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The Making of Deaf Sociality and Aspiration in Urban India by Michele Ilana Friedner a Dissertation Subm

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The Making of Deaf Sociality and Aspiration in Urban India by Michele Ilana Friedner a Dissertation Subm “Future Life How? ”: The Making of Deaf Sociality and Aspiration in Urban India by Michele Ilana Friedner A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the University of California, San Francisco in Medical Anthropology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Lawrence Cohen, Co-Chair Professor Sharon Kaufman, Co-Chair Professor Gillian Hart Professor Vincanne Adams Spring 2011 “Future Life How? ”: The Making of Deaf Sociality and Aspiration in Urban India © 2010 by Michele Ilana Friedner Abstract “Future Life How ?”: The Making of Deaf Sociality and Aspiration in Urban India Michele Ilana Friedner Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the University of California, San Francisco University of California, Berkeley Professor Lawrence Cohen, Co-Chair Professor Sharon Kaufman, Co-Chair With the decline of the public sector in India, corporate rationalities have come to play an increasingly important role in everyday life in urban India. In analyzing this trend, this dissertation tracks what possibilities and constraints these new rationalities offer deaf young adults in the spaces that they circulate through. This dissertation argues that vocational training for deaf people is now focused on creating (immobile) workers for the Information Technology sector and that corporate social responsibility initiatives produce new aspirations and sensibilities in both deaf workers and their “normal” co- workers. These work places, however, are not considered to be stable or fulfilling. As ideas and ideals of modernity circulate, and in the absence of state support, pyramid schemes and deaf churches become spaces of aspiration and development. “Deaf development” refers to the emergence of deaf centered structures and institutions that are run according to deaf social practices and norms. This dissertation argues that new deaf worlds are emerging in which political, social, economic, and pastoral desires articulate with each other and cannot be disentangled. The central thesis is that deaf people create unintended deaf spaces as they circulate through structures and institutions -- educational institutions, vocational training centers, churches, and pyramid scheme recruitment organizations-- that were set up for deaf people but not by them. Deaf young adults, often the majority population at these centers, create dense pedagogical and social communities, or moral worlds, of their own within these spaces in which they patiently and impatiently wait for “deaf development,” pass time, share information and news, and speculate about the future. In creating spaces and socialities, deaf young adults also create deaf selves. As neither the state nor deaf peoples’ families recognize Indian Sign Language, deaf people’s social practices and aspirations are often illegible. Deaf people therefore become oriented towards each other and engage in “sameness work” through which differences are minimized and deaf sociality is created. And as sign language is not just a language-- deaf social practices and aspirations are embedded within its transmission and utilization-- learning sign language means becoming a specific kind of deaf person who becomes oriented towards other deaf people and deaf development. The first work on urban deaf social formations in India, this dissertation explores both what is distinct about deaf experiences in urban India and how deaf Indians are like 1 others. In doing so, it analyzes how the categories of “deaf” and “normal” are produced as norms that exist in relation to each other. This dissertation also considers concepts of deaf similitude and asks how desires for and imaginaries of “deaf development” arise in relation to India’s political economic development and the existence of deaf worlds elsewhere. In contrast to anthropological literature that examines how the discourse of development creates new subjectivities based upon feelings of inferiority, lack, and underdevelopment, this dissertation argues that the discourse of “deaf development” creates subjectivities through cultivating aspirations for and imaginaries of a better future. An “ethnography of circulation,” this work analyzes how spaces of circulation are produced in relation to each other, how circulation produces new selves and socialities, and how discourses circulate. 2 Table of Contents Common Abbreviations Used ii Acknowledgments iv A Note on Practices vi Preface ix Chapter One: Introduction I & II 1 Chapter Two: (Bad) Family/(Good) Friends 19 Chapter Three: Visible and Invisible Training 42 Chapter Four: Remaking Employment 66 Chapter Five: The Church of Deaf Development 89 Chapter Six: Special Friends 110 Chapter Seven: New Seeds/Follow Who ? 133 Chapter Eight: New Possibilities/Welcome to India 156 Chapter Nine: Conclusion/Saved By Deafs or Normals?/ 179 On the Limits of Changing Space References 182 i Common Abbreviations Used AIISH: All India Institute of Speech and Hearing ASL: American Sign Language BDA: Bangalore Deaf Association BEL: Bharat Electronics Limited BEML: Bharat Earth Movers Limited BPO: Business Process Outsourcing CBR: Community Based Rehabilitation CCPD: Chief Commissioner for Persons with Disability CGP: Career Guidance and Placement Office CII: Confederation of Indian Industries CSI: Church of South India CSR: Corporate Social Responsibility DDBSC: Delhi Deaf Brothers and Sisters Club DEF: Deaf Education Foundation DEO: Data Entry Operation DETC: Deaf Empowerment Training Center DDWL: Delhi Deaf Women’s League DPA: Disabled Peoples Association FICCI: Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry HAL Hindustan Aeronautics Limited HR: Human Resources IAS: Indian Administrative Service IDCS: International Deaf Children’s Society IDSA: India Direct Selling Association IGNOU: Indira Gandhi National Open University ISH: Institute for Speech and Hearing ISL: Indian Sign Language IDS: Institute for Deaf Studies IT: Information Technology ITES: Information Technology Enabled Services JSSPPH JSS Polytechnic for the Physically Handicapped MSJE: Ministry for Social Justice and Empowerment NASSCOM: National Association of Software and Service Companies NCDE: National Coalition on Disability and Employment NCR: National Commonwealth Region NGO: Non Governmental Organization NIDA: National Indian Deaf Association NIHH: National Institute for Hearing Handicapped PIDL: Pan Indian Deaf League PM: Prosperity Meeting PWD: Person with Disability RCI: Rehabilitation Council of India SKID: Sheila Kothavala Institute for the Deaf SMS: Short Message Service ii SSLC: Secondary School Leaving Certificate UNCRPD: United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities WHO: World Health Organization WWD: Worker with Disability iii Acknowledgements Conducting research for and writing this dissertation was an incredibly rich, rewarding, and exciting process. I have my many dear friends, interlocutors, mentors, colleagues, and family to thank for this (and these categories are intermingled). As I have used pseudonyms for all of my interlocutors (many of whom are also dear friends), I cannot mention them by their names. I would especially like to thank the people who I have named Radhika, Chetan, and Sushma for their support with my research, their patience for all of my questions, and the enthusiasm that they too invested into this project. I also thank all of the church communities which I became apart of, the members of Silver Venture for permitting me to attend their meetings and functions, and all of the vocational training centers and sites of employment which generously and graciously permitted me to spend time in their midst. My interlocutors offered me companionship, wonderful conversation, cups of tea, and meals—I thank them for this. I have a special debt to the NGO which I have called the Disabled Peoples Association for permitting me to become a part of the life of their vocational training center. In Bangalore, I thank Vanita, Joella, and Johnny Thomas for providing me with a beautiful home to live in as well as incredible hospitality and friendship. I also thank Ida, Kezia, and Rebecca Thomas for being the best neighbors ever. Meenu Bhambani also opened her home and life to me while conducting preliminary fieldwork in 2007 and has been an amazing friend, mentor, and guide throughout my fieldwork. Nanda Kishore, Sravanthi Dasari, Lillian D’Costa and Nagaraj P. have also been great friends and occasional partners in crime at times throughout my research. In Delhi, I thank the women (and one man) of the Delhi Deaf Women’s League for always welcoming me with cups of chai, generously shared lunches, and invitations to visit them at home. I also thank all of the students at the new B.A. program in New Delhi, especially the young women, for wonderful conversations and meals. And of course I thank Dharmesh, Vikas/Smile and Atul for putting up with my questions and presence, and permitting me to visit their programs and institutions. In Coimbatore I thank Renuka of the organization that I call the International Fellowship for opening her home to me. Madan Vasishta at Gallaudet University was very helpful and encouraging at the beginning of this project. I have been lucky to have a wonderful dissertation committee, “a dream team,” made up of Lawrence Cohen, Sharon Kaufman, Vincanne Adams, and Gillian Hart. I thank them all for their careful reads, pointed questions, and important suggestions. Sharon Kaufman’s
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