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Combinatorial Voting

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Combinatorial Voting http://www.econometricsociety.org/ Econometrica, Vol. 80, No. 1 (January, 2012), 89–141 COMBINATORIAL VOTING DAVID S. AHN University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-3880, U.S.A. SANTIAGO OLIVEROS Haas School of Business, UC Berkeley, Berkeley, CA 94720-1900, U.S.A. The copyright to this Article is held by the Econometric Society. It may be downloaded, printed and reproduced only for educational or research purposes, including use in course packs. No downloading or copying may be done for any commercial purpose without the explicit permission of the Econometric Society. For such commercial purposes contact the Office of the Econometric Society (contact information may be found at the website http://www.econometricsociety.org or in the back cover of Econometrica). This statement must be included on all copies of this Article that are made available electronically or in any other format. Econometrica, Vol. 80, No. 1 (January, 2012), 89–141 COMBINATORIAL VOTING BY DAVID S. AHN AND SANTIAGO OLIVEROS1 We study elections that simultaneously decide multiple issues, where voters have in- dependent private values over bundles of issues. The innovation is in considering non- separable preferences, where issues may be complements or substitutes. Voters face a political exposure problem: the optimal vote for a particular issue will depend on the resolution of the other issues. Moreover, the probabilities that the other issues will pass should be conditioned on being pivotal. We prove that equilibrium exists when distributions over values have full support or when issues are complements. We then study large elections with two issues. There exists a nonempty open set of distributions where the probability of either issue passing fails to converge to either 1 or 0 for all limit equilibria. Thus, the outcomes of large elections are not generically predictable with independent private values, despite the fact that there is no aggregate uncertainty regarding fundamentals. While the Condorcet winner is not necessarily the outcome of a multi-issue election, we provide sufficient conditions that guarantee the implementa- tion of the Condorcet winner. KEYWORDS: Combinatorial voting, multi-issue elections, strategic voting. 1. INTRODUCTION PROPOSITIONS 1A AND 1B of the 2006 California general election both aimed to increase funding for transportation improvements.2 Suppose a voter prefers some increased funding and supports either proposition by itself, but given the state’s fiscal situation also prefers that both measures fail together than pass together. She views the propositions as substitutes. However, the ballot does not elicit her preferences over bundles of transportation measures, but only a separate up–down vote on each proposition. If she votes up on Proposition 1A while Proposition 1B passes, she contributes to the undesired passage of both measures. On the other hand, if Proposition 1B were to fail, she would like to see Proposition 1A pass to fund some transportation improvements. How should she vote? Some subtle considerations complicate the answer to this question. What is the likelihood that she is pivotal on either proposition or both? The issue here is that there are multiple pivotal events. If she is piv- otal on some proposition, what is the conditional likelihood that the other will pass or fail? The issue here is that central strategic conjectures must be ap- propriately conditioned on the particular pivotal event. The natural model for these questions is a game of incomplete information. The model begs other 1We thank a co-editor and four anonymous referees for constructive guidance; in particular, Section 5 is a direct result of their suggestions. We also thank Georgy Egorov, Nenad Kos, Cesar Martinelli, Tom Palfrey, Ken Shotts, and various seminar participants for helpful comments. We acknowledge the National Science Foundation for financial support under Grant SES-0851704. 2Proposition 1A dedicated gasoline taxes for transportation improvements, at the exclusion of other uses, while Proposition 1B issued $20 billion in bonds to fund improvements. Both measures passed by large margins. © 2012 The Econometric Society DOI: 10.3982/ECTA9294 90 D. S. AHN AND S. OLIVEROS questions. Does equilibrium exist? What does it look like? Does it exhibit special properties in large elections? Are equilibrium outcomes predictable? Are these outcomes ordinally efficient? For elections with nonseparable is- sues, these basic questions are still unanswered. To our knowledge, this is the first paper to follow the strategic implications of electoral complementarity or substitution to their equilibrium conclusions, and makes initial progress in ad- dressing these concerns. 1.1. An Example The following example illustrates the strategic delicacy of elections with mul- tiple issues. There are two issues, say propositions 1 and 2. Each voter’s private values for the four possible bundles ∅ {1} {2},and{1 2} can be represented as a four-dimensional type θ = (θ∅θ1θ2θ12),whereθA denotes the value for bundle A. Voters’ types are independent and identically distributed with the discrete distribution ⎧ ⎨ (δ 0 0 1) with probability 1 − 2ε, = θ ⎩ (1 0 0 0) with probability ε, (0 1 0 0) with probability ε, where δ ε > 0 are arbitrarily small. With high probability 1 − 2ε, a voter wants both issues to pass, but slightly prefers both issues to fail than to have either issue pass alone. With small probability ε, a voter is either type (1 0 0 0) and wants both issues to fail or type (0 1 0 0) and wants issue 1 to pass alone. In either case, she is indifferent between her less preferred alternatives. It is a dominant strategy for type (1 0 0 0) to vote down on both issues and for type (0 1 0 0) to support issue 1 and vote against issue 2. The question is how type (δ 0 0 1) should vote. A natural conjecture is that type (δ 0 0 1) should vote up on both issues in any large election. Then the conjectured equilibrium strategy s∗ as a function of types is s∗(δ 0 0 1) ={1 2} s∗(1 0 0 0) =∅ s∗(0 1 0 0) ={1} where s∗(θ) refers to the issues that type θ supports. When voters play this strategy, both issues will have majority support in large elections, which is ef- ficient. The suggested strategy might appear to be incentive compatible, since (δ 0 0 1) should vote up for either issue when she is confident that the other issue will pass. However, the proposed strategy is not an equilibrium in large elections be- cause the conditional probability that the residual issue passes is starkly dif- ferent from the unconditional probability. Consider a voter deciding whether COMBINATORIAL VOTING 91 to support issue 1. She correctly reasons that her support only matters when she is pivotal for issue 1. When the other votes on issue 1 are split, she is in the unlikely state of the world where half of the other voters are of type (1 0 0 0), since this is the only type who vote against issue 1. Moreover, in large elections, there will be some voters of type (0 1 0 0).Thenvotersoftype(δ 0 0 1) comprise a strict minority. Since these are the only types who support issue 2, this voter should conclude that issue 2 will surely fail whenever she is pivotal for issue 1 in a large election. Therefore, type (δ 0 0 1) should vote down on issue 1 because she prefers the bundle ∅ yielding utility δ to the bundle {1} yielding utility 0. In fact, the only equilibrium in weakly undominated strate- gies is for type (δ 0 0 1) to vote down on both issues, inducing the ex ante inefficient social outcome of the empty bundle in large elections.3 Finally observe that had δ been equal to 0, then type (δ 0 0 1) = (0 0 0 1) would have had a dominant strategy to vote up on both issues. In this case, the suggested strategy where s∗(δ 0 0 1) ={1 2} would be an equilibrium and the efficient bundle would be implemented in large elections. So a small amount of nonseparability, that is, a slightly positive δ>0, is enough to remove efficiency and change the outcome of the election. 1.2. A Political Exposure Problem The basic complication for elections with nonseparable issues is the wedge between the unconditional probability that an issue will pass and the condi- tional probability when a voter is pivotal on another issue. This resonates with existing analyses of strategic voting on a single issue with interdependent val- ues; for example, see Austen-Smith and Banks (1996)orFeddersen and Pe- sendorfer (1997). In these models, being pivotal provides additional informa- tion regarding other voters’ signals about an unknown state of the world. The intuition for the “swing voter’s curse” is analogous to the importance of strate- gic conditioning in common value auctions for a single item, where it leads to the winner’s curse and strategic underbidding. In both single-object auctions and single-issue elections with common values, strategic conditioning com- plicates information aggregation and efficiency. This is because the expected value of the object or the proposal is different when the player conditions on being the winner of the auction or the pivotal voter of the election. The intuition for multi-issue elections also has a relationship with auction theory, but with a different branch. Here, the wedge is related to the exposure problem in combinatorial auctions for multiple items, which exists even with private values. Suppose two items are sold in separate auctions. Consider a bid- der with complementary valuations who desires only the bundle of both items. 3A related example on voting over binary agendas is Ordeshook and Palfrey (1988).
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