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Clovis at the End of the World

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Clovis at the End of the World COMMENTARY Clovis at the end of the world David J. Meltzer1 ever-younger toward the south, marking Department of Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, TX 75275 their dispersal across the continent (3). El Fin del Mundo, Sanchez et al. suggest, raises an alternative possibility: its age, Of the scores of North American archaeo- the earliest of radiocarbon-dated Clovis ∼ logical sites claimed to provide evidence of sites. As rare as sites of this age are and 13,390 calibrated radiocarbon years before human hunting of now-extinct Pleistocene as distinctive as El Fin del Mundo is, it will present, puts it among the oldest Clovis sites mammals, only about a dozen have com- surely figure prominently in subsequent in North America and thus supports the idea the Clovis culture originated far to the pelling evidence of such predation. In all discussions of Clovis culture. For that mat- south. In this, they seem on solid chrono- instances, the animals involved were mam- ter, it will likely also be marshalled into logical ground. Clovis sites on the southern moth and mastodon (1). In PNAS, Sanchez several ongoing debates regarding Clovis Plains and in the southwest tend to be older et al. (2) contend that a third genus of pro- origins and adaptations. Which way its ev- (often by centuries) than Clovis sites else- boscidean (elephants and their near relatives), idence will lean depends, as it so often does, where in North America, essentially reversing the gomphothere Cuvieronius,shouldbe on how to interpret incomplete and some- the expected time-transgressive trend. Nonethe- added to the small list of large mammals times ambiguous archaeological data and less, given that well-dated Clovis sites remain pursued by Clovis hunters. It is an intriguing what may yet come from this important site. claim; skeptics, however, might require rare (4), it is possible that the chronological ’ more proof than is currently available. Did Clovis Begin at World s End? pattern is a by-product of sampling bias. Like- The investigations of Sanchez et al. at the Conventional wisdom long held that the wise, the oldest sites are not necessarily the aptly named site of El Fin del Mundo, Clovis culture, the hallmarks of which have original sites, only the earliest ones known. situated in a remote region of Mexico’s never been found in Siberia, must have arisen Even so, El Fin del Mundo does little to buttress Sonoran Desert (Fig. 1), are noteworthy in in North America. It was thought to have conventional wisdom and must be accounted several respects. The work documents a ge- developed as groups traveled south from forindiscussionsofwhenandwhereClovis nus that has rarely been reported from the Alaska down an ice-free corridor that had culture emerged. late Pleistocene fossil record of North Amer- recently opened when the Pleistocene came Clovis Adaptations ica; it shows an apparent association of the to a close, and the massive ice sheets that had Sanchez et al. (2) thoroughly document the gomphotheres (two subadults found several long buried much of Canada retreated. Clovis geological context of the gomphothere meters apart in locality 1) with Clovis arti- sites in North America should therefore be remains and their close stratigraphic associ- facts; it is one of the very few cases in which time transgressive, oldest on the northern ation with the artifacts at locality 1. However, there is an associated camp; and it is among Plains where groups exited the corridor and as skeptics would note, the mere co-occur- rence of artifacts and faunal remains on the same stratigraphic surface does not a preda- tor–prey relationship make. Demonstrating humans were responsible for the death of an animal requires artifacts intimately associated with the faunal remains, evidence of contem- poraneity of archaeological and gomphothere remains (within the limits of radiocarbon dating), and compelling traces on the bones: butchering marks, human-caused bone breakage, or other clear indications of skeletal manipulation (1). Unfortunately, the El Fin del Mundo gomphothere bones were so badly eroded that they precluded recognition of human modification, and radiocarbon dating of the teeth failed to yield reliable ages (2, SI Appendix). In the absence of direct skeletal clues to the timing, cause of death, or the butchering and processing of the carcasses, Author contributions: D.J.M. wrote the paper. The author declares no conflict of interest. Fig. 1. Excavations in locality 1 at El Fin del Mundo, January 2011. As Sanchez et al. described in their SI Appendix (2), locality 1 was originally on the floor of a wetland basin, but subsequent erosion left it standing as an isolated See companion article on page 10972 in issue 30 of volume 111. remnant above its immediate surroundings. Photograph by David J. Meltzer. 1Email: [email protected]. 12276–12277 | PNAS | August 26, 2014 | vol. 111 | no. 34 www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1412945111 Downloaded by guest on September 26, 2021 Sanchez et al. (2) necessarily fall back on remains have been found in them, but if strategy (12). It begs the question of COMMENTARY circumstantial evidence: namely the “non- gomphothere bones are found, these could “whether hunter-gatherers focused on anatomical position of the bone in two prove they were indeed on the menu. megafauna anywhere during the Pleistocene” distinct piles,” the presence of Clovis points Gomphotheres aside, it would not be sur- (11, pp. 1636–1637), let alone whether among the bones, and the observation that prising if bones found in the camp localities hunting caused the massive and widespread a point found 2 m from one of the gom- included other animals. Such is the pattern at extinction of large animals that took place phothere remains appears to have broken many Clovis sites, even at mammoth and in North America toward the end of the on impact, indicative of its use as a weapon. mastodon kills (4). Moreover, many of the Pleistocene (1). Although they may be correct in their points in the camp localities are broken bases, That being the case, why target gompho- surmise, it is a challenge to make the case none of which refit to specimens in locality 1. theres at El Fin del Mundo or mammoths in on this evidence. That the gomphothere This suggests the points were used and bro- the San Pedro valley? One answer advanced carcasses were disarticulated is not un- ken elsewhere and their tips lost, perhaps in by Speth et al. (13) is that, given the risk of expected regardless of the cause of the dis- prey carcasses. theenterprise,largegamehuntingwasper- articulation, and before the position of the Why Hunt Proboscideans? haps less about provisioning and more about bones can be attributed to human action, it is prestige. Being successful at such a failure- El Fin del Mundo is similar to a number of necessary to account for natural processes prone activity conveys social status among ClovissitesintheSanPedroValleyofAri- that might have moved or removed bone peers and competitors and provides a public zona, a few hundred kilometers to the north elements from a death assemblage. That so good that marks the hunter as a powerful few artifacts were found in immediate asso- just across the international border (6). The points are broadly similar, even to the extent ally, dangerous adversary, or attractive mate ciation with the bones is somewhat perplex- (12). Burnishing that reputation likely had ing if the carcasses were fresh kills being of including a Clovis point made of quartz crystal (2, figure 4C, 7). Crystal quartz is social elements attached to it, perhaps ma- butchered for meat, an activity that requires terially reflected in the use of seemingly im- more or less constant resharpening of knives challengingtomanufactureandvulnerable to shattering on contact (8, 9), making it practical quartz crystal points, which often or points being used as knives (as Clovis had a ceremonial purpose in other times and points often were). Finally, that one of the a puzzling choice with which to fashion aweaponone’s life might depend on when places (9). Clovis points snapped at its base could be Also, there may have been elements we aby-productofanimpactwhenstonehit hunting a massive, aggressive animal with a will never see archaeologically (4), of the sort hide or bone, but such fractures have also thick hide. Proboscidean remains are found Teddy Roosevelt glimpsed soon after he took been shown to result from activities unrelated in all these sites, although the bones in the down a bull elephant (and was side-swiped to the use of a point as a weapon (5). This San Pedro Valley sites are mammoth, some by another) on a postpresidential hunt in includes animal trampling, as Sanchez et al. clearly hunted, some perhaps scavenged (4). Africa: “The gun-bearers, as they walked show occurred at El Fin del Mundo, or that Without suggesting El Fin del Mundo and ahead of us camp ward...began to improvise might occur when scavenging a toughened the San Pedro Valley sites were occupied by a song, reciting the success of the hunt, the carcass—perhaps for meat if the animals related groups, the distances separating them were well within the range of Clovis hunter- death of the elephant, and the power of the were freshly dead, or bones for raw material ” if they were not (if the latter, the animals may gatherers, who are known to have tracked (or rifles (14, p. 289). Of course at the core of have died at different times). Sanchez et al. perhaps traded) across many hundreds of that story, or whatever story might have been kilometers (10). told at El Fin del Mundo at the end of the (2) reject the idea of meat-scavenging, con- “ sidering it unlikely two juvenile gompho- Byers and Ugan (11) showed that there is a Pleistocene, there had to be a kill, for as in ‘ ’ theres died together of natural causes, poor cost/benefit ratio to systematic hunting other domains of male contest trash talk and their carcasses then exploited by of large game; among modern hunters, the may have its uses, but reputations for de- ” Clovis foragers.
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