibhunu (“kill the Malema was expelled by the ANC’s black lead- Boer”)? ership, and this can only be seen as a result of This racist populism is at odds with the elite the failure of the Malema faction to successfully pact between the black state managers and challenge the Zuma-Mantashe bloc in the ANC’s white capitalists at the very heart of the post- endless factional struggles. apartheid system.Malema’s racist populism ac- Malema’s insistence that he was expelled for tually targeted groups closely allied to the ANC his fight to win “economic liberation” for the in a range of ways. black working class [9] is false. Calling for na- tionalisation formed no part of the charge sheet ANC: STORM CENTRE OF that the Zuma-Mantashe faction wielded ELITE RIVARLY against Malema; rather, the charges centred on The ANC is not a progressive party which the ill-discipline i.e. insubordination to Zuma (ANC working class can capture, and win to a left po- President, as well as South African head of sition, as Cosatu and the left-wing of the SACP state) and Mantashe (ANC secretary-general). 6. 951 out of 3450 insist. Instead, it is Malema has no posts: M. Sibanyoni, real commitment to 10 Oct 2010, “Black an integral part of Directors Arrive on the capitalist state, nationalisation, let JSE,” City Press. and a key means for alone “economic lib- eration” for the 7. R. Southall, 2010, the rising black “Introduction: South elite to access state masses. He was Africa 2010: Develop‐ power and the part of the ANC, an ment or Decline?” in openly neo-liberal J. Daniel, P. Naidoo, wealth that brings D. Pillay & R. (e.g enormous party, and part and Southall (eds.), New salaries and bene- parcel of the same South African Review, fits, access to lucra- corrupt establish- no. 1, p. 11 tive privatisation ment and ruling 8. SAPA, 15 Feb 2012, tenders and deals class that helps op- “Juju: whites control presses the black judiciary,” etc.). Not only has The Citizen the ANC never been working class. As evidence for 9. “We’re guilty for anti-capitalist, but thinking – Malema,” it today embraces Malema’s real 10 Feb 2012, News24, the free market so long as this benefits (mainly views: one of Malema’s businesses (in engineer- http://www.news24.com black) ANC leaders and state officials – and ing) made R130 million from tenders to supply /SouthAfrica/ water, sanitation, drains and paving in poor Politics/Were‐guilty‐ their (mainly white and Indian) allies in big pri- for‐thinking‐Malema‐ vate business. areas, yet spectacularly failed to deliver on the 20120210 contracts. [10] This outright theft from the black Because the black elite is largely locked out of 10. B. Naidu & S. the core of the private sector corporations (for poor has helped fund Malema’s lavish lifestyle Pliso, 21 Feb 2010, various reasons), it is heavily dependent upon of German sedans, Gucci suits and R700-a- “How Malema made access to the state for access to wealth as well bottle whiskeys. Cosatu is perfectly correct to his Millions,” Sunday Times as power. (At most a quarter of Johannesburg describe Malema as a “political hyena” who Securities Exchange-/JSE-listed company direc- wants a “predator state”. [11] 11. SAPA, 1 Oct This is certainly not to suggest that the black 2010, “Cosatu defends torships are held by people of colour, [6] with the Vavi after Malema proportion of senior and top managers in the elite, represented by men like Zuma and Criticism,” private sector at 32.5 percent in 2008).[7] Malema, is any more venal or corrupt than its http://www.polity.org Since the ANC, as a bureaucratic-bourgeois- white counterparts: large, mainly white-led, cor- .za/article/cosatu‐ porations were directly responsible for defends‐vavi‐after‐ black nationalist party, provides the main vehi- malema‐criticism‐ cle for accessing state resources, it is inevitable apartheid; they are today routinely involved in 2010‐10‐01 corrupt deals involving white as well as black that the ANC becomes the storm centre of the 12. See M. Wiener, struggle between different factions of this politicians, [12] plus have been proved, beyond 2011, Killing emerging elite for access to state resources. a shadow of doubt, to actively collude to “fix” the Kebble: An underworld ANC factions are not organised on ideological prices for building materials, food, gas, and exposed. Pan Macmillan lines, that is, around serious divisions in ideol- medicine.[13] ogy and strategy, but into rival groups of the 13. S. Adema, 2 Sep 2009, “South Africa: wealthy and powerful, fighting for top ANC and A PAPER TIGER price fixing can land state positions. The notion that Malema was ousted since he company directors in was a major power in the ANC, a supposed king- jail,” IPSNews

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maker, is also incorrect. The ANCYL holds only R40 billion arms deal, Zuma remained an ANC a small minority of seats at ANC congresses (a member. He was able to mobilise a coalition of mere 68 out of around 4,075 voting seats at the anti-Mbeki factions, including Cosatu, the 2007 ANC congress in Polokwane), and, outside SACP, and Malema’s ANCYL, ultimately Limpopo province, it has no real purchase on the ousting Mbeki at the ANC’s 2007 Polokwane larger ANC apparatus. congress. Hysterical private sector media attention has As Zuma’s power rose, court cases for rape, exaggerated Malema’s power, within as well as racketeering, money laundering and fraud fell beyond the ANC. He was, and remains, a paper away, with dozens of charges dropped around tiger. The ANCYL’s “Economic Freedom” march the time he was sworn in as State President in in October 2011, organised as a show of strength May 2009. Money talks, and might makes right; ahead of an ANC disciplinary hearing, attracted Malema was himself untouchable despite end- at most 7,000 people. This was despite millions less revelations of his crooked deals, until he spent on bussing and publicity – and despite a challenged Zuma and Mantashe. claimed ANCYL membership figure of 366,435 (2010).[14] Township protests around corrup- TOP‐DOWN PARTY POWER tion and poor conditions attract similar figures Malema’s expulsion underlines the fact that on a weekly basis. But most members of the the ANC is very much a top-down party ma- ANCYL (as of the ANC) are passive; most local chine: whoever wields branch structures do the ANC machinery not function. can make short shrift This farce was re- of enemies. Mbeki peated in September tackled Zuma; Zuma 2012, when Malema tackled Mbeki; addressed soldiers Malema tackled fired for their role in a Zuma; Zuma tackled strike (strikes are il- Malema. The most legal in the army; powerful person at unions are not). Press any time, is a member hysteria about of the most powerful Malema “destabilis- faction. Mbeki’s fac- ing” the military fell tion had a weak grip, flat when a mere 40 and was ousted by a ex-soldiers arrived. coalition of other fac- Nor did Malema ever have sole control of the tions; the Zuma-Mantashe faction currently en- ANCYL. For instance, when Malema’s initial joys an iron grip on the party, and acted 14. SAPA, 25 Sep suspension was reaffirmed in February 2012, decisively when challenged by the loud, but 2011, “ANCYL Member‐ ANCYL rivals organised street celebrations, in- ship Half as Claimed: weak, Malema faction. Report,” The Citizen cluding in his home town and supposed strong- But the anti-Mbeki Polokwane bloc collapsed hold Seshego. [15] Equally notable is the 15. M. Moloko, 5 Feb rapidly. SACP leaders, in particular, benefited 2012, “Malema’s Foes absence of any real ANCYL campaign for its re- handsomely from appointments under the Celebrate his instatement. Zuma administration, not least SACP general- Downfall,” IOLNews, at http://www.iol. secretary Blade Nzimande (now a minister). co.za/news/politics/ LOSING THE FACTIONAL BATTLE Mantashe, now at the top of the ANC, is also malema‐s‐foes‐ Last, Malema was not expelled for corruption, SACP chair. Cosatu was largely ignored, and celebrate‐his‐ as some commentators have speculated. This the Malema faction quickly sidelined. Its limited downfall‐1.1227403 was also not on his ANC charge sheet. And be- power, and its flirtations with Zuma rivals, like 16. Malema has sides, corruption only rarely leads to expulsion Sexwale, [16] led straight to Malema’s crushing finally admitted the ANCYL was backing from the ANC. in 2012 by the Zuma-Mantashe bloc. Sexwale anti‐Zuma, anti‐ Corruption infuses the party – although let us was also quick to back away from Malema. [17] Mantashe factions stress, the ANC is by no means uniquely cor- Then-product of this party infighting, Malema for the 2012 ANC rupt; it is part of a corrupt parliamentary sys- now finds himself its victim. During Zuma’s Mangaung congress: M. Mofokeng& G. tem, a corrupt capitalism, a corrupt state. And fight against Mbeki, Malema’s demagogy was Matlala, 29 Jan 2012, the ANC is simply a prominent example of the useful to Zuma; now it proved a problem. “Malema Puts up his corruption infusing states and capitalism Few have shed few tears for Malema, least of Fists,” IOLNews, everywhere. all Cosatu and the SACP. But the authoritari- http://www.iol.co.za/ news/special‐ To his credit, Zuma has stepped up prosecu- anism of the ANC should be feared, not praised. features/malema‐ tions of corrupt officials since taking the Presi- The disciplinary decision shows that Zuma puts‐up‐his‐fists‐ dency in 2009, but no well-connected figure has and Mantashe can suppress any ANC member 1.1222526 ever been subject to serious sanctions – let alone who “divides” the party, or brings it “into disre- 17. E.g. B. Peta, expulsion from the ANC. pute”. And this is part of a larger ANC intoler- 25 Nov 2011, “I Zuma himself is a perfect example: dismissed ance of criticism and opponents, seen recently Didn’t support Malema – Sexwale,” from the Cabinet by then-President Thabo in the attempt to impose a draconian Secrecy Cape Times Mbeki in 2005, for his apparent role in a corrupt Bill and the increased repression of struggles.

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(NOTE: this was written before, but is confirmed rect role in the oppression of black working class by, the Marikana Massacre). youth. It is the ANC that governs most of the Cosatu and the SACP defend their ongoing al- black ghettoes, the ANC that operates the run- liance with the ANC on the basis that the party down state schools, the ANC that has gutted can somehow be made pro-working class. But jobs. Many are unemployed, and amongst them, what space is there to make any real changes in the face of the ruling class most seen is not a pri- the ANC? The high-handed treatment of vate capitalist, but a state manager. Malema shows that no serious internal chal- Therefore, the ANCYL under Malema took lenges will be tolerated. And the changes Cosatu two approaches: radical talk combined with no wants in the ANC – not least, an end to privati- action, to get rich or lie trying. Of course, the sation and “tenderprenuering”– will get short ANCYL cannot wage a serious campaign shrift. against matters like cut-offs and evictions, with- out fighting the ANC, and it is part of the ANC ISSUE 2: WHY MALEMA POSED – the very party responsible for such cut-offs. AS RADICAL Malema’s faction sought to increase its power GET RICH – OR LIE TRYING in the ANC. It lacked access to the central ANC Fearful of the consequences of mass mobilisa- structures; its leaders were confined to enrich- tion, the Malema faction – by now heading the ing themselves from ANCYL structures – tenders in the economi- began to rely on radical cally marginal Limpopo “The black working class rhetoric. province. Some of this was The only way to es- youth is a potentially racist populism. Popular cape this marginal base, powerful, but generally frustration with the which frustrated their daily oppression of black elite ambitions, was to marginalised group – working class life was become a national force and Malema and his carefully channelled in the ANC. away from the ANC and 18. NUMSA, August But how? Their ge- cronies saw in it an the black elite, towards 2011, Numsa Central whites in general. This Committee Meeting 15 nius was to recognise, in untapped resource – as a ‐ 19 August 2011: the then-moribund required presenting all Central Committee ANCYL, an excellent constituency... through blacks as poor and op- Statement , D1.1 opportunity. South which they could ride to pressed, and all whites 19. NUMSA, August as rich capitalists. In Africa has a young pop- the top of the ANC.” 2011, D1.1 ulation, and around this way, the differences 20. B. Naidu & S. 72% of the unemployed between the black elite, Pliso, 21 Feb 2010, are “youth” under 36, of which Malema was “How Malema made his merely one example, and the black poor, could Millions,” predominantly blacks. [18] Unemployment has Sunday Times risen sharply under the ANC, from 38% of be hidden away. Malema’s address to the SA Students’ Congress (Sasco, an ANC-aligned uni- 21. R. Rumney, 2005, blacks in 1995, to 50% today, in large part due “Who owns South to ongoing capitalist crisis and the effects of versity formation), is one example of this manip- Africa: an analysis ANC-led neo-liberal restructuring. [19] ulation of the truth: [20] of state and private The black working class youth is a potentially ownership patterns,” The rich keep getting richer and it is white in J. Daniel, R. powerful, but generally marginalised group – Southall & J.Lutchman and Malema and his cronies saw in it an un- males who continue to own the means of pro- (eds.), State of the tapped resource – as a constituency that could duction in the country. Not even Tokyo Nation: South Africa (Sexwale), who is the Minister of Human 2004‐2005, HSRC: be used as a power base for ANC factional bat- Pretoria, pp. 405‐406 tles, through which they could ride to the top of Settlements, is an owner. Tokyo is owing the the ANC. white baas because he wants to borrow from 22. See R. Southall, the banks. Who owns the banks? Tokyo is a 13 February 2012, Of course, it is not only the ANCYL which has “South Africa’s sought to use this constituency for its own rich man, but he doesn’t own… Fractured Power agenda. The ANC’s main rival, the equally neo- Elite,” WISER This is simply baseless. The ANC state ac- seminar, University liberal Democratic Alliance (DA) has tapped it of Witwatersrand, too: in the 1990s through sponsoring the mur- counts for around 23% of the value of total GDP, derous Unemployed Masses of SA (UMSA) 44% of fixed capital stock and at least 25% of 23. Sibanyoni, land (not including land through state compa- “Black Directors group, and more recently, in its May 2012 Arrive on JSE” march on Cosatu House. nies). [21] Sexwale is one of a number of black billionaires that populate the country’s list of 24. Murray Bookchin, But the matter had to be handled very care- 1999, “The 1960s,” in fully. Mobilising these youth could backfire eas- the 20 richest. [22] Even if only a quarter of his Anarchism, ily; especially since they have been at the JSE-listed company directorships are held by Marxism and the forefront of post-apartheid township protests. people of colour, [23] that still means wealth is Future of the Left: not entirely white. interviews and essays Raising their class temperature could easily boil 1993‐1998, AK Press: over into mass protests against the ANC. As Murray Bookchin once noted, “There is no San Francisco, And rightly so. ANC policies have played a di- collective ‘white man’ who is the universal Edinburgh, p. 76

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enemy of a collective ‘black man’”, because both TALK, NOT ACTION blacks and whites are deeply divided by class So, the Malema faction sought to feed upon and other hierarchies. [24] True, rich whites the very misery that the ANC (and Malema) abound in wealthy Sandton in Johannesburg, helped create – through privatisation – in order and huge numbers of poor blacks suffer in the to rise in the ranks of the rich and powerful – immediately adjacent Alexandra slum. But rich not to end this misery. blacks – among them Nelson Mandela, Patrice Great care was meanwhile taken to reduce the Motsepe, Sam Shilowa and Malema – also live youth to passive spectators, cheering the antics in Sandton, and hundreds of thousands of of the demagogue and his bold talk. poor whites live in squatter camps and trailer For a man who posed as a militant and revo- parks. [25] lutionary, one thing stands out: the almost total absence of the ANCYL under Malema from any ISSUE 3: RACIST DEMAGOGY actual mobilisation; theirs was the politics of the However, such claims make good propaganda, press conference, not the protest. On the con- and when tied to Dubul’ibhunu, make the elite trary, the ANCYL condemned a number of ANC sound almost like a party of the poor. township protests, as it “does not approve of vi- Malema portrayed the ANC as a liberation olence and destruction of infrastructure”. And, movement waging an anti-colonial struggle, and in line with the ANC position that protests played on traditional South African racial ha- should be calmed, not addressed, the League treds – insulting whites plays to grassroots frus- “appreciates President Zuma’s and other gov- tration at the failure of the ANC to deliver ernment leaders visits to protesting communi- national liberation to the black, Coloured and ties.” [26] Indian working class, while letting the ANC off There are only two exceptions to this pattern the hook. of lethargy. In 2010 and 2011, the ANCYL There is no doubt that protested degrading mu- large (mainly white) pri- nicipal policies (notably, vate corporations are “True, rich whites abound open toilets and evic- central to the ongoing tions) in the Western exploitation and na- in wealthy Sandton..., and Cape slums. [27] Its role 25. Beeld, 6 July tional oppression of the huge numbers of poor was actually quite 2010, “Wêreld sien majority of the working minor, largely based Wit Armoede” class. However, the ANC blacks suffer in... Alexan- around parachuting in 26. ANCYL, 6 August itself also plays a direct dra slum. But rich blacks with press statements 2009, “ANCYL to close role, being allied to and media events. In Lembede Investment – among them Nelson Holdings,” those corporations, and fact, the ANCYL plays media statement, committed to neo- Mandela, Patrice Motsepe, almost no role in any at http://www. liberalism. Sam Shilowa and Cape Town social move- politicsweb.co.za/ The Malema-led ments, [28] although politicsweb/view/ politicsweb/en/ ANCYL is not just play- Malema – also live in there are some individ- page71654?oid= ing to the gallery, how- Sandton, and hundreds of ual activists. 138824&sn=Detail ever. It has long been a However, these 27. G. Underhill, May stronghold of the ANC’s thousands of poor whites protests raised the ANC 27‐2 June 2011, racist Africanist wing live in squatter camps and profile in the 2011 local “Toilet Activist on that is overtly hostile to government elections – Cape Metro Council,” Mail & Guardian the national minorities: trailer parks.” in the one province that Coloureds, Indians and the ANC consistently 28. E.g. Jared Sacks, 2012, Sweet Home whites. loses to the DA. This Report: An investiga‐ Something more was added, and this was the was cheap politicking, which the Malema fac- tion into the socio‐ slogan of nationalisation: the ANC had once ad- tion hoped would raise their value in the party. political character of recent road vocated (like many others, including the old Meanwhile, identical anti-working class, anti- blockades by protest‐ apartheid government), a degree of nationalisa- poor policies in the rest of the country (including ing shackdwellers, tion. This was dropped in the neo-liberal period, open toilets), by the ANC were carefully ignored. unpublished report, but revived in Malema’s hands, the old ANC na- The other ANCYL protest was the 2011 “Eco- Cape Town, at http://cdn.mg.co.za/ tionalisation call seemed to promise the nomic Freedom” march from Johannesburg. The content/ prospect of escape from poverty for the masses. march attracted some militant working class documents/2012/ If implemented – an exceedingly unlikely youth, desperate for a better future, but the 09/19/Sweet_Home_ prospect, given the ANC’s neo-liberal outlook march was not to serve their needs: it was part Report_Final.pdf (see below) – nationalisation would also have of Malema’s struggle against Zuma-Mantashe. 29. A. Basson & P. opened access to additional wealth, for well-con- Malema’s elite agenda was laid bare when, Rampedi, 6 Nov 2011, “Malema’s Sugar nected ANC leaders. (It would not, however, straight after the march, he flew out to Mauri- Daddy,” News24, have benefitted the black working class: see “Al- tius for the all-expenses-paid island wedding of http://www.news24.com ternative Needed to Nationalisation and Privati- his ally, David Mabilu –an event costing over /SouthAfrica/News/ sation” article this issue). R10 million. [29] (NOTE: Malema, now expelled Malemas‐sugar‐daddy‐ 20111106‐2 from the ANC, has turned his attention to the

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 33 j SOUTH AFRICA victims of the ANC bloodbath at Marikana: this state-backed Black Economic Empowerment is a desperate gamble, feeding upon misery to (BEE) – the rise of Malema from son of a domes- try win back into the ANC). tic worker to a very wealthy man, through state contracts, is a case in point. CONCLUSION 1: WHAT THE ANC The ANC-led, largely black, state elite is allied REALLY IS to the largely white private corporate elite: to- gether they wreak havoc upon the working What this sordid tale reveals is that the ANC class, and perpetuate the legacy of apartheid for is central to the current order in South Africa, the black, Coloured and Indian workers and to deep racial divisions, enormous inequality poor, impoverish a growing section of the white and ongoing attacks on the working class. ANC workers, and terrorise immigrant workers. factional struggles, and supposed ANC BEE serves a small, powerful elite, while the “radicals”, have nothing to do with fixing this NGP attacks the poor. By 2002, 10 million mess – these are simply fights over access to the South Africans (mostly poor blacks) “had their spoils – having very little to do with issues like water cut off and 10 million … had their elec- nationalisation or privatisation, socialism or tricity cut off”; further, “two million people have capitalism. been evicted from their homes” for non payment The ANC and the ANCYL actively maintain of services. [30] the system that traps poor black working class Cut-offs, evictions, and shoddy (but expensive) youth, the majority of the unemployed, in mis- services will continue to generate ongoing ery. The ANC (like all political parties) is not a protests. These factors contributed to the rise of party that can change society for the better; it the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF); official re- is not for the working class, it is not a party that ports noted around 19 township “protests” per end the national oppression of the black, Indian month in 2009, half “violent.” [31] and Coloured working class, and nor will it end the exploitation of the white working class. The ANCYL (like the ANC) played a role in NO PRINCIPLES BUT POWER the anti-apartheid struggle, an often heroic role, Tolerance of the Malema faction’s racist but post-1994 is another matter entirely. The demagogy, because of political calculations, ANC since 1994 exemplifies the cynicism and lack of principle at must not be mis- the heart of the taken for a libera- ANC. Senior ANC tion movement; but officials including rather an integral Mantashe sup- part of the state ported Malema machinery – the when he was prose- central role of cuted for hate which is to ensure speech. Regardless the continued exis- of whether we sup- tence of capitalism, port this kind of and to defend the censorship (see ruling class. below), Mantashe’s A jackal cannot be backing effectively 30. D.A. McDonald, expected to look enables hate speech 2002, “The Theory and to be a legitimate Practice of Cost after sheep. An elite Recovery in South party cannot be ex- part of ANC dis- Africa,” D.A. Mc‐ pected to look after course – and mocks Donald & J. Pape the ANC’s own (eds.), Cost Recovery the working class and the Crisis of and poor masses. 1955 Freedom Service Delivery in Charter, which de- South Africa, HSRC/ NEO‐LIBERALISM PLUS “BLACK clares that South Zed, p. 21 Africa belongs to “all who live in it, black and 31. H. Jain, 2010, EMPOWERMENT” white,” that “our people” must “live in brother- “Community Protests Official ANC economic policy is fundamentally hood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities,” in South Africa: neo-liberal. This predates the so-called “1996 trends, analysis and and that “all national groups shall be protected explanations,” Local class project”, being the central thrust in the by law against insults to their race and national Government Working RDP White Paper (1994), Growth, Employment pride.” Paper Series no. 1, and Redistribution (Gear), 1996, Accelerated And this incident, as Mikhail Bakunin pointed pp. 4, 11 and Shared Growth Initiative for SA (Asgisa) out, shows that the ruling class has a “very 32. Maximoff, G. P. 2006, and the New Growth Path (NGP), 2011. shabby, very narrow, especially mercenary” at- (editor), (1953). (see article “All Geared Up for a New Growth The Political Philos‐ tachment to its own “patriotism”: it is “quite ophy of Bakunin: Path”, pg. 13.) willing to sacrifice the property, life and freedom scientific anarchism. In this framework, state outsourcing and pub- of the proletariat,” but “rather reluctant” to sac- Glencoe / London, lic-private partnerships (PPPs) are used as a rifice its “own gainful privileges” on any matter Free Press / key means of creating a black bourgeoisie via Collier‐Macmillan, of principle. [32] pp. 133‐134

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CONCLUSION 2: ON HATE SPEECH This is because they are, first, tied to the ANC Malema was subject to two successful prose- (which is part of the problem, not the solution); cutions for hate speech: one, for claiming that a and second because their most ambitious hopes, rape victim had had a “nice time”, and another, which they hope the ANC will implement – Key- for calling whites “criminals,” and singing the nesianism plus exports – is unworkable in now-banned Dubul’ibhunu, which certainly today’s South African and international condi- advocates racial violence. tions. [33] Anarchists/ syndicalists defend free speech, It is a severe indictment of the revolutionary and this means defending the right of people to movement – of the whole left, not just the anar- express views that are fundamentally against chists/ syndicalists – that it was outpaced by a the basic principles of anarchism – including crooked millionaire, who can promise nothing sexist and racist ones. This implies disagree- more than looting the state and keeping the ment with censorship of any kind, including that working class down. which is attempting to silence Malema. Malema is not a solution, but a warning. Un- But equally, a defence of free speech must in- less there is a real alternative to the ANC, black clude using it to openly contest, critique and de- working class desperation will be ruthlessly ex- feat these anti-anarchist views. And where those ploited by demagogues of the Malema type, em- views are tied into actual racial or xenophobic at- ulating his political style of authoritarian tacks, even more serious actions may be needed. leadership, patronage politics, and the larger Facts must also be system of BEE plus neo-liberalism. faced: Malema’s racist But what sort of left attitudes promote his alternative is needed? agenda, but also reflect “What is needed is The collapse of the So- the views of a deadly an independent, viet Union, and the hor- tendency in the ANC. rors created by its This tendency has sec- participatory-democratic, classical Marxist dicta- ond thoughts about the revolutionary front of the torship, should shatter black elite’s alliance any illusions that the with big white capital; it oppressed classes, infused old road of “the dictator- would rather have big with anarchism/ ship of the proletariat” black capital instead. under the Marxist- Now, an attack on big syndicalism: a counter- Leninist vanguard is white corporations is power to the system and worth following. This is a discredited system hardly dangerous, but a counterculture based on racially polarising South of totalitarian state- Africa – a country with honesty, solidarity and capitalism. a serious national ques- humility, and Faced with this col- tion and deep racial ten- lapse, the SACP and sions certainly is, no internationalism” Cosatu have shifted to matter what reason is social democracy, hoping given. to slowly reform capital- It can only inflame multi-sided racial and eth- ism into something better. Not only, however, nic conflict, divide the working class, and burn will the ruling class never allow itself to be down the door to civil war. The combination of peacefully shut down, but the greatest social immense misery in the country and the lack of democratic examples – the Nordic Keynesian a powerful left pole of attraction provides explo- welfare states – are in crisis, destroyed by the sive grounds for populist demagogy to ignite. No very capitalism they promised to tame. matter how cynically racist demagogy is used, it So, this leaves anarchism/ syndicalism. has real consequences. Anarchists defend Malema’s right to sing BLACK WORKING CLASS racist songs, but must explain that South What is needed is an independent, participa- Africa’s problems cannot be solved through tory-democratic, revolutionary front of the op- racial conflict, that working class whites are not pressed classes, infused with anarchism/ real enemies of the black poor – any more than syndicalism: a counterpower to the system and poor black immigrants are the enemy – and that a counterculture based on honesty, solidarity the real enemy is the ling class, rich black capi- and humility, and internationalism – far re- talists like Sexwale (and Malema) as much as moved from the politics of the ANCYL and ANC. rich white capitalists like Nicky Oppenheimer. This requires building an anarchist/ syndical- 33. L. van der Walt, 2010, “COSATU’s ist pole of attraction, centred on a black working Response to the CONCLUSION 3: TAKE THE GAP class cadre. And black working class youth Crisis: an anarcho‐ Unwittingly, Cosatu and the SACP create the will be central to this project, belonging under syndicalist the red-and-black banners of anarchism/ assessment and space for corrupt demagogues like Malema be- alternative,” cause they fail to provide a serious, socialist syndicalism, not the ANC’s black, green and Zabalaza no. 11 struggle and alternative. gold.

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 35 j SOUTH AFRICA Municipalities, Service Delivery and Protest

by Oliver Nathan

INTRODUCTION The ability and willingness of the South PHOTO South Africa is an extremely unequal society. African state to provide adequate service deliv- Shack life “terrify‐ ing and impossible” The post-apartheid dispensation has seen the ery to all is not simply a question of having the ‘right’ political party or sufficiently skilled peo- says shack dweller situation of the majority poor black working Source: http:// class worsening (characterised by increasing un- ple in power. Nor is it simply a question of hav- antieviction.org.za employment, a lack of adequate and affordable ing good policies, or the adequate administrative service delivery and exacerbated by rampant in- means or technical capacity to implement it. flation). On the other side of the coin, a few Should massive disparities in service delivery elites have ‘made it’ in capitalism and through between wealthy and poor neighbourhoods be the state, often through the elitist forms of put down to corruption, mismanagement, ad- ‘Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment ministrative incapacity and a lack of consulta- (BBBEE)’ and corruption. Inequality in South tion? Or is there something in how the state is Africa is easily illustrated when one observes structured and the way in which it rules which the massive disparities in development, service means that it can never give the majority of peo- delivery and wealth between townships and ple what they need? rural areas on the one hand, and suburban areas on the other. NEO‐LIBERALISM AND Nationally, South Africa faces a massive back- PRIVATISATION IN SOUTH AFRICA: log in service delivery. Some 203 out of 284 RDP AND GEAR South African municipalities are unable to pro- Privatisation, at its most basic, refers to the vide sanitation to 40% of their residents. This state selling off public enterprises to capitalists. means that in 71% of municipal areas, most peo- The theory behind this neo-liberal approach is ple do not have flush toilets. A staggering 887 that that once privatised; service delivery will 329 people still use the bucket system and 5 mil- become more efficient, cost effective and far- lion people, or 10.5% of the population, have no reaching. The privatisation of electricity provi- access to sanitation at all.[1] It is perfectly un- sion through the derstandable, then, installation of pre- why working class and paid electricity me- poor people take to the ters in township streets in protest homes is a case in against poor and point. Electricity pri- costly service delivery; vatisation through it is these same people pre-paid meters en- that are impacted sured that the price most by insufficient of electricity shot up and costly service de- dramatically – up to livery, corruption and 20 per cent in some municipal misman- cases.[2] agement. Between 1993 and The post-apartheid early 1994 the ANC, state’s promise of an in conjunction with extensive roll out of its alliance partners, service delivery in the Congress of South African Trade Unions 1994 has been severly undermined by its long (Cosatu) and the South African Communist standing neoliberal approach to the provision of Party (SACP), created the Reconstruction and services (discussed in the next section). While Development Programme (RDP). The RDP the state has made some headway in rolling out could be seen as the election manifesto of the services since 1994, thousands of communities ANC in 1994, maintaining elements of the 1955 living in rural areas and townships continue to 1. http://www.da.org. freedom charter and promising and end to the za/docs/633/5%20worst receive inadequate services. Moreover, the pri- social and economic inequalities generated %20munnicipalities_ vate sector approach has meant that where document.pdf under apartheid. services have been provided, the costs have gen- The RDP election manifesto was put into ef- 2. City of Johannes‐ erally been transferred to poor communities burg,(2003), fect in 1994 with the adoption of the RDP white who often cannot afford them. downloaded from: paper. The RDP overall contained a set of www.coj.gov.za.

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PHOTO ‘Keynesian’ macroeconomic measures, which selling the asset to a private sector buyer. Water scarcity –an stipulated that the state ought to take the lead Crucially, the post-apartheid neoliberal state unresolved issue in in delivering services, housing and infrastruc- sought to justify the imposition of neoliberal re- many parts of the ture to the majority poor, mostly black popular structuring by appropriating Keynesian and de- country often leads to protests over classes. However, the RDP election manifesto velopmental language and rhetoric from aspects service delivery also, and this is less well known, already con- of the RDP and by arguing that GEAR was the Source: tained some neoliberal elements alongside Key- means to which goals of the RDP could be http://www.wrc.org.za nesianism. The White Paper brought achieved. Behind the rhetoric however, GEAR neoliberalism to the fore, firmly establishing it represented the ultimate and final consolida- as the basic framework. This means that the tion of ANC neoliberalism and its abandonment ANC didn’t just step into a neoliberal state and of even a paper commitment to Keynesian take its programme on board: it actively en- policies. dorsed and adopted the neoliberal framework, evident in its very first general policy docu- STATE LOGIC ment.[3] There are three structural characteristics of The RDP was soon replaced by the Growth, the state that are common to all states. Firstly, “Firstly, all Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macro- all states are fundamentally undemocratic and economic framework in 1996. GEAR essentially states are largely unaccountable to the citizenry; secondly, promoted a far more aggressively neoliberal ap- all states are hierarchically organised, with fundamentally proach to the state and the market, firmly con- those at the top unaccountable to those at the undemocratic solidating the ANC’s neoliberal orientation. bottom; and thirdly, all states have a bias in and largely Very broadly, GEAR promoted the privatisation favour of serving the long-term interests of the of ‘non strategic’ state assets and services, lib- unaccountable to ruling classes. The South African state, at all eralised trade and promoted “flexiblily” in the levels, is no exception. It’s character has impli- the citizenry; labour market. cations for how services are delivered and how secondly, all Despite claims that neoliberalism represents we understand corruption. Analysing it helps us states are a weakening of the state, in fact it merely desig- to assess the prospects for popular class inter- nates it a different role: maintaining law and ests to be leveraged and maintained through the hierarchically protecting private property, while creating a state. organised, with suitable environment for the functioning of the Firstly, the local state in South Africa is fun- those at the top market (including infrastructure provision for damentally undemocratic because state man- the benefit of business), The role of the state in unaccountable to agers are not accountable to their constituents; intervening directly in markets is what is under- people can only vote those at the mined in neoliberal- for new state man- bottom; and ism, not the state agers once every five thirdly, all states itself. years and have no GEAR promoted have a bias in control over them in privatisation, accord- the interim period. favour of serving ing to its own justifi- Secondly, because of the long-term cations, as a means the hierarchical interests of the to attaining efficient structure of the local and far-reaching ruling classes.” state, high level service delivery – by managers are not ac- placing it in the countable to subordi- hands of the suppos- nate workers in the edly more efficient state. Therefore, private sector. Ne- upper management oliberal theory is can exercise mana- based on the assumption that unfettered compe- gerial prerogative (authoritarian decision-mak- tition in the free market will deliver the greatest ing) to promote their own interests ahead of good to the greatest number of people. It argues those of subordinates and ahead of the class in- that state intervention into markets, such as the terests of the popular classes. Thirdly, by virtue state owning and operating enterprises which it of the local state’s undemocratic and hierarchi- itself subsidises, leads to uncompetitiveness cal structure, it can be, and indeed is used by (higher prices for consumers) and inefficiency in the ruling classes to secure the interests of the service delivery. Privatisation has been de- ruling class (the state managers and capitalists) ployed, according to the state, to make the de- at the expense of the popular classes (the work- livery of services more efficient, and to help ers and the poor). municipalities in particular to save money so Several factors combine to help explain why that they can provide services better. Although services are not delivered to the poor: the statist selling off ‘non-strategic’ SOEs can allow the structure of municipalities (regardless of the state to commit less capital and administrative 3. Fighting against party in power), privatisation of basic services, privatisation in capacity, it can also allow the state to raise cap- pervasive corruption and mismanagement in- South Africa ital for other projects from the proceeds of cluding the under-spending of budgets and the

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 37 j SOUTH AFRICA over-spending on state managers’ salaries. This delivery and local economic development. This is compounded by the fact that the poor is justified for three reasons [5]: themselves have little say in determining how services ought to be delivered. 1. The national state argues that municipalities are better positioned to know what people UNDERSTANDING MUNICIPALITIES need, as municipalities are allegedly institu- IN SOUTH AFRICA tionally closer to communities. 2. Because the national state argues that mu- Municipalities, otherwise known as local nicipalities institutionally closer to communi- states are the level of state that operates at the ties, decision making can allegedly be more level of wards. Wards are geographical areas set participatory through the council system. up that divide provinces into smaller chunks. 3. The national state, in light of the above, Municipal governments then govern a grouping argues that policies can be applied more ef- of wards, which are known as a region or juris- fectively at the municipal level than at the diction. Municipality leadership consists of a national level. mayoral council, headed up by a mayor, a mu- nicipal manager and executive councillors, who However, as was mentioned earlier, a strong lead the various local governments’ depart- case can be made that the interests and imper- ments (e.g. Local Eco- atives of government of- nomic Development, ficials at the national, Social Development, provincial and munici- Health, and Education.) “[T]he interests of the pal levels of the state District Municipalities, ruling classes will always are diametrically op- such as the City of Jo- posed to those of the hannesburg Municipal- trump those of the popular poor and the working ity and the Ekurhuleni classes because the state class. The interests of Metropolitan Munici- capitalists and elites in pality have executive, exists solely to protect government are taken legislative and judicial ruling class interests.” by the state, at all lev- functions too. This els, to be the interests of means that they have all. A few officials in the an executive that rule over wards, a legislature state may have genuinely emancipatory or egal- to formulate by-laws and have magistrate’s itarian aspirations with regards to the popular courts and a police force to enforce the laws. classes. However well intentioned, these aspira- Under this layer of executive leadership are tions are never articulated in meaningful, coher- the ward councillors, who ought to represent the ent and sustained ways because of the interests of communities to the executive council authoritarian and hierarchical organisation of and mayor. Ward councillors should hold regu- the state. Moreover, state actions that might lar council meetings in which ordinary people seem to serve the interests of the popular can bring their grievances to the councillor who classes, no matter how well intentioned, are al- then passes them onto the executive council of ways stymied by the ruling-class bias of the the municipality for resolution. Municipalities state. That is, the interests of the ruling classes are taken to be democratic and participatory will always trump those of the popular classes spaces where ordinary people can participate in because the state exists solely to protect ruling the decisions taken, and elect new officials class interests. should the current officials not be seen to be rep- Given the inherent class bias in the state, resenting the people’s interests. However, the there cannot be a genuine unitary ‘national in- local state is still highly undemocratic. terest’ that is cultivated by the ruling class The ward system in particular is highly unde- through the state that is ever fully accepted by mocratic in that ward committees often hand- the popular classes. This is reflected in policies pick the members they would like to participate 4. Oldfield, S. which are created by elites who do not live in (2008), “Participa‐ in decision making.[4] Over and above this, poverty or misery, are not oppressed, and have tory Mechanisms and most officials at the municipal level are actually Community Building little understanding or appreciation of the day- unelected. While the mayor or a councillor Projects: Building to-day struggles poor communities face. The hi- might be elected, the city managers and other Consensus and erarchical structure of the state also means that Conflict”. In M.van officials are appointed by the party in power. policy-making cannot be democratic, and that Donk, et al (eds), These people often maintain their office regard- Consolidating ordinary people cannot properly participate in less of the mayor who gets voted in. Developmental Local its structures. The implication is that the state Government: Lessons can never give the masses what they really from the South WHY IS MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT want. African Experience. Cape Town: UCT press. RELEVANT? Specifically, the claims of the democratic na- The municipalities are thus understood by the ture of local government should be interrogated. 5. http://www.dplg. gov.za/subwebsites/ national state as the most appropriate level of Most municipal officials are in fact unelected. publications/type_ governance to carry out the objectives of service The municipal manager, for example, remains muni/muni_ward.htm

38 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 SOUTH AFRICA j

in power regardless of the party of the incum- was Mayor Helen Zille, who earned R858 260 bent mayor. All of the senior members of the mu- (which includes a vehicle allowance of R214 564 nicipal management are in fact part of the [9]), while councillors received only 7 percent of ruling class and have used their positions for the budget in 2008 and an average of 5,75 per- personal gain or to push forward the agenda of cent in 2007. In 2009 Zille’s salary will be almost their own class (for example through so called R200 000 more than when she took office in ‘tenderpreneurship’). Thus, the very structure March 2006, at which point her salary was R669 of local government means that it cannot be 214. democratic, nor can it be participatory. In 2009, in contrast, over 150,000 municipal workers in South Africa struck over paltry pay CORRUPTION offers in the face of massive inflation. In an Almost all municipalities have experienced overwhelming display of unity, over 150,000 corruption at one time or another. In South workers employed by municipalities and belong- Africa, this predates the democratic transition ing to both South African Municipal Workers’ – despite some common perceptions that this is Union (SAMWU) and Independent Municipal somehow a new phenomenon. Because of the hi- and Allied Trade Union (IMATU) across the erarchical character of the state and the related country rejected a wage offer of the employer lack of accountability of high level officials to body, South African Local Government Associa- their subordinates and the general public, tion (SALGA). ‘shady’ tender deals with private firms and out- On 27 July 2009 SAMWU and IMATU em- right theft of state funds and property is the barked on strike action in all municipalities in norm. every province of the The existence of such country.[10] In Johan- brazen forms of corrup- Because of the nesburg 10,000 workers tion is often put down to marched to Mary a lack of effective anti- hierarchical character of Fitzgerald Square, re- corruption policies, laws the state and the related jecting SALGA’s offer and ‘checks and bal- and reaffirming ances’ that fail to make lack of accountability of SAMWU’s demand for a officials more account- high level officials to their 15% increase and a housing subsidy based able to the national subordinates and the state or the public at on a R200 000 house. In large. However, because general public, ‘shady’ Cape Town 3,000 work- ers marched to the 6. Rudin, J. (2011) of its hierarchical and tender deals with private “Municipal undemocratic structure, SALGA provincial of- Dysfunction can the state affords state firms and outright theft of fices to hand over a be Cured”. In managers opportunity memorandum reassert- Mail & Guardian, state funds and property ing the union’s key de- 7‐13 October, 2011. to steal money and re- sources from the munic- is the norm. mands of a living wage 7. ibid ipal almost unchecked. of R4000, as well as the 8. Donelly, L. (2011) Even officials with the filling of the 25% vacant “Municipal Salary posts in the sector, and the improvement of the Bill Rockets while best intentions going into local government are Staff Levels unable to meaningfully make an impact. This is housing benefit. In Durban 5,000 workers Stagnate” in because rather that changing the local state; the marched and picketed in workplaces to ensure Mail & Guardian, local state changes them.[6] Ordinary people that no scabs performed the work of the strikers. 16‐22 September, Though the actions around the country were 2011. have no control over corruption because they are never given information or control over how the conducted in a peaceful and disciplined manner 9. Dentlinger, L by SAMWU members the union expressed “out- (2009) “Council money in municipalities is spent. Salaries Go Up”, rage” at reports of police action against its mem- http://www.iol.co.za/ MUNICIPAL UNDER‐SPENDING, bers in Polokwane, where workers have been news/politics/ shot at and arrested.[11] council‐salaries‐to‐ LACK OF DELIVERY AND PROTEST In 2011, Andries Tatane was murdered by the go‐up‐.429975 National treasury reported that municipali- police while engaging in protest against the lack 10. http://libcom. ties had under spent their budgets by R18,9bn of service delivery in Ficksburg, Free State org/news/municipal‐ in the 2009/2010 year. In the 2008/09 year ag- workers‐strike‐ province. This, after his community after had across‐south‐africa‐ gregate net under spending was recorded at “repeatedly written to the mayor and local gov- 28072009 R16,6-billion, or 9,1%.[7] In addition, despite a ernment of Ficksburg pleading for these neces- 11. ibid stipulation that no more than 30% of provincial sities”.[12] budget allocations should be spent on salaries, 12. Hattingh, S Tatane’s murder shows how municipalities (2011), “Andries the reality is that in many cases salaries absorb are willing to deploy the police in order to crush Tatane: Murdered by up to 60 percent of the budget. Local govern- any resistance to people demanding their right the Ruling Class”. In ment salaries rose by 53% between 2006/2007 to service delivery. Zabalaza: A Journal and 2009/2010 while municipal employment lev- of Southern African Revolutionary els rose by just 4% in the same period.[8] The Anarchism. No. 12 City of Cape Town Municipality’s top earner

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 39 j SOUTH AFRICA

MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS of poor and working class communities over the PHOTO The most recent municipal elections, held in provision and cost of service delivery. Protests Residents from 10 informal settlements May of 2011, promised changes to the way in by municipal workers are also an expression of the unwillingness of municipalities to provide in Khayelitsha and which services are delivered to the poor. All of Delft march to the the political parties that campaigned promised better wages and working conditions for these local municipality heaven and earth to communities. However, workers. The local state in some cases is simply offices in Ilitha nothing so far has really changed (except that unable to provide adequate service delivery for Park on 21 October some houses and toilets were built in a rush to poor and working class communities or decent Source: http:// westcapenews.com secure votes for parties). wages for its workers. But more importantly, the Soon after new councillors were voted in, peo- local state is in fact unwilling to provide ade- ple unhappy with the selections were involved in quate service delivery and living wages because the burning down of certain councillors’ houses. the interests of the local state are the same as Many people understand the prolem to lie with the interests of the ruling class. Furthermore, ‘bad apples’ – corrupt and inefficient candidates the state exists to protect those interests, di- in local government. It is believed that voting for rectly against the interests of the popular a new trustworthy councillor or manager will classes. bring about improvements in service delivery. According to Van der Walt (2011), South But this almost never happens. This is because Africa’s transition to ‘democracy’ was a massive few criticisms are ever raised by protesters to- victory against national oppression, which was wards municipalities as structures fundamen- won from below. It is therefore incorrect to speak tally unable to deliver. of the post apartheid situation as a continuation of “white supremacy”. There have been huge CONCLUSION: SOUTH gains in legal and social rights; many routine apartheid practices are illegal, while affirmative AFRICA’S NATIONAL QUESTION action etc. is mandatory; yet the national liber- AND MUNICIPALITIES: ation struggle was left incomplete.[13] In this paper, I argued that three characteris- The ANC cannot bring about the completion tics of states in general, and the local state in of the national liberation struggle, and neither post-apartheid South Africa in particular, pre- could any political party using the state for na- vent the poor and working class from attaining tional liberation. While a political revolution suitable services from the state. These argu- may have occurred (the transition from ments were the following: firstly, that states are apartheid to a national capitalist democracy) an fundamentally undemocratic and largely unac- economic revolution has not occurred. The poor countable to the citizenry; secondly, that all are still poor, workers still exploited and only a states are hierarchically organised, with those few black people have become rich through BEE at the top unaccountable to those at the bottom and other means. While the roll out of extensive (which allows for corruption and mismanage- service delivery was a key thrust of the ANC’s 13. Bekker, I. and Van der Walt, L. ment); and thirdly, that all states have a bias in election manifesto, so far municipalities have (2011) “Build a favour of serving the long-term interests of the not been able to carry out service delivery in a Better Worker’s ruling classes (as expressed through neoliberal democratic fashion in a sustained an equal way. Movement”. In Rather, municipalities have been used by Zabalaza: A Journal forms of privatisation in service delivery). of Southern African This explains why protests have become the officials to enrich themselves. Revolutionary principle means for expressing the frustrations Anarchism. No. 12

40 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 AFRICA j Egypt: the Lost Transition and the Libertarian Alternatives

by Yasser Abdullah *

INTRODUCTION [ZACF] Beginning in December 2010, a series of uprisings in Arab countries brought hope to workers and the poor - not only in the Middle East but throughout the world. Dictators have been toppled in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, and struggles continue throughout the region. For anarchists the question has always been: will the struggles stop with overthrowing dictators, an important victory but one that cannot end oppression? Or will it go further? Can a mass movement continue the struggle until imperialism, exploitation, capitalism and the state itself are finally destroyed? In the Arab countries and elsewhere, the ruling class – the capitalists, the officials of national governments and imperial powers, the generals, and their propagandists in the mainstream media – have hoped to maintain “order”, to hold elections that will at most offer a little more freedom and a change of faces at the top, while keeping the core structures of hierarchy intact. In this article, an Egyptian anarchist explains how not only the ruling class but even “leftist” parties have joined in this attempt to keep the military and capitalist bosses in control – and at the same time how this trickery is being exposed, and how a libertarian working class movement is emerging to continue the struggle. The situation has changed since this article was written, as a new wave of protests against the Muslim Brotherhood and the SCAF has broken out. Although Morsi has offered concessions, the protests continue with chants of “leave means go! Morsi doesn’t get it”, and there are unconfirmed reports of the formation of revolutionary councils in Mahalla, north of Cairo, and a few other Egyptian cities.

ight after the announcement of the first come was disastrous for any authority: that day round of presidential elections in Egypt, people burnt most police stations in major cities; R it became clear that the choice was be- the police were totally defeated; Mubarak or- tween two old authoritarian persons: Ahmed dered the army to interfere. For many commen- Shafik, a retired general, the last prime minis- tators, that was a predictable crisis; some of ter under fallen dictator Hosni Mubarak; and them actually wrote about this before 2011 (e.g. Mohammed Morsi, the Steven Cook from the chairman of the Muslim Council of Foreign Rela- Brotherhood’s “Freedom tions). After the crisis and Justice” party. Many they hoped for a smooth foreign commentators, transition that could re- and some local ones too, store stability and main- started to talk about a tain the old state. This “lost transition” in Egypt; was exactly what was lost i.e. international crisis in transition for them; group published an arti- Mubarak’s successors cle called “Egypt lost in and loyal generals in the transition” [1], they had Supreme Council of the supposed there was a Armed Forces (SCAF) chance for a smooth, pre- failed to learn the lesson. determined transition, The main structure of and they thought this the Egyptian state is the chance was lost after the army, so when Mubarak’s results. civil repression forces were defeated he ordered the backbones of the state to interfere. Actually, it’s not just 1. http://www.crisis‐ WHAT HAPPENED IN JANUARY group.org/ 28TH, 2011? Mubarak’s army, somehow Mubarak himself en/regions/ was their civilian face, concealing the oldest To understand their viewpoint about the lost middle‐east‐ state apparatus in the Middle East. The Egypt- north‐africa/egypt‐ transition, and to propose another alternative, ian army was formed by Mohammed Ali in the syria‐lebanon/ we need first to know exactly what happened on 19th century, and gained control of the state egypt/121‐lost‐in‐ 28 January 28 2011. That day angry youth, poor transition‐the‐world‐ after the 1952 military coup. That apparatus masses, intellectuals declared clearly that peo- according‐to‐egypts‐ need a civilian cover to hide under: when the scaf.aspx ple want to remove Mubarak’s regime. The out- state became stronger the civilian veil became

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 41 j AFRICA thicker, but when the state became they could rule, after defending SCAF’s Right after the first round results the weaker, it couldn’t put on the civilian parliament in many ways. The SCAF Revolutionary Socialists declared they veil and threw it away. What’s really had declared the dissolving of the par- would back the Muslim Brotherhood lost in transition is that the military liament, sending the parties out of the candidate, Mohammed Morsi, in the state apparatus has totally failed to ruling strata, and sending its civilian last. The Egyptian left main force has cover itself again, and it will be exposed cover away. joined the political parties block which for many years to any attacks from the strive to be a ruling class one day. Egyptian masses. THE WORKERS’ STRUGGLE, For me the Egyptian left played the THE LEFT, WHAT ABOUT most dangerous counter-revolutionary NOT JUST GENERALS, BUT part in the Revolutionary process. They PEOPLE’S PARTIES? ALSO BIG CAPITAL make rhetorical speeches containing The traditional political parties de- many Marxist terms, many rebel slo- The state apparatus in Egypt is an fended SCAF in many clashes, but gans, but they don’t give people any original model for many neo-colonial there was a small fraction of political analysis of the state, class, and revolu- states in the Middle East. Gamal Abdel forces that not did so, mainly a leftist tion. They are using revolutionary slo- Nasser, the dictator from 1956 to 1970, organization called Revolutionary So- gans to adopt same reformist transition formed a very strong apparatus that cialists, the Egyptian affiliate of the In- model; they hold a socialist banner to rules and govern many aspects of life: it ternational Socialist Tendency, which build a bourgeois state. owns all the land space in Egypt; it con- includes the Socialist Workers Party in trols about 25-30% of the Egyptian economy; even IS THERE ANY after the privatization in CHANCE FOR A 1990s, it keeps a lot of big LIBERTARIAN capital controlled by the ALTERNATIVE? Egyptian army, either by Last December I wrote owning it or by controlling personal notes about the it through partnership coming insurrection in with private business. Egypt: after the forma- The hidden face of the tion of parliament I ex- military apparatus in pected the state crisis Egypt is their economics would continue for many and business. Only after years. The ruling class SCAF took power in can’t adopt a solution Egypt did some journal- from above; it can’t repair ists and commentators the damaged state; it only begin to realize this hid- holds now the military den face. The Egyptian apparatus, but can’t build army is not just a repres- a civilian one; it can hold aggression but sion tool, it’s a repression-governing- Britain and Keep Left in South Africa. can’t build consent and hegemony. industrial compound, it’s the ruling They have some influence among work- But people can build hegemony from class in its pure sense. ers, but unfortunately, they are using it below; a counter-state could be built in a most reformist way. They helped through local councils, syndicates, etc. THE POLITICAL PARTIES AND workers to build an independent trade The libertarian alternative can still THE PEOPLE union federation, which is another bu- bring fresh air to this struggle. The dif- The army, which forms the main rul- reaucratic federation; they helped ficulties for the libertarian solution are ing class apparatus in Egypt, has many workers to form independent trade many, one of them being that a lot of relations throughout the society: the unions to joins the independent federa- people believe the authoritarian rheto- army personnel’s families, the army’s tion, and gave them leftist rhetoric to ric about anarchy. many full paid com- civil workers, and some intellectuals propose a reformist agenda. The inde- mentators which are pro ruling state who try to join the ruling class. After pendent federation succeeded to send escaped from analyzing the state and Mubarak stepped down in February its chairman to the dissolved parlia- created another silly term called “Deep 2011 it was the opportunity for many of ment, to became another yellow trade State”, Another difficulty is that we them to become the ruling class organs. unionist. don’t have any anarchist organization, This would happen many times after: in Before the elections one of the revolu- after a failed attempt to build one. But many clashes between people and tionary socialist divisions, called Social- the libertarian alternative will still be army, the political parties would try to ist Renewal Current, backed an out there, as long as state is not able to take a “neutral” position between the Islamist candidate, Abdel Moneim repair the damaged civilian apparatus. ruling structures they hope to join and Aboul Fotoh. For them he is a moderate I think the next few months are likely the people they want to govern. So all Islamist; one of their main figures even to give some answers. the political parties, especially the Is- called him a revolutionary Islamist, and Cairo, June 15th, 2012 lamists, stood against the angry masses wrote an article, called “ An Essay in the November 2011 clashes: the par- about the method”, which was totally ties hoped for a quick election that mixed up with many Marxist terms but would form a parliament through which without any analysis.

42 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 AFRICA/INTERNATIONAL j

ADDENDUM: This morning Mohammed Morsi, the Mus- regime, a military-Islamist which has been lim Brotherhood candidate, declared himself tried before in Sudan, an Islamist puppet the winner of the presidential elections,there’s president with no force, and tremendous no official results yet, but most likely it would SCAF power control everything. after few days be the same, according to his campain, Morsi the court will give its verdict about dissolution has win by 52% of votes, after SCAF released of Muslim Brotherhood itself, is it a chance for supplementary constitutional announcement, a conflict between Islamists and SCAF, or it’s which reduce the president forces, now the a chance for people to topple down both SCAF SCAF, will form the the constitutional assem- and political Islam? bly, and keep the veto against its decisions, the 18th, June, 2012 * Yasser Abdullah is an Egyptian new president will be a new cover for SCAF, a Anarchist new puppet, Egypt will face a new kind of

A Close Look at the Syrian Revolution: An Anarchist among Jihadists

by a Syrian comrade

his could to some extent tell my situation brutality, is really exhausted now. 19 long when I was inside the “liberated territo- months of fierce repression, and lately, of T ries” of Syria, that is the territories con- hunger, scarce resources of all types, and con- trolled by the free army, the armed forces of the tinuous bombardment of the regime’s army, “The Syrian Syrian opposition. But still it is not the whole weaken its spirit. people, ...showed truth. It is true that not all the free army mili- Cynically, the beneficiary of all these wasn’t tants are devoted jihadists, although most of the regime, but the opposition, especially the Is- unprecedented them are thinking, or telling, that what they are lamists. Depending on its international relation- courage and practicing is “Jihad”. The truth is there are a lot ships, especially with the rich despotic Gulf determination in of ordinary people, even thieves, etc. among governments, the opposition can now feed and them, as in any armed struggle. My first and support the hungry population in the areas con- the first few lasting impression about the current situation trolled by its forces. Without such support, a months of the in Syria is that there is no longer a popular rev- grief humanitarian situation could be there. But revolution” olution going on there – what is taking place this support is not provided for free, neither by there is an armed revolution that could degen- the Gulf rulers, nor by the opposition leaders. erate simply into a civil conflict. The Syrian peo- They are, like any other authoritarian force, ask- ple, which showed unprecedented courage and ing the masses for submission and obedience. determination in the first few months of the rev- This in fact could only mean the real death of olution to defy Assad’s regime despite all its the Syrian revolution as a popular courageous

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 43 j INTERNATIONAL act of the Syrian masses. In Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. The Islamists Yes, I helped some jihadists to live [1], and seem to get all the benefits of the courageous others to go back to fight; but my real intention struggles of the masses. And they could easily was to help the masses I belong to, firstly as a initiate the process of establishing their fanatic physician, secondly, as an anarchist. To tell the rule, without strong opposition from the masses. truth, I don’t think that our problem is with I could feel exactly as Emma Goldman felt in Islam itself. Islam can also be egalitarian, or 1922 when she broke with the Bolsheviks and even, anarchistic. In the history of Islam there finally became disillusioned about their rule. In were scholars who called for a stateless and free fact, no one in the whole Arab and Muslim world Muslim society, even a free universe without looks closer to the Bolsheviks nowadays than any sort of authority. the Islamists, even devoted Stalinists lack the The problem in what is happening now in full criteria of their ancestors compared to the Syria is not only the difficult and bloody process Islamists. For a long time they were badly re- of changing a ruthless dictatorship, but might pressed by local dictators, used to frighten the even be worse: substituting it with another dic- masses and the west; and because of that might tatorship, which could be worse and bloodier. have looked as the most decisive part of the op- Early in the revolution, a small number of peo- position to these dictatorships. At the same ple, mainly devoted Islamists, claimed to repre- time, they really have the same efficient propa- sent the revolting masses, and self-appointed ganda machine as the Bolsheviks once did. They themselves to be the are so authoritarian true revolutionaries, and aggressive, ex- the true representa- actly as the Bolshe- tive of the revolution. viks were during the This went unchal- decisive days of the lenged by the main- October revolution. stream of the So it looks rational if revolutionary masses the Arab peoples and intellects. We did opted to try them, or oppose such authori- to accept their rise to tarian and even false power. Even to hope, claims, but we were, as the Russian work- and still are, too few ers and peasants once 1. Here I want to share some details to make any real dif- did, that they could about this. In fact ference. These people claimed that what was really create a better and different type of soci- it wasn’t easy for me taking place is a religious war, not a mere revo- ety. For Emma she awoke very early from such to be among lution of repressed masses against their oppres- disillusion, for the masses themselves, it took so Jihadists, but for some reason it wasn’t sor. They used very aggressively the fact that long to realise the truth. Still as Emma thought, the same to treat the oppressor was from another sect of Islam rightly as I claim: the masses were very right- them. For me, I was different from the sect of the majority of the peo- eous to rise up and try to change their miserable so clear since the ple he is exploiting, a sect that was judged fre- reality, the big “mistake”, if it could be described first moment I entered that front quently by Sunni scholars in the past to be as a mistake, was made by the authoritarian hospital I was work‐ against the teachings of true Islam, and that is forces which sought to hijack the revolution. We ing in: that I would even worse than non-Muslims. We were shocked still support the revolution, not its false “lead- treat anyone who needs my help, let by the fact that the majority of Allawete, the ers”. them be civilians, sect of the current dictator, who are poorer and fighters, from any more marginalised than the Sunni majority, did BUILDING THE LIBERTARIAN group and religion or support the regime; and that they participated sect; and I was so ALTERNATIVE: ANARCHIST particular that no in his brutal suppression of the revolting PROPAGANDA AND ORGANISATION one could be masses. This came as “evidence” of the “actual mistreated inside religious war” taking place between Sunni and The other issue that I think is so important that hospital, even Allwete. And in this regard these people could for us, Arab anarchists and Arab masses, is how from Assad’s army. I to build the libertarian alternative: that is how will repeat here that really claim to be the real Sunni; they are Mus- my real problem, and lim scholars and they are so sectarian that no to initiate an effective anarchist or libertarian that of the oppressed one can challenge them in this regard. In fact, propaganda and how to build libertarian organ- in general as I they built their spiritual and moral authority, isations. To tell the truth, I never tried before to think, is not with convince anyone to become anarchist. I opted God himself, but with before the material one. Then came the material human beings who act support from Gulf rulers. only for a free dialogue between “equals” with as gods, who are so Now, the potential for any real popular strug- everyone. I never claimed that I know every- sick with authority thing or that any anarchist or any other human that they think and gle is decreasing rapidly; Syria is now governed act like gods, be by arms; and only those who have them can being deserves to be the “guide” or the “leader” they a secular have a say about its present and future. And of others, that anyone deserves to be in the same dictator like Assad that is true not only for Assad’s regime and its position of the Pope, Muslim Imams, or the gen- or an Islamic Imam, eral secretary of any Stalinist or Leninist party. etc. God himself is Islamic opposition. Everywhere in the middle never as deadly east, the great hopes are disappearing rapidly. I always thought that trying to affect others is dangerous as those another way to practice authority upon them. who “speak” for him.

44 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 INTERNATIONAL/BLACK STARS OF ANARCHISM j

But now I see this issue from another ists, and Stalinists and other verities of properly highlighted. This will be, sup- perspective: it is all about making anar- Leninism), and very soon the bank- posedly, the role of our propaganda. chism “available” or known to all those ruptcy of the religious authoritarian Still there will be no “center” in our or- who want to fight any oppressing au- ones too. The future alternative should ganisation, no bureaucracy, but it is still thority they suffer from; be they supposed to be as effective as its workers, unemployed, students, authoritarian counterparts, or feminists, the youth, or ethnic and even more efficient. religious minorities, etc. It is about Our Stalin or Bonaparte is still trying to build an example or sam- not in power, the Syrian masses ple of the new free life in the body still have the opportunity to get a of a free or libertarian organisa- better outcome than that of the tion; not only as a living manifes- Russian revolution. It is very true tation of its potential presence, but that this is difficult and becomes also as a MEANS to achieve that more so every minute, but the rev- society. We have to make anar- olution itself was a miracle, and on chism well-known to all the slaves this earth, the oppressed can cre- and victims of all the current op- ate their own miracles, from time pressive systems and authorities. to time. This time also, we, Syrian An EFFECTIVE ANARCHIST anarchists, put all our cards, and PROPAGANDA is, as I think, the first be, logically, a libertarian one. Of all our efforts with the masses. It could- aim of such organisations. In a word, we course, anarchism cannot be implanted n’t be any other way, or we would not de- are witnesses to the bankruptcy of the artificially, it must be a “natural” prod- serve our libertarian name. “secular” authoritarian trends (includ- uct of the local masses’ struggles. But ing the nationalists and Arab-national- still it will need good care and to be

jjBLACK STARS OF ANARCHISM T.W. Thibedi (1888-1960): The Life of a South African Revolutionary Syndicalist

by Lucien van der Walt

he son of a Wesleyan minister, Thibedi African leader. William Thibedi was one of the most im- In September 1917, Thibedi was involved in T portant black African revolutionary syn- organizing an ISL-sponsored conference that led dicalists in South African history. Thibedi was to the formation of a “Solidarity Committee” in- a leading figure in the International Socialist tended to reform the orthodox trade unions on League (ISL) and in the Industrial Workers of syndicalist lines. These existing unions gener- Africa syndicalist union. Later he played an im- ally excluded people of colour (except in Cape portant role in the early Communist Party of Town), tended to craft unionism, and were prone South Africa (CPSA), particularly its union to binding no-strike agreements. Thibedi served work. He was active in all of the key black on the Committee, which was not, however, a unions from the 1910s to the 1940s. success. According to Eddie Roux of the CPSA, Thibedi was a “genius at getting people together, UNION MILITANT whether workers in a particular industry, From 1918, Thibedi was involved in the Indus- women, location residents, or whatever was trial Workers of Africa’s Johannesburg section, needed at the moment”. arguing for One Big Union united on class lines across the races, and mass action. This union THE ISL was an ISL initiative, and had well over a 1000 Hailing from the small town of Vereeniging, members countrywide. The first Industrial T.W. Thibedi trained as a school teacher and Workers of Africa leaflet, written by committee, worked at a church school in Johannesburg. and issued in IsiZulu and Sesotho, proclaimed: Around 1916, he joined the ISL as its first major

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 45 j BLACK STARS OF ANARCHISM

[See box this page] policy, and is the basis of the alliance with the ANC). However, FNETU rebelled, and forced The ISL advocated struggle against the pass Thibedi’s reinstatement; he was finally expelled and indenture laws, and against the compound in 1931. system, through mass action centred on the One Later Thibedi flirted with Trotskyism, espe- Big Union. The Industrial Workers of Africa was cially the Workers’ International League: this just one of several syndicalist unions it formed ran an opposition caucus in the CPSA-led Coun- and led. cil of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) in the 1940s. INSIDE THE ANC Along with other Industrial Workers of Africa LEGACY militants, Thibedi promoted syndicalism as part Thibedi repeatedly rejected requests to rejoin of the syndicalist current in the leftwing of the the CPSA, and, tired of militant work, faded late 1910s South African Native National Con- from public life from the late 1940s. Living in gress (SANNC, now the African National Con- Eersterus, he died in 1960 (Eersterus was a gress, or ANC). When a failed joint, general freehold township in Pretoria from which strike in July 1918 led to a crackdown on the Africans were evicted from 1959, a bitter expe- ISL, the Industrial Workers of Africa and the rience for the aged man). SANNC leftwing in the Transvaal, it fell to Thibedi’s years of union and left activism – Thibedi to revive the union in Johannesburg. A spanning syndicalism, Communism and Trot- leaflet by Thibedi in 1919 argued: skyism – and his absolutely pivotal role in this period, have not received their due recognition. ...Black African open your eyes, the time However, in 2006 the Congress of South African has come for you all who call themselves Trade Unions (Cosatu), with close Party links, Country Workers that you should join and resolved to memorialise him and other “worker become members of your own Council. It heroes”. The status of his monument is unclear. is not to say that we workers stop you from joining any other Councils, but you must know what you are in the Country for (rich or poor). All Workers of the Bantu race: workers are poor therefore they should have their own Council... Why do you live in slavery? Why are you Why are you afraid to become not free as other men are free? Why are members of the Industrial Workers you kicked and spat upon by your mas- of Africa whilst you call yourself ters? Why must you carry a pass before Workers? you can move anywhere? And if you are The union in Johannesburg drew found without one, why are you thrown its members from across the African into prison? Why do you toil hard for lit- working class, and was actually more of a general union than the indus- tle money? And again thrown into prison trial union on IWW lines, to which it if you refuse to work? Why do they herd aspired (its Cape Town section, by you like cattle into compounds? WHY? contrast, was mainly based on the Because you are the toilers of the earth. SOURCES: docks). Drew, A. Discordant Because the masters want you to labour Comrades: identities THE CPSA AND AFTER for their profit. Because they pay the Gov- and loyalties on the South African left. The key African in the early ernment and Police to keep you as slaves Pretoria: University CPSA, Thibedi put his syndicalist to toil for them... There is only one way of of South Africa background to work when he ran deliverance for you Bantu workers. Unite Press, 2002; Roux, E. the Party’s night school in Johan- Time Longer than as workers. Unite: forget the things which Rope: a history of nesburg; he became a full-time the black man’s CPSA organiser and unionist. He divide you... struggle for freedom worked inside the Industrial and The sun has arisen, the day is break- in South Africa. Commercial Workers Union (ICU), ing, for a long time you were asleep while Madison: Wisconsin and when the ICU broke with the University Press, CPSA, and the CPSA set up “red” the mill of the rich man was grinding second edition, [1964] 1978; van der unions, he led the CPSA’s Federa- and breaking the sweat of your work for Walt. L. Thibedi, tion of Non-European Trade nothing. T.W. (1888‐1960). Unions (FNETU). H.L. Gates and E. The CPSA was wracked with Akyeampong (eds.). purges at the time, and expelled Dictionary of African Biography. Oxford Thibedi in 1929. He rejected the two-stage University Press approach (which still remains Communist Party (2011).

46 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 BOOK REVIEW j BOOK REVIEW: My Dream is to be Bold: Our Work to End Patriarchy

Reviewed by Jonathan Payn (ZACF)

ublished in 2011 by Pambazuka whilst the scribe recorded on com- born on other parts of the continent, Press, My Dream is to be Bold: puter in a pre-designed template, the seventeen years after the end of P Our Work to End Patriarchy is word-for-word transcript of the in- Apartheid. One thing this book con- the welcome result of the work of Femi- terview. Whilst participants took an firms is that the lives of poor black and nist Alternatives (FemAL), “a group of extended break, scribes tidied up the coloured women have not improved feminist activists in South Africa work- transcripts in terms of spelling and since the coming of bourgeois democ- ing against sexism and oppression”. The grammar and the now ‘cleaned’ up racy and, indeed, due to the gendered book provides insight into the lives, interviews were handed back to the nature of neoliberal capitalism, the liv- struggles and ideas of nineteen feminist groups together with an editing ing and working conditions of women activists based in South Africa, who or- guide so that further editing could have in many ways deteriorated. De- ganised “to come together over two days take place in order to ensure that spite the advances made by the struggle and reflect on women’s organising in each woman present was comfort- against Apartheid in terms of workers’ the context of a patriarchal, neoliberal able and happy with her story. This and human rights, women still suffer social and world order”. The book itself was done over night.” the brunt of the oppression and ex- is a collection of writings by the nine- ploitation of the capitalist system. This teen activists, developed during is evidenced in the fact that, for a publication workshop held in example, owing to the privatisa- Cape Town in June of 2009. The tion, corporatisation and com- workshop, organised by FemAL, mercialisation of basic services, sought “to build collective analy- such as that of water, even sis through speaking to other greater hardship has been women, comparing experience, placed on women. After all, in a collectively trying to understand patriarchal and sexist society that experience and theorise it”. such as that of South Africa, In the introduction FemAL ex- with very rigidly defined gender plain how the workshop – which roles, it is the women of a house- seems to have been a very inter- hold that are expected to do the esting experience in and of itself cooking, cleaning and laundry – – was structured in order to gen- all of which require water. What erate the content published in this means in practice is that this book: women, who are already not recognised by the majority of so- “The process unfolded ciety for the unpaid work they do through an initial plenary that in the home (often in addition to set the context, collectively es- some kind of [under-] paid work tablished the collective basis for outside the home), are put under the work and laid the founda- even more pressure as; for exam- tion with regards to the idea of ple, they often have to walk long collective publishing, ethics distances and wait in long and process. After intense dis- queues to get water – or pay ex- cussion and debate on this as well as In addition to this, an art session was orbitant prices for the ‘luxury’ of having issues of political orientation and facilitated by South African artist running water at home. the underpinnings of FemAL’s work, Gabriella Van Heerden, and the whole Another example of the increased ex- we moved very quickly in a way that book is brought to life by full-colour re- ploitation and oppression of women allowed the people present to share productions of the artwork produced by under neoliberal capitalism is cited by deeply. Women divided up into the participants during this session, as Shereen Essof, who talks about her ex- groups of two or three plus a scribe. well as other photographs both of the perience struggling against outsourcing Participants were given an interview workshop itself as well as the day-to-day and restructuring at the University of guide with basic interview tips as activism of the people involved.The col- Cape Town, where “dodgy gender-neu- well as guiding questions. The ensu- lection of stories presented in this book tral policies on health and safety, leave, ing conversations/interviews were provide provoking insight into the lives benefits and salaries” undermine facilitated and conducted by the of the majority of black women living in women workers’ rights to decent and women present within the groups South Africa, including those who were dignified conditions. Indeed, according

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 47 j BOOK REVIEW to Essof, it is not only women who are nated. In contrast, Sikhula Sonke has the same way, the commitment to build- affected by outsourcing – although they made a commitment to remaining ing women’s leadership in the trade do bear the brunt – as, “[f]or most out- women-led and, although men are ad- union movement is critical, and some- sourced workers, women and men, their mitted to the union, it has passed a thing to be supported wholeheartedly. labour has been feminised. The repro- “resolution that the President and Gen- It will be very interesting to see how ductive work performed by women in eral Secretary will always be women”. Sikhula Sonke and its female leader- the household has been extended by Although this is consequence of a le- ship develop, and what influence this outsourcing into the public sphere of the gitimate desire to ensure that women, might have on other unions and social university, and the work continues to who are the most exploited and op- movements in the region. The fact, how- remain invisible, undervalued and un- pressed on the farms where Sikhula ever, that men continue to join and sup- derpaid”. Sonke operates, remain in control of the port the union in full knowledge of its Some of the other areas that the con- union it is probably not a principle that policies on women leadership is encour- tributors elaborate on and which pro- we in the ZACF would fully agree with aging. vide for very interesting reading include in that it does not necessarily ensure Although the contributors do a good the notion of corruption in RDP house that the best person for the job will ac- job of locating patriarchal oppression allocation as a cause of xenophobia, the tually do it. On the surface it may ap- firmly in a neoliberal capitalist frame- strength of direct action and unity and pear a bit of a catch-22 situation in that work, there are one or two statements the divisive effects of political parties, there is an apparent risk that people with which one could take issue. Jean the continued economic dependence of will be put into positions based on their Beukes, for example, states that the women on men, bureaucratisation of gender and not on their experience and capitalist patriarchal system in South struggle and the effects of funding and suitableness for the job; but, at the Africa is “a system for men by men”. “NGOism” on social movements, forced same time, if a concerted effort to put Now, although it would be hard to deny sterilisation, etc. that, to a greater-or-lesser extent, Each contribution to this book men generally do benefit from pa- raises important questions and triarchy, it is important to recog- provides interesting insights into nise that, despite these benefits, the alternative forms of politics the system of patriarchy and and struggle the women involved women’s oppression is not actually are attempting to forge for them- in the interests of all men – partic- selves and their communities. ularly not those of working class When one considers that although and poor men. Indeed, much like the majority of social movement racism and nationalism, sexism activists in South Africa are and patriarchy only serve to divide women, the leadership of these the poor and working class and, as movements is by-and-large male- such, are actually in diametrical dominated, it becomes uncomfort- opposition to the real interest of ably clear just how far we still have working class and poor men – to go to challenge and rectify this which is to unite with women, as a situation. The Sikhula Sonke farm class, in order to be able to wage workers’ trade union provides just an effective and revolutionary one possible alternative (which class struggle against neoliberal also raises interesting questions capitalist patriarchy and the state around the tactical question of and for the complete social, politi- dual unionism versus boring-from- cal and economic emancipation of within; although it is not within all people, regardless of race, gen- the scope of this article to address women into leadership positions is not der, sexual orientation, etc. Claiming these). made, they will always lack the neces- that capitalist patriarchy is “a system Sikhula Sonke is an independent sary experience due to never having for men by men” only serves to reinforce trade union which aims to gain benefits been given the opportunities to gain it the idea that working class men’s and for women as workers, such as having in the first place. However, it seems to women’s interests are opposed, and that housing contracts and land ownership us that in a democratic mass movement all men, across classes, have the same in women’s names, having crèche facili- activists can – and should – gain the interests; which are in opposition to ties on farms where they organise, necessary experience through rotating those of all women, across classes, thus equal pay for equal jobs, etc. Wendy specific tasks and responsibilities, and undermining the possibility of a united, Pekeur raises questions as to how dem- not simply by being elected into leader- class-based response: the only response ocratic and representative the Congress ship positions. Indeed, reserving “top we believe capable of effectively and de- of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) jobs” for women can be contrary to this cisively combating capitalism and the really is, owing to its position in the Tri- approach in that it puts too much em- state. It would be more apt to say that partite Alliance, and states that phasis on the leadership role – as if to capitalist patriarchy is “a system for the Sikhula Sonke is not affiliated to suggest that only the leaders are actu- rich and powerful by the rich and pow- Cosatu for this reason – believing that ally responsible for building the move- erful” and that it is therefore in the in- “you have to be outside government in ment, falling into the trap of terests of everyone who is neither rich order to be critical of it” – and due to the authoritarian vanguardism. nor powerful, the exploited and op- fact that the Alliance in male-domi- Although we wouldn’t go about it in pressed, to unite against it as a class.

48 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 BOOK REVIEW j

Another example of a somewhat weak FemAL it is in these “sharings” that One such example of this risk material- or flawed analysis is the assumption “women often gain a political under- ising was in relation to a rape case that women in power should naturally standing which years of activist experi- within the Anti-Privatisation Forum be more sympathetic to the plight of ence in mixed gender struggles will (APF), where the issue was left to be other women, more sensitive to their never give: a raw gut understanding of dealt with by the APF Women’s Forum, needs and therefore more committed to everything; a space where all parts of Remmoho, effectively absolving the challenging patriarchy than their male each of us are welcome”. general male membership from taking counterparts. This is suggested by Lor- Having never been part of one of any responsibility. raine Heunis, for example, who says these spaces I will have to rely on the Thus, although there seems to be con- when speaking about Democratic Al- word of those that have. My feeling, sensus among the authors as to the liance (DA) then-councillor (now Pre- however, is that as important as these need for women-only spaces – a right mier of the Western Cape) Helen Zille safe spaces may or may not be – al- that every anarchist must defend, that, “Zille is a woman, yet she did- whether they agree with the n’t even think of women’s needs”. strategic or tactical implications or The underlying assumption of this not – it also raises some questions statement, that all women share I would have found beneficial for something in common regardless the authors to address: do the ad- of their social position, fails to ac- vantages of women-only spaces knowledge the very real and very outweigh the dangers? Do they different – even opposing – class hold the view that women-only interests that different women spaces need to feed back into may have. Helen Zille, for exam- larger integrated organisations; or ple, has committed to pursuing a do they consider them a perma- neoliberal capitalist agenda, the nent project that will somehow DA being capitalist through-and- build up its own contribution to the through, and so it is politically struggle against capitalism and naive to assume that she would patriarchy? If they feed back into subordinate her class interests, of broader organisations, what mech- accumulating wealth and power, to anisms can be put in place to en- those based on her anatomy. In- sure that the entire membership deed, capitalism being patriarchal thereof adopts the resolutions of as it is, it is more than likely that, the women-only spaces and com- were she to come out in favour of mits to their implementation? If women’s rights and an end to pa- they are seen as permanent sepa- triarchy in any way other than rate projects how do they relate to rhetoric, she would simply be side- other mixed-gender movements lined by the men – and some of the though I can appreciate a need for them and organisations also engaged in con- women – in the DA in defence of their – I think they also run a risk which stant struggle against domination and class interests. Besides which, the ac- must not be dismissed. That is to say exploitation? cess to women’s health care, protection there is always a risk that, when you Various desires are expressed from domestic violence and economic have women-only spaces or commis- throughout the book for feminist ac- dependency on men, etc., that is af- sions that are associated or linked to tivists to find or develop new ways of forded to her by her class position, larger mixed-gender movements or or- doing politics and struggle; for “building mean that Zille experiences patriarchy ganisations, so-called women’s and gen- and exercising collective power”. In so in a very different way to the majority der issues can sometimes be “dumped” doing, the authors propose a number of of poor, black women in South Africa. on the women’s groups to deal with, concepts that anarchists have long ad- Heunis’ statement also fails to recog- consequently sidelining or marginalis- vocated: direct democracy, rotation of nise that individual politicians and ing the issues, instead of involving the tasks, free association and mutual aid councillors have very little power to im- whole organisation or movement. This being amongst them. This is very en- plement policies and changes that do is a problem in that it does not require couraging, although a couple of con- not represent the overall interests of the whole movement to take responsi- cerns remain, such as the question, the ruling class. bility for a particular problem, nor is it “How do we create cross-class/race/sex- One of the overriding themes found in conducive to developing a common un- ualities solidarities that address issues the book is to do with the importance derstanding between men and women of power?” This, for anarchists, is the with which probably every contributor of gender and sexual oppression and crucial question on which there should views women-only spaces where, “If a thus undermines a united response. be no confusion: cross-class alliances women is involved with other women, While it may sometimes be easy to ap- are undesirable, and dangerous to the and hears their stories, it is easier to preciate the need for safe or women- cause of human emancipation. disclose these things”. Spaces in which only spaces, I feel it is also important As touched on earlier, the idea that women can come together, as women, that these spaces feed into the broader all women share the same or a similar and share their experiences and strug- organisations or movements. Other- experience of patriarchy due to their gles and find support from other wise, as Promise Mthembu says, “[t]he anatomy (and therefore have the same women, who have of course often had establishment of women’s desks is quite interests) is incorrect: different women similar experiences. According to counter-productive to women’s causes”. have vastly different experiences of

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 49 j BOOK REVIEW capitalist patriarchy depending on, for example, decision-making processes in that, for example, their race, ability, sexual orientation and, cen- if 99 out of 100 people agree on something, and trally, their class position. As previously stated, one person doesn’t, they all would have to delib- a wealthy and powerful heterosexual white erate again and try and reach another agree- woman is far more insulated from the domina- ment in order to accommodate the one. This can tion, exploitation and violence that is capitalist of course be very time-consuming, and effec- patriarchy than is an unemployed black lesbian. tively means that the one person in disagree- The idea that these women have common cause ment wields power over the 99. is false, and encourages working class and poor We should bear in mind that the decision- women to subordinate their class interests – of making process is but a means to an end – the overthrowing capitalism and the state, and with end is a classless, stateless society in which pa- them patriarchal domination – to false alliances triarchy and all forms of exploitation and domi- outside of their class based on their identity and nation have been abolished – and not an end in the illusion of common struggle. itself. And, indeed, if one of the principles of the The liberation of all women requires the com- new politics these comrades are trying to forge plete destruction of the state and capitalism and is free association, then a more democratic and their replacement with a new social order – efficient decision-making process could be that, based on solidarity and equality – designed to failing consensus – which should at least be at- meet people’s needs. Generally speaking, tempted – organisations could make decisions women who are relatively privileged under cap- by vote: majority being 50% plus one, two thirds italism due to their class position are not going or whatever the membership decides. Because to want to give this up. This does not exclude affiliation to the organisation is on the principle women and men from outside of the broader of free association, members know in advance working class from taking part in and support- that at times they may be a minority in a vote, ing this struggle, but they must do so acknowl- and be expected to carry out a decision or pro- edging that what is required is the complete posal they did not support. This should not be a overthrow of capitalism and the state through problem, however, as at other times their pro- class struggle – thus putting themselves at the posals might win. See the Zabalaza Books service of the working class – and not through pamphlet Anarchist Decision-making and trying to make capitalism gender-neutral or less Organisational Form [2] for more on consensus oppressive to women. and directly democratic decison-making In seeking to develop new liberatory forms of structures and processes. politics and struggle we must also be careful not In closing we can say that this publication is to throw the baby out with the bath water. an interesting and welcome contribution to un- “Working by consensus”, for example, “because derstanding and exploring the social struggles hierarchy and authoritarianism characterise and conditions of poor and working class black patriarchy” should be carefully considered as and coloured women in post-Apartheid South this can lead to the “Tyranny of Structureless- Africa. The book can be bought online from ness” [1] as warned against by feminist activist Fahamu Books and Pambazuka Press [3] in Jo Freeman in her essay of the same name. paperback and PDF. Indeed, despite often noble intentions, consen- sus can sometimes have the effect of undermin- ing collective and directly democratic

1. http://flag. blackened.net/ revolt/anarchism/pdf/ booklets/structure‐ lessness.html 2. http://zabalaza‐ books.files. wordpress.com/2012/ 04/agitprop_02_ anarchist_decision_ making_and_ organisational_ form.pdf 3. http://fahamu‐ books.org/book/ ?GCOI=90638100257140

50 j ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 THEORY j Linking Environment Activism and Other Struggles:

An Anarchist Analysis [1]

by Warren McGregor (ZACF)

INTRODUCTION and domination in society, class is not only de- Movements for ecological awareness and pro- fined in terms of whether or not you own the tection, such as those against climate change, means of production, but also whether or not are making important contributions to social you control the means of social administration understanding regarding the effects of indus- and coercion. Therefore, the ruling class is made trial production and consumption. However, up of the big capitalists and the managers of the many arguments and analyses against ecologi- state – in the government, military, state-owned cal destruction and for environmental protection enterprises (parastatals), police and the judici- are seemingly not based on a class analy- ary/courts. The working class is that which does sis and not informed by the lives of work- ing class people. Thus many of these analyses do not question the systems of domination that lie at the root of social in- equality and ecological devastation: capi- talism and the nation state. What follows is an anarchist analysis of a way forward for linking environmental awareness and protection to working class and poor people’s issues (as do move- ments for environmental justice), as an attempt to make these relevant to the ma- jority in our society. In doing so, I argue that ecological protection must be intrin- sic to any fight for social, political and economic not own nor control – it produces wealth for the freedom, as ecological destruction impacts im- benefit of those who rule and own. However, the mediately on all our lives and especially those of working class includes the unemployed, home- the working poor. However, it is only a working based workers, women (especially) who go unre- class-led social revolution against social and eco- warded for the daily tasks they undertake to nomic domination that can ultimately guaran- ensure a safe, clean home and meals for the fam- tee a world that not only meets all our needs and ily, those working in the informal economy, etc. 1. This piece is an Together with the peasantry, who are exploited edited version of a desires, but a world in which sustainable co-ex- discussion document istence with nature is fostered and secured. by landlords, banks and the state, they form the presented by the popular classes. It is the popular classes as such author at the October WHAT IS ANARCHISM? that, for the anarchists, have a revolutionary po- 2011 International tential to recreate society – one that is classless Labour Research For many readers, the terms anarchism and and stateless; a society without domination or and Information Group anarchist conjure a variety of images, many of (ILRIG) annual exploitation. Political School held which might not be favourable, and many of in Cape Town. which are inaccurate and down-right wrong. Anarchism [2] is a revolutionary, libertarian WHY AM I SAYING THIS? 2. For a thorough The ideas we have about past and present so- examination and form of socialism. It is a political ideology that explanation of what is against domination of all kinds: ciety, ways of struggling and what we want for anarchism is, its the future inform the strategy and tactics we historical origins,  choose to use in attempting to create social and debates around economic (capitalism: state or market-led), anarchist strategy  political (best exemplified in the form of the change. The key to fighting against both capital- and tactics, see M. nation state) and ism and the state, to building free, or libertarian Schmidt and L. van  social (in the form of the varieties of hierar- socialism, is that we should be seeking always der Walt’s book to develop the strength and fighting ability of titled Black Flame: chies of power that exist in society between The Revolutionary genders, age groups, sexual orientations, abil- our organisations of counterpower in the work- Class Politics of ities, races, etc.). places (revolutionary, or syndicalist trade Anarchism and unions) and the communities (revolutionary Syndicalism. mass-based social, or civic movements). Published by AK Because anarchism directs its attention at Press. and seeks to fight against all forms of hierarchy

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ENVIRONMENTAL DESTRUCTION IS and weapons of war for elite power and control. A WORKING CLASS ISSUE – We also reject a purely “developed” versus “de- veloping world” argument that states that THE PRODUCTION QUESTION poorer countries (in the so-called “Global We as anarchists feel that the ecological prob- South”) are made poor and their poverty and un- lem we face is not industry and production in derdevelopment is sustained by richer countries and of itself, but the way production is organised (the so-called “Global North”) who are also the and controlled and how goods are distributed. biggest polluters. These arguments also fail to Most modern industrial techniques make ineffi- incorporate a localised class analysis and thus cient use of resources (both human and other) fail to see hierarchies of control within all coun- and many are based on the use of resources tries. Because capitalism and the state always which are scarce (such as fossil fuels, e.g. oil, result in the accumulation of wealth and power coal, etc.) and which produce massive waste and in the hands of a few, this means that there is huge levels of pollution. Also, much of produc- huge inequality in the countries of the “North” tion is ultimately useless to the vast majority of between its ruling and working classes. people who can’t afford the goods produced (gold South Africa might be a “developing” country, watches, big houses, yachts, etc.) and who need but is, relative to the size of its economy, one of other goods for their daily needs (housing mate- the biggest polluters in the world [4]. The eco- rials, nutritious food, adequate clothing, etc.). As logical crisis is clearly due to the excessively a result much of what is produced is dumped high consumption of the ruling classes of the so- and literally thrown into the sea [3]. However, called “developed” and “developing” worlds and anarchists reject the argument that economic the massive industries created to produce for 3. For example, huge development and economic growth always leads their desires. amounts of plastic to the destruction of the environment. The im- waste are being deposited into oceans plication of this type of argument is either that WHAT THE ANARCHISTS ARGUE FOR causing waste dumps environmental crisis is unavoidable and that we twice the size of the We argue for a decentralisation and collectivi- should just “grin and bear it”, or that the world’s United States; see: sation of decision-making and production. economy must be drastically shrunk, and indus- http://www.ecology.co Why? Because: m/2008/08/14/pacific‐ try replaced with small-scale craft and agricul- plastic‐waste‐dump/; tural production. see also http://www. 1. Capitalism is a wasteful socio-economic sys- What we require, however, is an economic environment911.org/ tem that over-produces niche products for the growth and development that takes into account 144.The_Effects_of_ minority who can afford them. It breeds compe- Ocean_Dumping to read human needs and the availability of resources. tition between private owners of productive about some of the For this we need anarchist social economics – effects of ocean means whose goods are made by exploited wage- and the anarchist society. The problem we are dumping. slaves and then exchanged through a market for faced with is not excessive consumption, since 4. See profit and perpetual growth. Most production most people, especially the popular classes, are http://en.wikipedia. techniques today use fossil fuels (as mentioned org/wiki/List_of_ short of housing, decent health, jobs, transport, above). countries_by_carbon_ education, etc. The problem is wasteful produc- Thus capitalism’s drive is towards profit and dioxide_emissions for tion for the world’s ruling minority. In the anar- a list of the world’s expansion and not efficient, sustainable produc- chist society production to meet the immediate leading carbon tive practices. Importantly, because of its na- emitters. and longer term needs of society will not only be ture, as to produce things based on exploitation entrenched, but will need to be greatly ex- 5. See Herbert Read’s and for sale, it ultimately under-produces for Kropotkin: Selections panded. people’s needs [5] and is a sys- from his Works. tem that generates regular 6. See, for example crises. the harmful effect on Venezuelan society and ecology inflicted 2. States are also responsible by the state‐owned for ecological destruction. Com- oil company, the petition between states for Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. power and control over people (PdVSA, Petroleum of and land leads to the develop- Venezuela), the fifth ment of huge war industries largest oil company and war technology adapted for in the world, in the documentary film Our industry. These have obvious Oil – and Other Tales serious negative implications by the Gattacicova for people (injuries, death, Collective; see also refugees, etc.) and the environ- J. Cock’s book titled Going Green: People, ment (the terrible effects of We argue that it is not technology and its de- Politics and the current nuclear technological failures, etc.). Environment in South velopment in and of itself that is problematic, State-owned enterprises contribute massively Africa for figures of but capitalist and state uses of technology that to ecological destruction [6]. In South Africa, the pollution in South systematically under-invest in useful, necessary Africa and land nationalised and capitalist enterprise Eskom and ecologically sustainable technology in degradation by the uses the energy released from burning coal to early 1990s. favour of “high pollution-high profit” technology

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generate electricity. Eskom has plans to South Africa show that most of our people can- increase its use of coal for electricity. This puts not afford energy. into serious contradiction the South African gov- Ecological crises DO NOT, however, signal the ernment’s role in the Congress of Parties (or end of capitalism itself, and we should guard COP) -17 which took place in late 2011. against such thinking. Due to resource pres- Competition between states for resources sures, e.g. oil shortages, etc. and people’s strug- (such as oil, natural gas, land, etc.) breeds con- gles, capitalism will be forced to “go green”. flict and war not only between countries, but However, this transition to different kinds of also within countries, e.g. the diamond-funded technology will be, at best, slow and lengthy and civil wars of west Africa of the late 1990s and will not alter the class relations of who controls early 2000s. what. Also, weapons production, ultimately, can- Also, states are not willing to enforce strong not by its very nature be green, never mind the ecological protection laws against capitalist devastating impact it has on people the world bosses and themselves as owners because these over. would cut into the profits and the states’ own Calling for more state intervention is another tax revenue. solution offered. However, this model of produc- "Under capital- tion and distribu- ism, solutions to 3. Many solutions tion is still not ecological crises to ecological and so- outside a capitalist are based on cial degradation framework as it don’t question a hi- serves to centralise consumer choice erarchical order of control of resources – a green social organisation; (land, factories, consumerism ... or if they do they water, air and peo- this form of focus on eliminat- ple) in the hands of ing one form of con- those lucky few consumerism, trol while usually who manage and however, is based ignoring other di- control the state on an inadequate mensions of oppres- apparatus. One and incorrect sion. needs only reflect Under capital- on the terrible en- analysis as ism, solutions to vironmental to where ecological crises are records of the for- the pollution based on consumer mer East-Bloc problem actually choice – a green countries to see consumerism – that a centrally- lies – at the whereby customers choose to buy products and planned or state-led development model is not doorsteps of big make choices that will supposedly help to sus- an automatic solution to ecological and social industry, not tain the environment, e.g. buying electric cars degradation (Steele, 2002). individuals, and and energy-saving light bulbs, going vegetarian or vegan, recycling, living in eco-villages or eco- LINKING THE CLASS STRUGGLE TO certainly not the squats, etc. This form of consumerism, however, THE ENVIRONMENT working class is based on an inadequate and incorrect analysis as to where the pollution problem actually lies and poor."  Development and Growth: issues brown – at the doorsteps of big industry, not individu- and green als, and certainly not the working class and The working class and poor bear the brunt of poor. Green consumerism is then, ultimately, a economic and political domination and ecologi- class-based choice and doesn’t question the role cal destruction. Not only are we forced into of capitalist production in creating and exacer- wage-slavery (for those of us lucky enough to bating ecological destruction. The majority of find work), but our class also carries the burden people, the working class, does not have the fi- of the externalities of production (those effects of nancial ability to afford these products and production, like waste and pollution, that the lifestyle choices (due to the very nature of capi- bosses in the state and capital don’t pay for). We talism) and thus does not have the financial also lack the ability to make decisions to affect power to shift production to more sustainable, and control industry. “greener” means. The working class is forced to perform the There is also no evidence to suggest that a most unclean and dangerous jobs – jobs which “greener” capitalism will adequately provide for threaten and take the lives of workers on a very society’s energy needs. For example, it may pro- regular basis. Capitalism and apartheid have duce fuel efficient or electric cars, but what pro- also forced the majority black working class of duction procedures were used to make these southern Africa to live in poorly serviced com- cars, and how will electricity be provided for munities close to production sites where the sur- them? Energy will still have to be bought, and rounding air, soil and water are heavily the many “service delivery” struggles around polluted. Unlike us, the bosses and the rulers

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(including the black politicians and business terms of destructive floods and disastrous people) are protected from the effects of their droughts. Tackling brown issues must generally greed and appetite for power by their air-condi- take into serious consideration green environ- tioned offices, luxury suburban homes and os- mental conservation and the sustainable use of tentatious holiday resorts far away from natural resources. polluted zones. Therefore we must organise and mobilise for  The class and ecology struggles the struggle against capitalism and the state for Many working class people in South Africa a democratic and sustainable economy and soci- have been alienated by the actions of sections of ety. We need a big movement of the working the local environmentalist movement. These class and poor – a counterpower – that would, sections generally focus their attention on for example, fight for conversion of power sta- wilderness and wildlife conservation and cli- tions to clean technologies for free electricity mate change, and tend to be based amongst a provision, for free and quality public transport, white middle class. The contrast in focus of for sustainable growth to improve living stan- struggle is revealed when, for example, environ- dards worldwide, for cleaner, safer working en- mentalists strongly supported the state’s estab- vironments. These organisations would also lishment of nature reserves. But many of these exist as centres of democratic social education reserves were established by the forced removal and training, developing an anarchist counter- of rural communities, who lost their land and culture equipping us for the road of struggle access to natural resources such as fishing areas ahead and for the future society beckoning us to- and building materials. The campaign to save wards it. the St. Lucia nature reserve that began in 1989 We must organise and fight for an ecologically- generally failed to consult the people who lived sustainable development and economic growth in the area, many of whom had been forcibly re- in order to deal with poverty and under-devel- moved when the reserve was set up. To add in- opment. We will still need a massive programme sult to injury, many of these nature reserves of house-building, provision of electricity, water, were (until the 1990s) reserved for “Whites only” food, etc. and large scale ecologically-sustainable and can only be enjoyed by those with leisure industrialisation is vital to this end. time and money. These practices can only breed Industrial technology holds a number of ad- contempt for conservation issues and pro- vantages over small-scale craft production as to grammes among the poor, the majority of whom meeting the ends of development and growth. are black. Industry can produce many types of goods on a Related to this is the fact that few environ- larger scale and at a faster rate than craft pro- mental organisations in South Africa address duction, and can thus not only increase the level environmental issues of direct relevance to the of economic growth, working class. To use but also help shorten the distinction we the working day, and drew above, many free us from many focus on “green” en- unpleasant jobs. vironmental issues A safe environment as opposed to the is a basic need for the “brown” environmen- workers and the poor tal issues that work- of South Africa, the ing class people tend region and the world. to emphasise. We do The environment is not, however, sup- not just something port the drawing of a “out there” such as simple distinction the veld [7] or the sea. between “brown” and The environment also “green” issues and refers to where peo- having that as a bat- ple live and work. As tle line for separate such, we can distin- struggle. We do not guish between uncritically support “green” ecological is- struggles that focus sues (like wildlife, trees, etc.) and “brown” eco- solely on one issue. We must defend “the veld” logical issues (like workplace safety and and the wondrous beauty and necessity of na- community development). The two are obviously ture – an intellectual, emotional and physical connected: brown ecological issues (like lack of need for human life and development. We do not sewerage facilities) directly affects green ecolog- reject “green” issues, but seek to use “brown” is- 7. An Afrikaans word ical issues (like marine life) when authorities sues to mobilise people for organisations of meaning field, dump waste into the oceans. Also, human-exac- counterpower around both “brown” and “green” usually used in English to denote a erbated climate change will have devastating ef- issues. wide and flat open fects on the world’s poor and development in Thus we must organise and fight for sustain- rural space.

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able technologies and safer working conditions, local and international, many who move from but not at the cost of the workers and the working one conference to another yet achieve no positive class. We cannot accept job losses and an in- result. There is still no change to South Africa’s crease in the costs of services imposed on the macro-economic strategy and its use of produc- working class and poor by a company (whether tive resources. Thus, surely we need to question controlled privately or by the state) seeking to what we are aiming for and how we seek to get remain competitive in a “greening” capitalist there. environment. Comrades, we are not saying not to go to con- The working poor must engage an environ- ferences like those, but we would stress that we, mental justice that builds the capacity and the as activists, ask ourselves these questions and strength of our organisations to fight against decide where our struggles would be better fo- capitalism and the state – against oppression cused if we decide against going to protest. We and hierarchy. We need to continue to build should also make decisions based on honest and working class counterpower by focusing on win- democratic reflection of the benefits (like net- ning demands from those who rule; but we need working and popularising our struggles) and to make sure that in fighting for these day-to- losses of attending such protests (like using pre- day gains, these struggles act in building the cious limited resources and energy sending com- strength of our organisations – using this ter- rades to workshops and marches for a few days, rain of struggle as the working class gym, so to and at the behest of organisations that we don’t speak [8]. We should always make sure that in control). waging this fight, we are not co-opted by capi- We should use protests and other forms of talism and the state and their agents – that our demonstration to build sustained mass forma- demands are won and not lost to the idea of tions of counterpower. Our protests should re- building the nation, flect and energise or to accept that mass structures our fights are and not be, as it threatening jobs. seems today, some- The nation exists thing of a “rent-a- for the ruling class; crowd” substitute job loss serves to for organising 8. A term coined by the Italian anarchist accumulate profit! and/or re-energis- Errico Malatesta (see ing mass forma- the ZACF’s James  COPs and tions. We must not Pendlebury’s article robbers? allow our move- titled Tangled Threads of Revolution With these per- ments to be used to at: http:// spectives in mind, swell the ranks of theanarchistlibrary. we must seriously protestors so as ei- org/HTML/James_ question working ther to placate Pendlebury__Tangled_ Threads_of_ class mobilisation NGO sponsors, or Revolution.html) and for COP-17 and the authoritarian, an idea also other such confer- undemocratic de- developed in Rudolph ence calls. Did our sires of leaders [9]. Rocker’s Anarcho‐ syndicalism. presence at COP-17 These structures build the power of should be strong 9. For an account of the COP‐17 protest our social move- and sustainable mobilisation and ments and worker enough so that they presence, see a piece organisations? exist and grow be- by the ZACF’s Jonathan Payn titled What will happen tween events. This Towards a Truly now that the ac- we see as opposed Democratic Left: an tivist party in Dur- to a politics of sum- Anarchist Assessment ban has passed? mit-hopping, which of the DLF at Cop‐17 detailing the Did our presence there contribute to building a could rob activist organisations of vital re- exasperating counterpower to both capitalism and the state, sources and energy and which might see little experience of many or even to ecological degradation? achieved in the way of having demands met. activists who were We also need to ask questions of the confer- part of the  Democratic Left Front ence itself. Was COP-17 a site of decision-mak- Environmental justice and the working entourage, at: ing or another in a long line of meaningless class – for anarchism! http://anarkismo.net/ ruling class talk shops? If the United States was As stated above, revolutionary mass organisa- article/21515 and a one of the notable absentees to signing any res- tions are required to fundamentally challenge pre‐COP‐17 analysis by the ZACF’s Shawn olution (as this might jeopardise profits and the and defeat capitalism and the state. These or- Hattingh titled Not balance of global power), will any COP-17 man- ganisations of counterpower must seek to use Another Fucking COP date carry significant power? Of course not, and mass direct action to achieve their goals as Out at: http://www. anarkismo.net/ the results of the conference were a major dis- opposed to elections and lobbying to put new or article/21271 appointment to environmental activists both different leaders into the ruling class. These

ZABALAZA: A JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM - No. 13 j 55 j THEORY electoral and reformist strategies only We must come again to the realisation We should be organising against capi- serve to perpetuate our subjugation to of working class commonalities across talism and the state, as single-focus authority and domination. Throughout borders. protest movements (for electricity or history, the working class and poor It is the consumerist upper classes, water), vital for organising people in have only ever achieved rights through the capitalists and the state bosses, that their communities, can easily be side- struggle! are the real polluters – the real enemy! lined and might also not seek to build This struggle has to be international. We have nothing in common with them! links across the popular classes. We must work to- Anarchism offers wards global popular us that path. It is a class solidarity path that develops against the exploita- the fighting capabil- tive and consumerist ity of our organisa- upper classes. We tions to move away should not let our- from petitioning the selves be drawn into state and capitalist divisive “developed” elite for a few more versus “developing” crumbs from the world arguments table of the ruling and characterisa- class. Anarchism of- tions that ultimately fers us the path of divide the working class struggle to class into nationali- move towards claim- ties; but seriously ing an entirely new challenge and de- table for ourselves, stroy divisions one at which all can within the class feast as equals. based on race, gen- der, nationality, etc.

REFERENCES:

 Cock, J. (1991). Going Green: People, Politics and the Environment in South Africa. Oxford University Press.  Pendlebury, J. (2009). “Tangled Threads of Revolution: Reflections on the FdCA’s “Anarchist Communists: a Question of Class””. Available at: http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/James_Pendlebury__Tangled_Threads_of_Revolution.html. Accessed on 11 November 2011.  Read, H. (1942). Kropotkin: Selections From His Writings. London: Freedom Press.  Rocker, R. [1938](2004). Anarcho‐Syndicalism, AK Press: Edinburgh/Oakland.  Schmidt, M. & van der Walt, L. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. AK Press: Edinburgh/Oakland.  Steele, C.N. (2002). “The Soviet Experiment: Lessons for Development”, in Morris, J. [ed.]. Sustainable Development: Promoting Progress or Perpetuating Poverty?. London: Profile Books.

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Capitalists and politicians guilty! Stop police brutality. No justice, no peace. No Zuma, no Malema, no LONMIN!

South African Anarchist Statement on the Marikana Massacre

Joint statement on the Marikana Massacre issued by the Tokologo Anarchist Collective, Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front and Inkululeko Wits Anarchist Collective.

The Constitution promises political rights and equality. It is quite clear that the bosses and politicians do exactly as they wish. They walk on the faces of the people. This is shown by the police killings of strikers at Lonmin’s Marikana mine. The Constitution promises political rights and equality. It is quite clear that the bosses and politicians do exactly as they wish. They walk on the faces of the people. This is shown by the police killings of strikers at Lonmin’s Marikana mine.

WHOSE RIGHTS? People! We must face the facts. The ANC government and the big capitalists run the show. The system makes the rich and powerful richer and more powerful. The workers and the poor suffer. We have no protection. You work, but you do not survive. Food prices are going up. ESKOM is going up. We must pay? With what? But when we struggle, we get shot.

ANC/ STATE + BOSSES/ CORPORATIONS = ALLIES The state uses brutal force against the majority. We are marching, raising our grievances. This is our right. We must struggle to live. So, we fight against all elites: those who control government and those who control companies (like Lonmin). But our voices are silenced with bullets. While we do not agree uncritically with all the actions of the workers at Marikana, we are always with the working class and poor against the state and capitalists.

ANCYL = ANC = MARIKANA MASSACRE The ANC promised to change the system. Instead, it became part of the system. Complaining against the National Party’s (NP’s) oppression, the ANC took office. The NP murdered workers. But now the ANC murders workers. The ANCYL has no grounds to pretend to condemn the police killings (see its Statement 17 August 2012). The ANCYL is part and parcel of the ruling ANC regime. Malema and other expelled ANCYL leaders also want to use these events to get reinstated into the ANC – to get rich or lie trying. But the ANC’s hands are dripping with blood. The past and present ANCYL leaders (like all ANC leaders) want more money, not more freedom for the people. CAPITALISM NO THANKS! Capitalism is a system of brutality and exploitation, of suffering. The black, Coloured and Indian working class suffers from the legacy of apartheid national oppression and from daily capitalist and police repression. (And even the white working class is exploited and oppressed).

COLLECTIVISE, NOT NATIONALISE ANCYL uses the ANC murders to bang the drum again for ”the nationalisation of mines and other strategic sectors of the economy.” But Marikana shows the true nature of the state/ government, no matter what party: a bloodthirsty killing machine for the rich black and white ruling class. Real workers’ control of the economy does not mean private corporations (privatisation) or state corporations (nationalisation). It must mean real people’s democratic control of the economy through worker and community committees, serving people’s needs.

POLICE CANNOT BE CHANGED The role of the police is to repress and silence the working class and poor. This problem cannot be fixed by commissions or enquiries – as some people think. Ask the family of Andries Tatane. It cannot be changed by elections. Remember: Sharpeville 1960, Soweto 1976, Uitenhague 1985, Michael Makhabane in 2000, SAMWU workers in 2009, Andries Tatane in 2011 … Marikana 2012. At least 25 protestors and strikers were killed from 2000, before Marikana.

PEOPLES POWER NOT ELECTIONS & PARTIES Look at Marikana. Elections do not change the system. Joining the government and becoming a politician is no solution. Replacing Jacob Zuma with another ANC leader is no solution. A new political party – even a “left” or “workers” party – is no solution. All the political parties are no solution.

UNIONS: WAKE UP! The Marikana unions, NUM and AMCU, have fallen into the trap set by the ruling class politicians and bosses. They fought each other, instead of fighting the real enemy. Unity is strength: do not be divided and ruled. Workers of the world unite! Working class of all countries and races unite! End the alliance! COSATU should have no links with the bloodstained ANC.

ANARCHISM = COUNTER POWER It is time to replace the capitalist / state system with Counter Power by the people. This means that we want workers’/ community control of the economy, from below. We want democratic and direct self- management of industry by the workers in the workplaces; we want self- government of communities by those living in them. We want to collectively decide on how we run our lives. We refuse to live according to the rules determined by bosses and politicians, who use the police to shoot us like dogs when we disobey.

One Solution: Working Class Democracy ! We Need You! Don’t Vote, Mobilise!

IF YOU AGREE WITH THESE IDEAS OR WANT TO KNOW MORE ABOUT ANARCHISM: 072 399-0912 OR [email protected] OR http://zabalaza.net

Issued by:

j Tokologo Anarchist Collective j Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front j Inkululeko Wits Anarchist Collective UIF BOBSDIJTU QMBUGPSN BSDIJWF

The Anarchist Platform Archive is an archive of texts relating to the publishing of the Organisational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft) by the Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad (“Delo Truda” Group) in 1926. Also, and maybe more importantly, we hope to archive texts that have added to, and expanded on, this tradition in the hope that this can play however small a part, in the devel- opment and continuing growth of the organised class-struggle anarchist-communist movement. http://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/

International Multi-Lingual Site for Anarchist-Communist News and Discussion

The website of the Confédération nationale du Travail (CNT’s) French paper Afrique sans chaînes (Africa without Chains), the quarterly French-language African sister journal to Zabalaza, where you can download copies of the magazine in .pdf format

http://www.cnt-f.org/international/spip.php?rubrique33

XXX/ [BCBMB[B/ OFU