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Proquest Dissertations Se n t e n c e -F in a l F o c u s P a r t ic l e s in C a n to n ese Y a n K e i A nn L a w Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University College London February 2004 ProQuest Number: U643064 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U643064 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 For my parents ‘The struggle itself towards the heights is enough to fill a man’s heart. One must imagine Sisyphus happy.’ Albert Camus Abst r a c t This thesis aims at gaining a better understanding of the syntax, semantics and pragmatics of Cantonese sentence-final particles and, in particular, two focus particles zaa3 (‘only’) and timl (‘also’). Despite their importance in the language, these particles have not been well studied. Research on the two sentence-final focus particles will also contribute to the area of focus which has attracted much attention in recent years. A two-position account for the syntax of all sentence-final particles occurring in the CP domain couched in the minimalist framework (Chomsky 1995) is proposed to explain observations on their syntactic distributions, scopal properties and interactions with other elements such as questions and quantifiers. Focus particles, zaa3 (‘only’) and timl (‘also’), and the particle laa3 (‘inchoative’) occur in the lower position (SFP 2), immediately under the higher topic, while other particles that encode speech acts, speaker-oriented modality and epistemic knowledge are generated in the higher position (SFPj) in the Force field (Rizzi 1997). Following Rooth (1985, 1992), I suggest that the sentence-final particles zaa3 (‘only’) and timl (‘also’) are focus operators that associate with identificational focus (É. Kiss 1998, Ballantyne Cohan 2000). A distinction between information focus and identificational focus is drawn and three identificational focus-marking devices in Cantonese are discussed, namely contrastive stress. Right Dislocation and the cleft hai (‘be’)-construction. In addition to their respective restrictive and additive semantics, the sentence-final particles also encode procedural information (Blakemore 1987, 2000, 2002) that constrains inferential computations of conceptual representations. It is shown that scalar usage is a reflection of their procedural information encoded, and conditions licensing their usage are also discussed. C o n ten ts Acknowledgements 7 Tables and figures 9 Abbreviations 10 Romanisation 11 Chapter 1 Overview 13 Chapter 2 Preview: precursors and assumptions 16 2.1. Cantonese sentence-final particles 16 2.2. Sentence-final particles zaa3 (‘only’) and timl (‘also’) 22 2.3. Restrictive focus 30 2.3.1. Association with Focus (Rooth 1985, 1992) 33 2.3.2. Structured Meaning representation of Focus (Krifka 1992, 1995) 39 2.3.3. Erteschik-Shir (1997) 40 2.4. Additive focus 41 2.5. The notion of focus 43 2.6. Association with identificational focus 51 2.7. Summary 58 Chapter 3 Syntax of sentence-final particles 59 3.1. Sentence-final particles in the CP domain 59 3.1.1. Proposal 59 3.1.2. Head-initial vs. head-final 63 3.1.3. Co-occurrence restrictions and ordering of SFP clusters 68 3.1.4. Clause-final or utterance-final? 73 3.1.5. Root vs. embedded clause 74 3.1.6. SFPs and (yes-no) particle questions 77 3.1.7. A-not-A questions: a proposal 78 3.1.8. SFPs and wh- and A-not-A questions 94 3.2. Focus particles zaa3 (‘only’) and timl (‘also’) 101 3.2.1. Scope oïzaa3 (‘only’) 101 3.2.2. Scope of timl (‘also’) 106 3.3. A Cinquean analysis? 108 3.4. Summary 110 Chapter 4 Focus-marking devices in Cantonese 111 4.1. Contrastive stress 111 4.2. Right Dislocation 112 4.2.1. ‘Right Dislocation’ in Cantonese is different from Right 113 Dislocation in Romance and Germanic languages 4.2.2. Structure of RD 116 4.2.3. Island constraints and reconstruction 117 4.2.4. D(islocation)-Adjacency Constraint 126 4.2.5. The size of the dislocated string 133 4.2.6. Focus marking 138 4.2.7. Ordering 141 4.2.8. The status of the SFP 144 4.3. The cleft hai (‘be’)-construction 146 4.4. Summary 157 Chapter 5 Meaning of focus particles 158 5.1. Meaning oïzaaS (‘only’) 158 5.1.1. zaa3 vs. zel 164 5.2. Meaning of timl (‘also’) 166 5.2.1. Zung (‘also’) is distinct from timl (‘also’) 168 5.2.2. Semantics of zung (‘also’) and timl (‘also’) 172 5.2.3. Procedural meaning of timl (‘also’) 177 5.3. Summary 188 Chapter 6 Conclusion 191 Bibliography 197 A cknowledgements No words are good enough to show how much I am indebted to my supervisor Neil Smith who has kept me going all these four years. It is a blessing that I have had this chance to work with someone truly inspiring, caring and understanding. From the very beginning when he accepted me in an e-mail to this very last stage, he has never failed me and always remained optimistic, especially at times when the only thing I do is gaze into space. His vast knowledge in everything - everything in linguistics and everything in everything (especially the animal kingdom) - constantly amazes me and doubtless helps shape my ideas and invites me to view things from different perspectives. His well-known sense of humour has not only lightened many moments but also miraculously turned tears into laughter (which I sometimes hate). Without him, I certainly wouldn’t have come this far. I thank him for showing me life is worth living. I thank Hans van de Koot for his enthusiastic MA Syntax lectures which kindled my interest in syntax and from which I finally learnt, even if belatedly, the very first step to approach the study of syntax. If not for him, I would not have trodden on this field and half of this thesis would not have existed. I have benefited a great deal from his constructive comments and criticisms of my half­ cooked drafts. Ad Neeleman has been kind enough to discuss various issues with me. His ingenious ideas always fill me with wonder and I thank him for his generosity in sharing them. I thank Annabel Cormack for some interesting discussions, nice walks and meals together; Deirdre Wilson and Robyn Carston for their encouragement and for showing me how fascinating relevance theory is and clearing up some of my misconceptions; and Moira Yip for bootstrapping my phonology. Thanks also go to Thomas Hun-tak Lee for his initial support. My years at the Department have been made meaningful by a group of fine students. I especially wish to thank Reiko Vermeulen, Dirk Bury and Hitoshi Shiraki for interesting conversations, linguistic or otherwise. I thank other past and current PhD-room inhabitants - Nick Allott, Amela Camdzic, Lee Davis, 8 Dorota Glowacka, Vikki Janke, Hye-Kyung Kang, Marika Lekakou, Alex Perovic, Kriszta Szendroi, Marco Tamburelli, Vina Tsakali, Hiroyuki Uchida, Rosa Vega- Moreno, Tim Wharton and Jenny Yang - for sharing laughter, snacks, computers and linguistic intuitions. I am also lucky to have met and made some good friends with the MA 2000 group. In particular, I wish to thank Romina Vegro for many wonderful trips and keeping me sane at the last stage, and also her family in Verceia, Italy for their hospitality so that I survived two otherwise grim Christmases. I thank Dina Koutsomichali and Jo Thorp for being supportive and understanding. I also thank Keith Chau for his support and judging funny sentences anytime anywhere. Finally, I would like to thank my examiners Wynn Chao and Rint Sybesma for their critical comments. I thank my parents and brother for their unfailing support and especially my parents for providing me with the best possible education opportunities. This thesis is dedicated to them. T a b le s a n d fig u r es Table 1 Cantonese sentence-final particles in CP 62 Figure 1 Architecture of the language faculty 52, 189 10 Abbreviations ASP aspect marker C complementiser CL classifier DE Mandarin nominaliser de EXP experiential marker GE complementiser GEN genitive marker LE Mandarin verbal particle le PRT post-verbal particle SFP sentence-final particle TOP topic marker 11 R omanisation The Linguistic Society of Hong Kong Cantonese romanisation scheme (or Jyutping) (1997) is adopted throughout this thesis. For the sake of convenience, tones are omitted except for sentence-final particles. The following tables show the letter-sound correspondences in this scheme. Onsets b[p] P[P"] m [m] f[f] d[t] t[t“] n [n] 1[1] g[k] k[k"] ng[g] h[h] gw [kw] kw [k'^w] w [w] z[ts] c [ts"] s [s] j[j] R im es e y oe aa u 0 in [e] [y] [oe] [a] [U] M ei ai aai ui oi [ei] [ei] [ai] [ui] [oi] iu eu au aau OU [iu] [eu ] [b u ] [au] [ou] eo i [cy] im em am aam m [im ] [em ] [Bm] [am ] [m ] in en y u n eon an aan un on [in] [en] [yn] [0n] [Bn] [an] [un] [du ] in g en g oen g ang aang ung on g ng [ip] [ep] [œ q] N] [ap] [ o g ] [op] [P] ip ep ap aap [ip] [ep] M [ap] it et y u t o et eot at aat ut ot [it] [et] [yt] [cet] [0t] [Bt] [at] [ut] [ot] ik ek o ek ak aak uk ok [ik] [ek] [oek] [Bk] [ak] [ok] [ok] 12 Tones 1 high level 2 high rising 3 mid level 4 low falling 5 low rising 6 low level Chapter 1 Overview 3\ C h a p t e r 1 O v e r v ie w Cantonese, a Chinese dialect spoken in Guangzhou, Hong Kong and Macau, has an extremely rich inventory of sentence-final particles (SFP) which frequently occur in the colloquial register.
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