The Black Pacific: Cuban and Brazilian Echoes in the Afro-Peruvian Revival Author(s): Heidi Carolyn Feldman Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Spring/Summer, 2005), pp. 206-231 Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20174376 Accessed: 23-04-2015 16:03 UTC
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This content downloaded from 157.92.4.12 on Thu, 23 Apr 2015 16:03:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Vol. 49, No. 2 Ethnomusicology Spring/Summer 2005
The Black Pacific: Cuban and Brazilian Echoes in the Afro-Peruvian Revival
Heidi Carolyn Feldman / University of California, San Diego
The globalization of vernacular forms means that our understanding of antiphony .. will have to change .The original call is becoming harder to locate. If we one to make privilege it over the subsequent sounds that compete with another the most appropriate reply, we will have to remember that these communicative gestures are not expressive of an essence that exists outside of the acts which to as perform them and thereby transmit the structures of racial feeling wider, yet uncharted, worlds. (Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic)1
The Black Pacific
Gilroy's influential book The Black Atlantic (1993) challenged the and Paul public to imagine a cultural world that connects Africa, Europe, the Americas through the circulating expressive forms and shared'structures of feeling" (in Raymond Williams'terms) of the African diaspora. At the same time, it left uncharted the experience of countries in the black Pacific such as Peru. Expanding upon Gilroy's important model, I use the term "black Pacific" to describe a newly imagined diasporic community on the periphery of the black Atlantic. According to Gilroy, citizens of the black Atlantic ex press a "counterculture of modernity" (because enslaved Africans and their descendants are neither part of nor outside ofWestern modernism) through their critically marginal "double consciousness"2 (in which they self-identify as both "black"3 and as members ofWestern nations). I suggest that the black Pacific inhabits a similarly ambivalent space in relationship to Gilroy's black Atlantic. While black Atlantic double consciousness results from dual iden tification with pre-modern Africa and the modern West, the black Pacific negotiates ambiguous relationships with local cre?le and indigenous cultures and with the black Atlantic itself.
? 2005 by the Society for Ethnomusicology
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I locate the black Pacific in Peru and (tentatively) other areas along Latin America's Andean Pacific coast (e.g., Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and Colombia) where the history of slavery, and even the persistence of people and cultural expressions of African descent, is unknown to many outsiders.4 General studies and maps of African slavery in the Americas often omit these areas, effectively erasing the history of their black populations (see Whitten and Torres 1998:x).5 Within the black Pacific, where ideologies of whitening and mestizaje shade the racial imagination (and where larger indigenous populations typically survive), people of African descent are often socially invisible and diasporic identity is sometimes dormant. Because less African cultural heritage has been preserved continuously in the black Pacific (or at least so it appears), the cultures of the black Atlantic seem very "African" to some residents of the black Pacific. Even the ubiquitous metaphors of water and ships linked to Gilroy's black Atlantic fail to encompass adequately the experience of the black Pacific, where enslaved Africans were forced to continue parts of their voyage by land, leaving the Atlantic Ocean behind. In this essay, Iwill navigate the periphery of Gilroy's model by explor ing how the Afro-Peruvian music revival (1950s-'70s) constructed the black Atlantic as a surrogate for "Africa" and a center for the redistribution of "African" culture. A central element of Gilroy's model of the black Atlantic is its rejection of classic diasporic center (homeland) and periphery (those longing to return) structures in favor of a de-centered geography of post national, multidirectional cultural flow (see also Appadurai 1996; Cheah and Robbins 1998; Clifford 1994; Hall 1990; Hannerz 1992; Safran 1991; T?l?lyan 1996). As Iwill demonstrate, the Afro-Peruvian revival presented an alternate diasporic center-periphery model from the vantage point of the black Pacific, illustrating Ulf Hannerz' observation that "as the world turns, today's periphery may be tomorrow's center" (1992:266). Confronted with scant documentation or cultural memory of the historical practices of enslaved Africans in Peru, Afro-Peruvian revival artists relied in part upon transplanted versions of Afro-Cuban or Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions to imaginatively recreate the forgotten music and dances of their ancestors and reproduce their past, symbolically relocating the "African" homeland (center) to the black Atlantic (periphery). Thus, while Gilroy (1993) and others before him (Mintz and Price [1976] 1992) argue that African diasporic culture was born in slavery and its aftermath, what was inspiring to the lead ers of the Afro-Peruvian revival about certain black Atlantic cultures was that they appeared to preserve an African heritage that had not survived in the Peruvian black Pacific. Despite evidence of the constructedness of some purported African "survivals" in the black Atlantic, in the lived discourse of both the black Atlantic and the black Pacific, the belief that these practices are continuous retentions of African heritage is an important way out of the
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anxiety of double consciousness.6 As Iwill explain, the leaders of the Afro Peruvian revival appropriated as "African" heritage cultural traditions born, creolized, or syncretized in the black Atlantic. To set the stage, first Iwill provide a brief overview of the black experience in Peru and the conditions that led to the Afro-Peruvian revival.
The Afro-Peruvian Revival
Like other parts of the black Pacific, Peru?popularly stereotyped as "the land of the Incas"?is not known for its black population, despite its participa tion in the Atlantic slave trade. In fact, Peru was an important South American center of African slavery, supplying slaves to other Pacific Coast countries such as Ecuador and Chile. After crossing the Atlantic Ocean, enslaved Af ricans generally continued on to Peru from Cartagena by sea (via Panama) or from Rio de la Plata by land (via Chile) (Bowser 1974:26-51, 54-55; S. de Studer 1958:237). Black slaves tended to work inmulti-ethnic groups on small haciendas and silver mines or (more commonly) in the urban homes of white slave owners, facilitating rapid assimilation into white Peruvian coastal societyAccording to historians, a sizeable minority were not from Africa and had already acquired European languages and customs;7 they were ladinos or criollos who either had lived as slaves in Spain, Portugal, or the Americas or had been born into slavery in those locales (Bowser 1974:4,73; Lockhart 1994:196-97; Luciano and Rodriguez Pastor 1995:273).8 In fact, the rush of Spanish explorers and their African slaves from other parts of Spanish America to Peru in the early sixteenth century was apparently so great that it left some Caribbean islands nearly depopulated (Bowser 1974:5). Despite the importance of Peru's slave markets in the context of the black Pacific, a relatively small number of enslaved Africans (including African bozales, ladinos, and criollos) were brought to Peru over the course of the slave trade.9 However, blacks made up a large portion of Peru's coastal urban population in colonial times, outnumbering whites in 1650. In the last Peru vian census to include racial data (1940), blacks apparently had declined to an estimated .47% of the country's population (29,000 blacks), approximately one-third the numerical size of the black population in 1650 (90,000 blacks) (Glave 1995:15).The so-called "disappearance" of Peru's African-descended population generally is attributed in large part to deaths caused by slavery and military service (Tompkins 1981:374), but itwas also the result of changes in racial self-identification by people of African descent who identified culturally with whites as criollos (Stokes 1987). By the twentieth century, many black Peruvians living in urban coastal cities such as Lima demonstrated little or no sense of belonging to an African diaspora. African-descended musical traditions had similarly disappeared from
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.12 on Thu, 23 Apr 2015 16:03:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Feldman: The Black Pacific 209 national collective memory by the early twentieth century, when most urban black musicians performed m?sica criolla with white Peruvians. The site par excellence for the performance of this music was the jarana, amulti-day social gathering. At the jarana, the ideology of unity in criollismo (a cultural orientation that refashioned Europeanist practices into local criollo cultural traditions and behaviors shared by people of different races in coastal Lima) was enacted by the expectation that all present must participate in some way in the performance of m?sica criolla.Those who did not play an instru ment sang, danced, or performed the special rhythmic handclap patterns linked with each musical genre.Thus, the jarana and its music constituted a culture with which both white and black Lime?os identified as criollos.The centrality and multiracial/multicultural nature of this coastal culture makes efforts to separate "white" and "black"music of early twentieth-century Lima virtually impossible. The primary styles of m?sica criolla performed at jaranas were (and still are today) the marinera, a strophic genre in triple meter with frequent hemi ola, and the vals, the Peruvian version of the European waltz. Both genres tend to feature lyrics about lost love or nostalgia. While many Peruvians at mid-twentieth century believed these genres to be of purely European origin, their performance unites two core instruments that symbolically express the European and African heritages: the guitar and the caj?n (box drum). The lead guitar plays florid solos and active, strongly plucked figures on the upper strings, while a second guitar performs the harmonic and rhythmic function of a bass, playing ostinato patterns on the two lowest strings and strumming rhythmically The rhythmic patterns of the caj?n?a rectangular wooden box used in both m?sica criolla and Afro-Peruvian music that symbol izes black Peruvian culture for many Peruvians?highlight cross-rhythms in dialogue with the guitar. In the special interplay between the guitar and the caj?n that characterizes m?sica criolla, while musical elements associated with black culture are present, the overall musical identity is perceived to be criollo with European origins (Romero 1994:3l4;Tompkins 1981). The national ideology of criollismo, performed by the music of the jarana and other criollo traditions, mobilized a fundamental aspect of black Peru vian/black Pacific double consciousness.10 Before (and after) the Afro-Peru vian revival, many blacks in Peru identified with criollo (rather than African diasporic) music and culture, and yet they were denied many of the social benefits afforded white criollos.To this day, music, dance, cooking, and sports are the only realms inwhich black accomplishments are publicly celebrated in Peru, and only a few blacks have succeeded in business, politics, or other socially prestigious realms accessible towhite criollos. In the decades before the revival, blacks were socially invisible and nationalist ideologies condoned subtly racist interpretations of cultural mestizaje?what Marisol de la Cadena
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aptly terms "silent racism" (1998).Thus, black Peruvians were both inside and outside of Peruvian criollismo, just as they were both part of and separated from the black Atlantic diaspora. African diasporic consciousness was reignited in the Afro-Peruvian re vival, which lasted roughly from the late 1950s to the late 1970s. Revival artists excavated the previously ignored and forgotten rhythms of black Peru, seeking to revalorize blackness (and the African heritage) and separate it from criollo culture. A number of local and transnational events converged to inspire this musical reclamation of Peru's African past, including: African independence movements and other black movements around the world, inspirational performances in Lima by African and African American dance troupes on tour, criollo nostalgia and the appropriation of black culture inspired by the massive migration of indigenous peasants to Lima, the nation alistic Peruvian military revolution of the late 1960s to 1970s and its support of local folklore, and the emergence of important charismatic leaders (both within and outside the Afro-Peruvian community).11 In 1956, Peruvian scholar Jos? Durand (a white criollo) founded a com pany of black Peruvian singers and dancers called "Pancho Fierro." This company's landmark debut performance of reconstructed repertoire at Lima's Municipal Theater is usually cited as the first major staging of black Peruvian music and dance in the twentieth century. Several black Peruvian artists who participated in Durand's company later formed their own performing groups. The charismatic Nicomedes Santa Cruz led the subsequent Afro-Peruvian revival, recreating music and dances, directing plays, writing poems and es says, and hosting television and radio programs .With his sister, Victoria Santa Cruz, he co-directed the Afro-Peruvian music-theater company Cumanana in performances at Lima's most prestigious theaters.The inimitable Victoria Santa Cruz, who asserts that she recreated the forgotten choreographies of her African ancestors through a bodily process of rediscovery that she refers to as "ancestral memory," later became choreographer and director of her own dance-theater company and the Conjunto Folkl?rico Nacional of Peru, both of which performed in Peru and abroad.12 In the 1970s, Peru Negro, founded by former students of Victoria Santa Cruz, became Peru's leading black folklore company, a role the ensemble still enjoys today with a busy schedule of Peruvian performances and international tours. Over a period of two decades, these revival artists (re)created a folk loric canon for the concert stage, musically promoting racial difference to challenge the prevailing ideology of criollismo.To resolve the ambivalence resulting from their dual allegiance with Peruvian criollo and African dia sporic cultures, they launched a variety of competing "memory projects" that reproduced and staged the black Peruvian past.13 In the remainder of this essay, Iwill focus on two musical memory projects that turned to the black
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Atlantic as a center for the redistribution of African heritage: Nicomedes Santa Cruz' theory of the African lund? and Peru Negro's performance of "Canto a Elegua" (Song for Elegua). Inmy excavation of Cuban and Brazilian influences on these Afro-Peru vian music examples, following Gilroy's emphasis on the way music and other black Atlantic cultural forms travel and metamorphose across the diaspora, I seek to avoid a notion of cultural property that would clearly distinguish what is "Peruvian" from what is not.After all, as Gilroy (1993) and N?stor Gar c?a Canclini (1995) remind us, no cultural forms are "pure," and the cultural expressions of Latin America and the black Atlantic are particularly infused with double consciousness, hybridity, and mixed references. However, I con cur with Gilroy's critics (Chivallon 2002; Lipsitz 1995; Lott 1995; Williams 1995) that an overemphasis on amonolithic transnational black diasporic cul ture that ignores the particularities of national struggles, cultural discourses, and differences in national and hemispheric ideologies of "race" results in a skewed understanding of racial politics. Such an approach would obscure the fact that, while Afro-Peruvians identify with the black Atlantic, they are also deeply engaged in an identity project that responds specifically to Pe ruvian national discourses. On the other hand, Iwas told many times during my research in Lima that all modern Afro-Peruvian music was "invented in the '60s" based on Cuban and Brazilian models and therefore has nothing to do with "authentic" black or African culture in Peru.This view places greater emphasis on the Peruvian aspect of Afro-Peruvians' hybrid identity than on the transnational, African diasporic identity that links Afro-Peruvians to the black Atlantic and its creolized musics.
To contextualize the Afro-Peruvian revival, it is necessary to remember that many scholars and artists in diaspora, who lack access to documentation of their history, use creative methods to restore fragmented collective memo ries and erect "sites of memory" (Nora 1984-86).u The seemingly greater inability of local outsiders to forget the invented nature of Afro-Peruvian music?in comparison with black Atlantic reconstructions such as Jamaican reggae (Hall 1989) or Brazilian samba reggae (Crook 1993)?may be another factor distinguishing the black Atlantic from the black Pacific. Although in vented and reinvented traditions are at the heart of the normal, ongoing processes by which societies write their histories (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983), the Afro-Peruvian revival apparently inspires the question "are some traditions more invented than others?" In fact, it can be argued that the traditions of the Afro-Peruvian black Pacific are more invented than those of the black Atlantic, because more was forgotten about the African past on the Pacific coast, and because neo-African origin myths were explicitly at tached to reinvented traditions in order to fill the void of cultural memory. ... Yet, as anthropologist Paulla Ebron argues,"the task of cultural analysis is
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.12 on Thu, 23 Apr 2015 16:03:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 212 Ethnomusicology, Spring/Summer 2005 not so much to evaluate the purity of cultural claims such as those of African American memory projects as to discover their ability to move and mobilize" (1998:103). It is in exactly this spirit that Iwish to consider the geography of the movement to reproduce Peru's African past, as a first step toward charting the center-periphery relationship between the black Atlantic and the black Pacific.
Nicomedes Santa Cruz and the African Lundu
Nicomedes Santa Cruz (1925-92), a leading and controversial public figure in Peru, iswidely considered the father of the Afro-Peruvian and the voice of Peruvian negritud. As a folklorist, he researched the African and Afro-Peruvian origins of coastal genres practiced by Peruvians of all races.As a record producer, theater director, composer, music arranger, and performing poet, he reconstructed and promoted his version of the lost performance traditions of his African ancestors in Peru. In 1958, he founded the all-black theater company Cumanana, awakening a spirit of diasporic consciousness in the first generation of black actors and dancers ever to perform on Lima's main stages and promoting an identity that was described for the first time as as a "Afro-Peruvian" to the country whole. Like many community-based scholars of the African diaspora, Santa Cruz patched together a forgotten history using disparate sources and a fair amount of conjecture. To restore a cultural memory of what Afro-Peruvian music might have sounded like long ago, he turned to his recollections of songs sung by relatives, writings of European chroniclers, and scholarship and music of the African diaspora in Cuba and especially Brazil. In 1963,Nicomedes Santa Cruz made what he described as a life-changing trip to Brazil (in Marinez 1993:119). Santa Cruz was deeply affected by what he later described as a "beautiful and unforgettable" country with its "colos sal" population of "twenty million blacks" (N. Santa Cruz 1971:16). He sought out Afro-Brazilian culture (particularly the Candombl? religion) in Bahia and he formed intellectual relationships with noted scholars of Afro-Brazilian folklore, including Edison Carneiro and Lu?s da C?mara Cascudo. Shortly after his return from Brazil, in 1964, Santa Cruz produced his most influen tial musical legacy, the ethnographic album Cumanana. Along with recited versions of Santa Cruz' most famous poems, the double-LP box set contains the first recordings of many Afro-Peruvian genres, compiled and arranged by Nicomedes Santa Cruz, and a hundred-plus page book of song texts and Santa Cruz'writings on Afro-Peruvian music and dance traditions.15 Cumanana is probably the ethnographic and artistic document that has exerted the most lasting influence on contemporary ideas about the black mu sical past in Peru.The most important (and controversial) theory promoted
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.12 on Thu, 23 Apr 2015 16:03:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Feldman: The Black Pacific 213 by Santa Cruz in Cumanana (N. Santa Cruz 1970:18-20) demonstrates how he used knowledge acquired in Brazil to recreate the Afro-Peruvian musical past. He proposed a complicated genealogy of origins (see Figure 1), des ignating a couple dance of Angolan lineage called hind?, featuring a pelvic bump and sexual pantomime in its descriptions by Portuguese chroniclers, as the progenitor of the Peruvian lando, a lost dance formerly performed by Africans and their descendants in Peru. He further asserted that the African hind? was the origin of over fifty couple dances found throughout Portugal, Spain, and the Americas, uniting all dances practiced by blacks in the Ameri cas that featured a pelvic bump?a diffusionist leitmotif?into one family16 This genealogy definitively linked Peru's criollo marinera to a vibrant African heritage because Santa Cruz affirmed that the marinera was a later manifesta tion of the lando. It also reignited African diasporic consciousness in Peru by linking black Peruvian dance to the choreographic expressions of other diasporic subjects throughout the black Atlantic.Thus, Santa Cruz' hind? theory?a clear manifestation of black Pacific double consciousness?si multaneously maintained black ties to Peruvian criollo culture, promoted a strategically essentialist andAfrocentric vision of pre-modern African origins, and embraced the notion of the hybrid black Atlantic.17 Whether or not it is historically accurate, the success of Santa Cruz' the ory of origins can be gauged by the fact that, today, black Peruvian musicians and dancers frequently state that the lando is the mother of all black music and dance, and that all black rhythms in Peru come from the lando (see Le?n
Figure 1. Nicomedes Santa Cruz' hind? theory,
Lund? Lundu Lando Marinera ^> ^ AFRICA AFRICAN PERU PERU (ANGOLA) DIASPORA (DESCENDANTS (CRIOLLOSOF OF AFRICANS) ALL RACES)
Couple dance 18th and 19th Peruvian version 19th- and 20th brought by century couple of the lundu, a century Peruvian enslaved Africans dance featuring a couple dance couple dance to the New World, pelvic bump, performed by (formerly known featuring "erotic" including the black Peruvians as the choreography Brazilian lundu but forgotten by zamacueca), according to and 50 other New the 20 century descended from chroniclers World dances the lando but descended from believed to be of the African lund? European origin by most 20th century criollos
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2003:106).But where did Nicomedes Santa Cruz learn of the African origin of the Peruvian lando? Careful reading of Cumanana and knowledge of Santa Cruz' life events and personal library point to one explanation: he based his theory on a transposition of Brazilian scholars'writings about Afro-Brazilian music and dance. Santa Cruz met and formed a close relationship with Bra zilian scholar Edison Carneiro during his 1963 trip to Brazil, and he owned several of Carneiro's books along with Luis da C?mara Cascudo's Dictionary of Brazilian Folklore (1954) and the writings of Cuban scholar Fernando Ortiz.18 These are the works Santa Cruz cites as evidence of his lund? thesis. According to ethnomusicologist William Tompkins (1981:288-96), there is no historical evidence that a dance called lundu existed in Peru, although chroniclers in colonial times described dances with similar names (lando and ond?) that may have been local variations. However, Carneiro (1961) and Cascudo (1954) both wrote about the origins of the Brazilian lundu, a relatively better-documented genre said to be derived from a Congo-Angolan dance that rose from the black populace to the society salons, where itwas performed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Santa Cruz apparently hypothesized that the Peruvian lando must have had the same African origin and choreography as the Brazilian lundu. His evidence for this correlation remains mysterious, suggesting that Santa Cruz relied on nothing more than the similarity of the names of two lost dances?lando and lundu?that origi nated in black populations of completely different countries. Discussing the strategies of black nationalism, George Lipsitz writes that African Americans have sought to "turn national minorities into glob al majorities by affirming solidarity with people of color' all around the ... to globe Everywhere, diasporic Africans have used international frames remedy national frustrations" (1994:31). Nicomedes Santa Cruz freely admit ted to his transferal of the findings of Brazilian and Cuban Africanist scholars to the Peruvian context (in Marinez 2000:88-89), and Santa Cruz'biographer and friend, Pablo Marinez observes that "Nicomedes Santa Cruz'trip to Brazil and the relationship he established with Edison Carneiro and other intellectu als contributed greatly [to his work]. In reality, Nicomedes began to solidly formulate himself by way of the Brazilian Africanists, as well as the Cubans" (2000:18).As Marinez explains, Santa Cruz' international borrowings and his intellectual indebtedness to these scholars made perfect sense in the context of Peru, because there was so much less research on or even acknowledge ment of black culture than in Cuba or Brazil. Interestingly, Santa Cruz' theory did not generate additional Peruvian research or interest in reconstructing the African lund?. Most people either dismissed Santa Cruz' claims or accepted his theory at face value. Rather than revisiting the mysterious African lund?, black Peruvian performers recreated the Afro-Peruvian dance that was invented and lost in Peru?the lando.
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The first lando recorded in the twentieth century, "Samba malat?," was recreated by Nicomedes Santa Cruz and his music theater company Cuma nana for the album Cumanana in 1964. Nicomedes Santa Cruz remembered seeing his grandparents dance the lando, and he recalled the melody and lyrics of a verse fragment that his mother used to sing: "La samba se pasea por la batea, lando, samba malat?" (the black woman walks by the washba sin, lando, samba malat?) (N. Santa Cruz and Cumanana 1970).The elderly Ascuez brothers, who were considered major culture bearers of Afro-Peruvian music and m?sica criolla in Lima, remembered a variation of the same lando verse (Tompkins 1981:298, 546).19To recreate the instrumental music for the recording, guitarist Vicente V?squez composed a guitar motif based on the cadence of the surviving melody fragment (V. Santa Cruz 1995; V?squez Rodr?guez 1982:44; V?squez 1978), and other instrumental parts were built around the guitar and vocal melody. Through what she calls an "ancestral memory" (p.c.), Nicomedes' sister, Victoria Santa Cruz, later recreated the forgotten choreography of the lando for the concert stage (see Feldman
Example 1. Development of Peruvian lando caj?n patterns.
Lando, "Sambamalat?" 1964 " Caj?n i ? insrp p p D p p i> It*
Lando Variation #1 1970s
Caj?n * * * * * IllH P p p P P p
West African/Black Atlantic Timeline Pattern Bell, etc. ? ? * * * 0JPi> i> P i> P P P
LandoVariation #2 1970s <*- * i i i 'OTp P p P P p Vf=? Transcription Notes:
Caj?n Notes on upper staff line: Higher-pitched tones (fingers on top comers) staff Notes on lower staff line: Bass strokes (right palm on drum face) Flam stroke
The lando is often notated in 6/4 (e.g., Tompkins 1981), but some scholars and 8 musicians have begun to use 12/8 in recent years (F?lix Casaverde p.c.; Le?n 2003:230-37). I have chosen 12/8 to facilitate comparison with the timeline pattern; do not wish to preclude hearings of the lando in 6/4 or other meters.
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forthcoming: Chapter 2). Interestingly, the rhythms of the recreated lando (see Example 1) bear little resemblance to scholarly reconstructions of the Brazilian lundu's straightforward duple feel (see Tompkins 1981:295), and the choreography typically performed with the song "Samba malat?" is not a couple dance and includes no pelvic bump, instead featuring a group of all-women dancers dramatizing the act of washing clothes (see Le?n 2003:227-28). As the revival progressed and recreated musical genres were formalized, the landos redefinition via changing caj?n and guitar parts expressed black Pacific double consciousness, evoking both a transnational black Atlantic/Af rican diasporic identity and the continued participation of black Peruvian musicians in national m?sica criolla. In fact, as Javier Le?n argues, stylistic ambiguity and the encouragement of multiple ways of hearing is paradoxi cally a defining characteristic of the lando genre (2003:229-47). While Vi cente V?squez' guitar introduction became a standard feature of most later performances of "Samba malat?," the caj?n pattern that initially doubled the rhythm of the guitar introduction underwent a number of stylistic changes as recreated genres were formalized in the revival (see Example 1). Some time in the 1970s, the caj?n pattern evolved into two variations similar to a timeline pattern commonly played on cowbell and other small percussion instruments in many music traditions of West Africa and the black Atlantic (Anlo-Ewe agbekor, music of the Afro-Cuban Santer?a and Palo religions, music of the Afro-Brazilian Candombl? religion, Latin jazz, etc.), and the role of percussion became more important in defining the genre (see Feldman 2001:236; Le?n 2003:236).20 At the same time, the guitar accompaniment of the lando began to take on even more of the characteristics of m?sica criolla, including the formalization of a slower version of strumming patterns associ ated with the marinera's resbalosa section (see Tompkins 1981:303; Le?n 2003:233)Thus, it is clear that the land?'s rhythmic personality continued to be "remembered" in new ways throughout the revival, whether these similarities were intentional, accidental, or subliminal. The most obvious Africanism in the recreation of "Samba malat?" was a stretch of artistic license that Nicomedes Santa Cruz later came to regret. He expanded upon the remembered fragment with a newly composed second verse containing what he later called "arbitrary Afroid wordage"?lyrics that either sounded "African" or were borrowed from other African American mu sical and religious traditions, performed in leader-chorus call-and-response e a style:"Arambucur?, lona lona, la recol?, uborequet?, babalorich?, arambu cur?, oy? coror?, oy? coror?, a lamucur?, e lo?? lo??, a la recol?, e kiri kiri, ... babalorich?,e mand? mand?,oy? coror?,oy? coror?,arambucur? lando!" (Santa Cruz and Cumanana 1970). Some of these words are, or resemble, actual verbiage from African or African-descended languages, some are words from
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European languages used to describe Africans, and others are of unknown origin. Perhaps Santa Cruz' experiences with Brazilian Candombl? and his extensive readings of Cuban scholar Fernando Ortiz influenced him to "fill in the gaps" in his reinvention of a lost Afro-Peruvian song, hoping to make it sound even more "African" (just as he used bits and pieces of Brazilian and Cuban research to help piece together his theory of the lund?). However, in the third edition of Cumanana, Santa Cruz publicly repented his invention of pseudo-African terminology in "Samba malat?." In the newly reprinted booklet, he transcribed only the lyrics of the original fragment, stating that those verses and no others were "authentically folkloric," and he asked other recording artists to banish the invented verses from the repertoire."I hope," he wrote, "that the mistake of adding verses is not committed with new compilations, an indiscretion for which I do not forgive myself" (1970:47). Santa Cruz' change of heart came too late. Ironically, despite his writ ten apology and warning, the LP recordings released with the third edition of Cumanana replay the exact sound recording of the original 1964 ver sion, invented lyrics and all (as does the 1994 CD edition). Unaware of (or unconcerned with) Santa Cruz' plea, other groups continue to perform and record the song?which has become a Peruvian folklore classic?with its invented neo-African lyrics to this day, perhaps believing that the lyrics are a survival of the language of their African ancestors in Peru. In the 1970s, the lando was reborn as an expression of contemporary Peruvian blackness, and it launched a series of Africanized new inventions. The prime agent in the escalating re-Africanization of Afro-Peruvian music was a rising national folklore institution, the company Peru Negro.
Peru Negro and "Canto a Elegua" (Song for Elegua)
Ask most Peruvians about Afro-Peruvian music or culture, and they will quickly name Peru Negro, the only Afro-Peruvian music and dance company with a continuous history of over thirty years of performance. Peru Negro is an institution in Peru, considered by many to epitomize black music and folklore.As Javier Le?n explains, the fact that Peru Negro members and former members dominate the faculty of Lima's national folklore school has resulted in the canonization of Peru Negro's musical style and choreographies, and apprenticing with Peru Negro is considered an avenue to success for young Afro-Peruvians who want to learn the "rightway" of performing Afro-Peruvian music (Le?n 2003:79-92). Membership in the group has long been a goal for most young blacks, for whom few other opportunities for professional suc cess exist. For years, as former Peru Negro member and black rights activist Juan Carlos "Juanchi"V?squez explained to me (p.c.),"Peru Negro was Peru Negro, period.There was nobody else .. .That is, for Lima's black families, in
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order for their children to be successful on a professional level, either they had to play for Alianza Lima, play for the Peruvian Association, or be in Peru ... Negro Play ball or dance in Peru Negro. That was it." Since earning first place at the 1969 Hispanoamerican Festival of Song and Dance inArgentina, the company has toured as an ambassador of Afro-Peruvian culture interna tionally in Latin America, Europe, and?since 2002?the United States. I saw Peru Negro perform several times (both live and on historic vid eotape) and interviewed some of its members and former members while Iwas conducting research in Lima. One number from the company's reper non toire particularly aroused my curiosity. Like "Samba malat?," this song's Spanish lyrics sounded like they were derived from an African language. Its rhythmic accompaniment reminded me of the interlocking polyrhythms of the percussion music of Afro-Cuban Santer?a, and its choreography appeared to symbolize some kind of ritual. In fact, the song was often referred to as "Danza ritual," (Ritual dance), although others called it "Elvichil?" or "Canto a Elegua" (Song for Elegua). In 1979, Peru Negro performed "Canto a Elegua" on a Venezuelan tele vision program. In response to my numerous questions about the choreog raphy of "Canto a Elegua," Peru Negro co-founder and choreographer Lalo Izquierdo graciously shared his video recording of this television broadcast with me. Captured on aging videotape in black and white, as the song opens, a man and a woman (Peru Negro vocalists Caitro Soto and Marina Lavalle) stand in front of a stage. The woman holds a flaming bowl; the man holds are two ca a microphone. Onstage nine musicians (playing three congas, jones, bongo, cowbell, and three guitars). Twelve black dancers (six male, six female), all barefooted, form a processional. Women are dressed in short black skirts and white tops, and men wear white calf-length trousers and no shirts. Guitars strum a continuous tremolo while the woman soloist sings
the opening verse:
El agua llor?, el vichil? El agua llor?, agua y llor? 21 El vichil? ..
The chorus responds quietly on two descending pitches that echo the solo ist's last phrase: "aye."Then the male soloist sings the second verse:
O tiri mach?, olonde O tiri mach?, o tiri mach?, olonde.
woman the Again, the chorus quietly sings its echo, "aye."The places fire vessel in the center of the stage. The dancers form a circle around the burning jar.After a brief silence, the percussion begins (the three guitarists do not play for the rest of the dance), with congas, bongo, and cowbell per
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Example 2. "Canto a Elegua" excerpt (Peru Negro 1979).
Dotted Quarter Note=59
Voice J Jv JJ JUJJ - - -bar-rabo a-gomo yu bar-ra bo a-go mo yu-l Cowbell 0 ffp?p?ppyp?p pyppWPl P*[)?P???*P'P
Bongo
Congas 2-3 o ^uJ?rfcfcJj w&m [i??jIlIiIj Conga 1 D ff Jwl >^ JffJ* i >' ?mi l l
- ba O mo ne gon de mo-yu bar-ra bo a- go mo yu ba E-le-gua ko-Io-na Cb. 9 H*Kft*H* - fl?PTPPTP'P PTPP P P Pm w m *?*-*-* *-*-r* <-x-* B. ?53E2E^E P irlrinr LrLTirL? irinnr
C.2-3 i [cfclf^c?f L?dr?L?dlr li?diii??
1 C. ] jwr > ^ frvW i- V Jwf V i' Transcription Notes: This is a skeletal transcriptionfrom a video with low sound quality and few visual shots of instrumentalists. Bongo ?= x notes on upper staff line: high-pitched drumhead notes on ?=p round lower staff line: lower-pitched drumhead Congas 2-3 Staff represents one player alternately hitting the highest-pitched (upper staff line) andmedium-pitched (lower staff line) congas with separate hands and open tone strokes. Conga 1 Staff represents the lowest-pitched conga drum playing open tone strokes.
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of the first chant is transcribed in Example 2) .The percussion patterns remain unchanged throughout the entire vocal medley until the tempo speeds up and the cajones enter with a different rhythmic pattern toward the end of the piece.
1. (female soloist echoed by chorus) Ibarra bo ago mo yuba, ibarra bo ago mo yuba, Omo ne gon de moyu barra bo, ago mo yuba Elegua ko lona 2. (male soloist echoed by chorus) Ishon shon abe, ishon shon abe Odara kolone y yuba de Elegua 3. (female soloist echoed by chorus) Eshu o elegua lae, eshu o elegua lae Elegua la moforibaye, elegua lae
The vocal soloists deliver these lines with great emotional conviction. The dancers initially are restrained; women sit cross-legged on the floor and men stand behind them, all performing rhythmically synchronized hand mo tions that beckon toward the sky. As the chants intensify, the dancers rise and form a fast-moving circle around the fire vessel. The two caj?n players finally join the other percussionists and the music speeds up, then stops; the dancers freeze.After this break, the percussion begins again, faster this time. At this faster tempo, the cowbell player can be heard prominently perform ing the timeline pattern. The women finally leave their seated position and the dancers spin in their circle, leaping forward in duple time on the balls of their feet while crossing their bodies with extended arm motions. The dancers come together in a close knot around the fire vessel, shaking their bodies and reaching for the sky. The percussion climaxes, the dancers fall to the ground, and the song comes to an end. In regions of the black Atlantic (such as Cuba, Brazil, and Trinidad), music very much like this was preserved as an African legacy by the descendants of slaves who worshipped orishas (a pantheon of ancestral spirits central to the religious belief system of the Yoruba peoples ofWest Africa). Despite some variations in pitch, melodic intervals, tonality, and pronunciation, the specific song texts, melodies, and rhythms called "Canto a Elegua" by Peru Negro are similar to music used in these regions to invoke the divine trickster Elegua, a mischievous and powerful orisha who figures prominently at crossroads in religions ofWest Africa and the African diaspora.The lyrics of three of the four verses (all but the opening chant) of "Canto a Elegua" appear to be varia tions of liturgical chants common to the Afro-Cuban Santer?a, Afro-Brazilian Candombl?, andAfro-Trinidadian Shango religions.22 A number of percussion instruments might be used to accompany these songs to Elegua. In Cuba, sets
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of three religious drums or gourds typically play the interlocking patterns, while in Peru a very similar accompaniment pattern is performed on bongo, congas, and cowbell. But in Peru, African-derived religions involving ancestral spirits did not survive to the twentieth century, and it is not known to what extent they ever existed (see Cuche 1976). So how did this song get to Peru, and what does it signify in its Peruvian context? Could this be a retention from Yoruba land, preserved in the repertoire of Peru Negro, testifying to the diffusion of the same African traits in both the black Atlantic and Peru? After all, some of Peru's black slaves came by way of Brazil or the Caribbean, and Peru Negro's founders derived much of the company's early repertoire from ethnographic field trips to predominantly black rural areas where cultural memory of African-derived music and dance was allegedly better preserved (see Feld man forthcoming: Chapter 4). While such an explanation is theoretically possible, scholarship on the African diaspora since the 1970s cautions that traditions invented in the New World can easily be mistaken for African retentions (see Mintz and Price [1976] 1992). I learned how this song really got to Peru?or at least one version of its oral history?in interviews with members and former members of Peru Negro (including Silvia del Rio, Lalo Izquierdo, Victor "Ra?l" Padilla, and Carlos "Caitro" Soto de la Colina). The man who called himself El Ni?o (Guillermo Nicasio Regueira) was either African or Cuban, depending on who tells the story. Sometime before 1950, poet and journalist Juan Liscano made a recording inVenezuela of El Ni?o performing "Canto a Elegua" with his touring Cuban bata drum en semble Conjunto El Ni?o (Various Artists 1998b). In 1947, El Ni?o came to Peru with the Havana Cubans orchestra as a bongo player ("El Ni?o" 1967).23 He married a Peruvian woman and never went back to Cuba. El Ni?o col laborated with both Nicomedes Santa Cruz and Peru Negro, creating percus sion parts for newly revived Afro-Peruvian genres. He taught the members of Peru Negro amedley of religious chants that he remembered from Cuba, and he helped them adapt the tonal rhythmic accompaniment patterns to locally available percussion instruments. He taught them the choreography, too, and he explained the significance of Elegua, but he never disclosed the meaning of the lyrics. Perhaps, like many practitioners of Santer?a and other religions that incorporate liturgical chants in a foreign or ancestral language, he did not know their literal translation.24 The Peruvian history of the song-and-dance medley "Canto a Elegua" is a particularly interesting expression of black Pacific double consciousness because, while its ritual context does not exist in Peru, it has remained in over numerous the company's repertoire the past thirty years. In interviews,
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I asked members and former members of Peru Negro to talk about the song, its history, and its assumed meaning. Peru Negro co-founder and chore ographer Lalo Izquierdo (p.c.) confirmed that El Ni?o had explained the general significance of Elegua and taught them the choreography. The late Caitro Soto, the featured male soloist in the 1979 video, also told me (p.c.) that he learned the song from El Ni?o. When I asked if El Ni?o taught him the meaning of the lyrics, he betrayed a common stereotype about African peoples and their arts, responding: "The African dialect, no. But the mean ing, I knew what itwas. Because all black music is erotic, they are sexual symbols." Finally, Silvia del Rio, Peru Negro's second lead vocalist from the early 1980s until 1999, confided (p.c.) that, although Peru Negro's late direc tor, Ronaldo Campos, taught her to pronounce the "difficult" lyrics, she had no idea what they meant or where the song came from. Campos implied to her that the song was an African survival in Peru, but he was mysterious about the details."And I don't know, even today, what itmeans!" Silvia told me. "Imagine, what shame if by chance I [perform for a foreign audience] and [they say]: Oh,how awful!That's not how the words go!'" Is "Canto a Elegua," as performed by Peru Negro, music of Cuban Santer?a in disguise? Or does the special history and significance it has acquired in Peru make it Peruvian? Peru Negro continues to perform "Canto a Elegua" for its audiences today, made up primarily of tourists and upper class white Peruvians. Unfortunately, the song usually is not introduced or explained, leaving the impression (whether strategic or accidental) that it is part of the Peruvian heritage. And, in fact, while my reconstructed history reveals that "Canto a Elegua" is not an inheritance from Peru Negro's slave ancestors, from the strategic perspective that views the black Pacific as a periphery of the black Atlantic, "Canto a Elegua" does indeed belong to Afro-Peruvians. Cuban and Peruvian versions of "Canto a Elegua" are not the same, and the as Peruvian performance revises and reinvents even it appropriates. It is precisely because there is no ritual context for this type of music and dance in Peru that it is so very meaningful to the founders of Peru Negro .This song represents, for them, the lost African heritage they preserve through staged performance and the past they wish to reclaim.
Conclusion: Charting the Black Pacific
The Afro-Peruvian revival changed the history and public depiction of blackness in Peru, mobilizing Afro-Peruvians to reconnect with their diasporic identity. On Lima's grandest stages, the revival created, for the first time, a space in which Peruvians could celebrate?and be applauded for?the beauty and dignity of their cultural heritage.To this day, the Afro-Peruvian revival of music and dance has been the only influential social movement
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for black rights and recognition in Peru. Caught up in the fire of renewal, lacking documentation of their own history, it is no wonder that Peruvians turned to the better-documented past of Africans and their descendants in the black Atlantic. And although Cuban and Brazilian traditions transplanted to Peru do not exactly represent the history of Africans in Peru, they do very accurately speak to the realities of the Afro-Peruvian experience in the twentieth-century black Pacific. Whether or not the African lund? and Elegua's song existed in Peru before the revival, their invention mobilized real ideas about diasporic identity and ancestry for Afro-Peruvians struggling with double consciousness on the criollo coast. In today's ongoing process of reproducing the Afro-Peruvian past, as Javier Le?n has shown,Afro-Peruvians continue to seek inspiration from the black Atlantic not only for "authentic" musical practices descended from Africa, but also for ideas about how to "assert the authority necessary to redefine the very concept of the authentic" (L?on 2003:71). And, as Le?n (2003:91-92) and I have both experienced in interviews and social gather ings, Peruvian musicians are fond of stating that Cubans and Brazilians have trouble playingAfro-Peruvian rhythms?a way of validating the Peruvianness of what was once a black Atlantic appropriation. Ronald Radano (2003) ar gues that the history of U.S. black music, when envisioned as the "resonance" of music from a constantly changing point of origin, complicates prevailing assumptions about the stability of historical narratives and representations. Similarly, Cuban and Brazilian echoes (reconfigured as "African" origins) re sound in the music and dances of the Afro-Peruvian revival. But the source of as those echoes becomes fainter Afro-Peruvians learn to perform and believe in their own cultural history and diasporic identity in the present. I have argued that Afro-Peruvians can be imagined as residents of a black Pacific world that feels "less African" (e.g., contains less obvious African re tentions) than the black Atlantic to its citizens. Despite the validity of Gilroy's affirmation that black Atlantic culture was born in the Middle Passage and the experience of slavery, for Afro-Peruvian citizens of the black Pacific in their search for diasporic origins and identity, the black Atlantic became an important source of knowledge about their African past and a surrogate for "Africa." Thus, in the special geography of the Afro-Peruvian revival's production of the past, "Africa"moved to the black Atlantic along with its enslaved peoples in diaspora. Such a remapping of Africa and its diaspora suggests new ways to imagine the complex relationships between diaspora and homeland, center(s) and periphery/(ies). With this discussion of the Afro-Peruvian revival, I have sought to extend Gilroy's black Atlantic model to encompass its periphery?the black Pacific world. It ismy hope that this article will provoke not only discussion about the borders of the black Atlantic, but also comparative analysis of other
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black Pacific regions and populations and their relationship to the black Atlantic.
Acknowledgments This is on article based material examined more fully in my forthcoming book, Black Rhythms of Peru: Staging Cultural Memory as Music and Dance (Wesleyan University Press) and my dissertation (2001). My discussion of Nicomedes Santa Cruz' reinvention of the lando will also appear in part in my article "Nicomedes Santa Cruz' CumananaA Musical Excavation of Black Peru" in the book Escribir la Identidad: Creadon Cultural y Negritud en el Per? (edited by M'Bare N'gom, forthcoming). Kevin Delgado,Ariana Hern?ndez-Reguant, and Christi-Anne Castro kindly read drafts and provided insightful suggestions. My two anonymous reviewers for this journal also offered valuable feedback. David Garcia helped me piece together the connections between Benny Bustillo and Arsenio Rodriguez, based on his interviews withArsenio Rodriguez' brother, Ra?l. Lalo Izquierdo and Chalena V?squez generously provided me with valuable research materials that made this essay possible, and numerous consultants and colleagues in Peru, Spain, and the U.S. have stimulated my understanding of these issues. Discussions with Javier Le?n particularly informed and enriched my understanding of the evolution of the lando and its rela tionship with m?sica criolla.All translations of source material from Spanish in this article are my own. Finally, I gratefully acknowledge research grants provided by the Social Science Research Council (International Dissertation Field Research Fellowship), the UCLA Institute of American Cultures (Predissertation Grant and Research Grant in Ethnic Studies), the UCLA International Studies and Overseas Program (Ford Foundation-International Studies and Overseas Program and Predissertation Research Grant), the UCLA Latin American Center (Tinker Field Research Grant), and the UCLA Department of Ethnomusicology (Travel Grant).
Notes
1.Gilroy 1993:110. 2. Gilroy's (1993) notion of double consciousness is a reworking of W E. B. DuBois' theory of double consciousness, or the psychological predicament of identifying as both black and American, from The Souls of Black Folk (1903). 3.Throughout this article, I use the words black, white,Afro-Peruvian, indigenous, mestizo, and criollo to denote either the self-described or externally perceived identity of individuals. Race in Peru (and Latin America in general) is imagined in a more fluid and ambiguous continuum most than in parts of the United States. People of African descent in Peru often self-identity (and are identified by others) as mulato, zambo, mestizo, criollo, or a variety of other terms that imply subtle gradations or degrees of "blackness." People who are considered white in Peru might not be viewed as white in the United States, and people in Peru who think of themselves as mestizo or criollo frequently are called white by black Peruvians. While these sociocultural and racial categorizations are imperfect at best, I have tried to use them in the ways that make the most sense in context.
4. My model of the black Pacific is based primarily on my own research in Peru, but I am interested in exploring its applicability in other areas with similar histories. Scholarly writings about populations that might be included in the black Pacific include John Schechter's analysis of the indigenous borrowings of the Afro-Ecuadorian bomba (1994); Jonathan Ritter's M.A. thesis about the local criollo and African diasporic faces of the Afro-Ecuadorian marimba tradi tions of Esmereldas (1998); Peter Wade's writings on the cultural politics separating the black populations of Colombia's Atlantic and Pacific coasts (1993,1998); and Robert Templeman's research about the Afro-Bolivian saya (1998). Other studies of the black Pacific in Peru include Chalena V?squez Rodr?guez'book about the black Peruvians of El Carmen (1982); Javier Leon's
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dissertation about contemporary Afro-Peruvian music and theater (2003); and Ra?l Romero's article about the Afro-Peruvian revival (1994).The black Pacific might also be envisioned as a metaphorically, rather than geographically, bordered community, encompassing certain Afri can diasporic cultures not located along the Pacific coast. In this case, relevant works might include Lise Waxer's book (2002) about how the residents of Cali, Colombia appropriated the transnational sounds of Afro-Caribbean music as a vinyl emblem of local identity, despite the fact that Cali is located closer to the Pacific coast than to the Atlantic.The New Orleans Mardi Gras Indians'appropriation of Plains Indians styles of dress and reinvented "Indian" chants might also express a related phenomenon in that an African diaspora group adopted the imagined charac teristics of Indians who historically had joined them in struggle against white oppressors (see Lipsitz 1990; Berry et al. 2003; Draper 1973; Smith 1994; Sakakeeny 2002).The intermingling of blacks with indigenous Americans?a particular type of cultural hybridization that Gilroy does not discuss in his analysis of the encounter of black and European cultures in the black Atlantic?is also an important dynamic in the Andean black Pacific (see Feldman forthcoming: Chapter 5). 5.1 was particularly impressed by the way omission can silence history when I perused The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade:A Database on CD-ROM (Eltis et al. 1999), an otherwise won derful research tool based on amalgamated scholarly findings. Because this project charts only the trans-Atlantic points of embarkation and disembarkation by ship, when I tried to create an interactive map of the trade routes from Africa to Peru, I found myself looking at a visual representation of history that excluded the black Pacific's participation in slave commerce?no lines were drawn.
6. Several scholars have deconstructed the belief, central in scholarship on the African dias pora in the 1930s and '40s, that certain contemporary black Atlantic cultural practices represent the continuous preservation of pre-colonial African ones brought by their slave ancestors.As J. Lorand Matory (1999) and Kim Butler (2001) show, the prevalent portrayal of theYoruba-derived Afro-Brazilian Candombl? religion as a paragon of African survivals fails to acknowledge the influence of colonial Yoruba culture brought after the slave trade by repatriated Afro-Latins and the symbolic uses of Africa in the nineteenth-century reinvention of Candombl?. Further, the Yoruba-derived culture that survived in Brazil, Cuba, and other parts of the Americas (and served as a model of African heritage for the Afro-Peruvian revival) was not expressive of a single uni fied ethnic group in pre-colonial Africa; it combined several heterogeneous neighboring groups who shared a spoken language but who did not even call themselves "Yoruba" until much later (Brandon [1993] 1997:55). Of course, this is not to dispute that some cultural practices found in the black Atlantic were brought by enslaved Africans in pre-colonial times and preserved in the New World. 7. For example, James Lockhart's small sampling of 256 slave exchanges from the notarial registers of Lima and Arequipa from 1548 to 1560 shows that nineteen percent of slave origins were given as Spain, Portugal, the Indies, or "cre?le" (1994:196). Frederick P. Bowser's larger sample of 6,890 slaves sold in Lima from 1560 to 1650 illustrates that 6.5 percent came from Spain or the Spanish Americas (1974:73). 8. Ladino and criollo (cre?le) are terms that were used in Peru to describe acculturated African slaves, as opposed to bozales, or slaves who came directly from Africa (see Bowser 1974:78-80; Lockhart 1994:198). Ladinos were Africans who had lived under European authority and were versed in European languages and customs. In Peru, the term criollo, often understood in other parts of Latin America as referring only to Spaniards born in the New World, has a multiethnic meaning flavored by the development of local coastal culture. Initially, the term criollo was used to describe the children of Africans born in Europe or the New World. Later, the term's usage was expanded when itwas employed pejoratively by Europeans to describe the children of Spanish settlers born in Peru. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, lower and middle-class Peruvians of different races reappropriated the idea of the criollo from the as a European insult means of defining their own Peruvian coastal culture (Salazar Bondy [1949] 1964:20).
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9.A high point for the documented population of blacks in Peru, both during and after times of slavery, is 90,000 in the year 1650 (Glave 1995:15) and it is estimated that imports dur ing the entire slave trade in Peru totaled 95,000?one percent or less of the estimated entire geographic distribution?and that 17,000 slaves were freed at the time of emancipation (Curtin 1969:45,46,89). However, a reliable calculation of the total volume of the Peruvian slave trade has not been produced (see Bowser 1974:72). 10. As Javier Le?n has stressed (p.c.),sociocultural and political manifestations of criollismo should be differentiated. Sociocultural criollismo originated in the working class multiracial communities of Lima, while political criollismo is a nationalist ideology linked to Lima's white elite oligarchy. 11. See Tamara Livingston's (1999) theory of the factors that combine to create music revivals and the extended discussion of the Afro-Peruvian revival in my book (Feldman forth coming). 12. For a discussion of Victoria Santa Cruz' role in the Afro-Peruvian revival, see Chapter 2 of my book (Feldman forthcoming). 13. By "memory projects," Imean agendas established by the present-day needs and desires that direct people to selectively remember certain elements of the past and not others. 14. French historiographer Pierre Nora's (1984-86) notion of"sites of memory" has inspired a number of scholarly and artistic reexaminations of the relationship between history, memory, and arts in diasporic cultures, many of which challenge Nora's strict separation of history from memory (see Bai et al. 1999; Behar 1996; Fabre and O'Meally 1994; K?mmen 1991; Morrison 1990; and many others). Memory is sometimes described as a technology (Ebron 1998), and victims and survivors of slavery and genocide have used remembering as aweapon of self-de fense against the eradication of memory by history. For example, the Jewish people, who are called "people of memory," bore witness to the Holocaust by keeping secret diaries and leaving marks on cell walls so that the world might "never forget" the horrors of genocide. Similarly, celebrated African American author Toni Morrison has worked to bring to light previously sup pressed memories of U.S. slavery in works like Beloved (1987) and Tar Baby (1981), and the late Chinese-American author Iris Chang researched and published The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust ofWorldWar II(1997) to fight the erasure of the Japanese massacre of the citizens of Nanking, China from historical memory. Using "counter-memory" (Foucault 1977) as a tool, subaltern people challenge the official memory inscribed by endorsed versions of history. Scholarly examples of counter-memory include Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States (1999), The Empire Writes Back (Ashcroft et al. 1989), Martin Bernal's Black Athena (1987), Cheikh Anta Diop's Precolonial Black Africa:A Comparative Study of the Po litical and Social Systems of Europe and Black Africa, From Antiquity to the Formation of Modern States (1986), and many other projects that reinscribe erased and forgotten histories or challenge widely accepted historical narratives. 15. Cumanana's first edition was limited to 1,000 copies. A second edition was printed in 1965, and a third revised edition was issued in 1970, for a total distribution of ten thousand copies (N. Santa Cruz 1975:64). In 1994, a CD version was released without the accompanying booklet.Today, the first and second editions of Cumanana are virtually impossible to find, but xeroxed copies of the booklet accompanying the third edition circulate in some parts of Peru as underground black history texts. Because I have never succeeded in locating the first or second editions of Cumanana, all of my comments in this essay are based on the third revised edition. 16. In Cumanana (N. Santa Cruz 1970:24), Nicomedes Santa Cruz traces the following dances of Europe and the Americas to the lund? of Angola and the kalenda of Congo as origin:
(Portugal) lundum,lundu,chorado, chula portuguesa,lado, etc.; (Spain) zarabanda, calenda, ond?, etc.; (New Orleans) bambula; (Louisiana) calenda; (Mexico) bamba, maracumbi, paracumb?; (Cuba) caringa (calenda), yuka (which became the rumba with its classic vacunao pelvic thrust); (Haiti) kalenda, bambula; (Puerto Rico) bomba; (Panama) cumbia, tamborito; (Colombia) bullarengue [bullerengue], currulao, palacor?, cumbia, bambuco,
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etc.; (Venezuela) chimbanelero, malembe, sangueo; (Ecuador) bomba; (Brazil) lundu, c?co, samba, batuque, tambor de crioula, jongo, etc.; (Peru) samba, samba-land?, lund?, samba cueca, zamacueca, zana, tondero, zanguara?a, mozamala, polka de caj?n, malcito, golpe'e tierra, toro-mata, ecuador, chilena, marinera; (Bolivia) zamba, zamacueca; (Chile) cueca; (Argentina) zamba.
17. In light of the problem of Afrocentricity in The Black Atlantic (Gilroy 1993), Nicome des Santa Cruz' lund? theory is interesting because itmaintains a dual focus on African origins and Afro-Peruvian cultural expressions, both of which were erased from criollo culture, as well as a methodology of diasporic borrowing from other areas of the black Atlantic. In The Black Atlantic, although Gilroy acknowledges that Afrocentricity is "useful in developing communal discipline and individual self-worth," he worries that the "Afrocentric project has an absolute and perverse reliance on a model of the thinking, knowing racial subject which is a long way ... away from double consciousness" (188). He is particularly critical of essentialist Afrocentric ideologies that portray tradition and modernity as polar opposites and bypass the experience of slavery in order to revalorize the great pre-colonial African civilizations (188-90). While this is a powerful stance for a politically progressive black intellectual to take, several of Gilroy's critics contend that the weakness of The Black Atlantic lies in the model's inability to bridge theory and practice and its resulting portrayal of lived solutions to racism as simply "wrong" (see Chivallon 2002;Lipsitz 1995). 18. Nicomedes Santa Cruz'personal library is held as a special collection at Casa de Ameri ca's research library in Madrid, Spain. 19.The Ascuez version is transcribed inWilliam Tompkins' dissertation (1981:546). An alternate version of the lando was remembered in the rural community El Guayabo, where blacks performed a dance called lando, accompanied by guitar and caj?n, during the yunza celebra tion at Carnival time.This version, also discussed and transcribed by Tompkins (1981:297-98, 547-49), was folkloricized for the stage in the 1970s by the group Peru Negro. 20. Javier Le?n (2003:236) also notes that the pattern marked "Lando Variation #2" in Example 1 is very similar to a bass-line used in the tondero, a northern coastal genre related to the marinera. 21 .These and all subsequent lyrics from "Canto a Elegua" are phonetically transcribed from Lalo Izquierdo's video of the 1979 broadcast of a performance of Peru Negro on Venezuelan television (Peru Negro 1979). 22.These verses, set to similar melodies and percussive accompaniment (arranged for various types of drum and percussion ensembles), may be heard on many recordings. Cuban recordings have been made by the professional folklore ensemble Grupo Afrocuba de Matanzas (1993) and Conjunto El Ni?o (Various Artists 1998b). Cuban and Brazilian versions of these chants are combined in the recording Bata Ketu (Spiro and Lamson 1996). The verse transcribed in Example 2 is also similar to a 1939 field recording of the music of the Shango religion inTrinidad, made by Melville and Frances Herskovits and re-released on CD (Various Artists 1998a) .The text of these verses may be compared to transcriptions of Santer?a liturgical texts in Awo Fa'lokun Fatunmbi's Elegba:Ifa and the Divine Messenger (n.d.) and John Mason's Or?n Orts?:Songs For Selected Heads (1992:72).The opening chant so far has not been identified by any practitioners or scholars of orisha music whom I have contacted. One Santer?a practitioner, upon viewing the video, commented that it reminded him of Cuban films with dramatized scenes of Santer?a from the 1950s, especially those starring Celia Cruz, and it is possible that the first verse is derived from one of these films rather than actual liturgy. 23.According to David Garcia (p.c.), the Havana Cubans Orchestra that toured Lima was led by Benetin "Benny" Bustillo, who had previously worked in Arsenio Rodr?guez' conjunto in Cuba. Bustillo was an Afro-Cuban trumpeter from Gui?es, Cuba. It is possible that El Ni?o was also originally from Gui?es (as opposed to African Guinea, which some Peruvians say he claimed was his birthplace), but he learned to play drums in Havana. 24.1 do not know whether El Ni?o actually was a practitioner of Santer?a.
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