DOCSLIB.ORG

Risks of Corruption to State Legitimacy and Stability in Fragile Situations Sarah Dix Karen Hussmann Grant Walton

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Risks of Corruption to State Legitimacy and Stability in Fragile Situations Sarah Dix Karen Hussmann Grant Walton U4 ISSUE May 2012 No 3 Risks of corruption to state legitimacy and stability in fragile situations Sarah Dix Karen Hussmann Grant Walton Anti- Corruption Resource Centre www.U4.no U4 is a web-based resource centre for development practitioners who wish to effectively address corruption challenges in their work. U4 is operated by the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) – an independent centre for research on international development and policy – and is funded by AusAID (Australia), BTC (Belgium), CIDA (Canada), DFID (UK), GIZ (Germany), Norad (Norway), Sida (Sweden) and The Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All views expressed in this Issue are those of the author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the U4 Partner Agencies or CMI/ U4. (Copyright 2012 - CMI/U4) Risks of corruption to state legitimacy and stability in fragile situations By Sarah Dix Karen Hussmann Grant Walton U4 Issue May 2012 No 3 This U4 Publication is a revised version of a paper produced by U4 and Tiri for the UK Department for International Development (DFID) under its Research for Development initiative. Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................................................... v Abbreviations ................................................................................................................................................... v Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................ vii Part I: Introduction, concepts, and methods .................................................................................................... 1 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Literature review ...................................................................................................................................... 3 2.1 Definitions of key concepts .................................................................................................................. 3 2.2 Corruption, legitimacy, and stability .................................................................................................... 6 2.3 Assumed impact of anti-corruption efforts ......................................................................................... 8 2.4 Summary .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3. Methodology .......................................................................................................................................... 10 3.1 Research question .............................................................................................................................. 10 3.2 Case selection .................................................................................................................................... 10 3.3 Primary data ....................................................................................................................................... 10 3.4 Secondary data .................................................................................................................................. 13 3.5 Limitations.......................................................................................................................................... 14 Part II: Research Findings ............................................................................................................................... 15 4. Country Context: Political Background and Citizen Views of Corruption, Legitimacy, and Stability ...... 15 4.1 Liberia................................................................................................................................................. 15 4.2 Nepal .................................................................................................................................................. 19 4.3 Colombia ............................................................................................................................................ 23 4.4 Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 27 5. Elite Respondents’ Views: Key Issues, Legitimacy, and Stability ............................................................. 30 5.1 Contextualising concern over corruption .......................................................................................... 30 5.2 Legitimacy .......................................................................................................................................... 30 5.3 Stability .............................................................................................................................................. 32 5.4 Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 33 6. Elite Respondents’ Views: Risks of Corruption to State Legitimacy and Stability ................................... 35 6.1 How does corruption affect legitimacy? ............................................................................................ 35 6.2 How does corruption affect stability? ................................................................................................ 37 6.3 Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 40 7. Anti-Corruption Efforts and Their Effects on State Legitimacy and Stability .......................................... 42 7.1 Positive effects of anti-corruption on legitimacy and stability .......................................................... 42 7.2 Negative effects of anti-corruption on legitimacy and stability ......................................................... 44 7.3 Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 45 Part III: Conclusions and Recommendations ................................................................................................... 47 8. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................. 47 9. Recommendations .................................................................................................................................. 49 References ..................................................................................................................................................... 54 Appendix 1: Interview Guide .......................................................................................................................... 61 Appendix 2: Government and Economic Context ........................................................................................... 64 Appendix 3: Recommendations from Respondents ........................................................................................ 67 iii U4 Issue 2012:3 Risks of corruption to state legitimacy and www.U4.no stability in fragile situations Abstract Examining the cases of Liberia, Nepal and Colombia, this study asks how corruption poses risks to political legitimacy and stability in fragile situations. The report focuses on the key role of elites and their views of the state's legitimacy in determining the extent to which there will be instability or stability. Qualitative interviews of elites show that two particular patronage scenarios are seen as threatening stability. One is when the state or illegal actors sustain a corrupt network by violently eliminating opponents. The other is when corruption benefits few people, the benefits are not distributed “fairly,” and the population’s basic needs are not met. Public opinion data suggest that despite corruption, the legitimacy of governments and public institutions in the three countries studied is reasonably high. The impact of corruption on legitimacy and stability is mitigated by other factors. Anti-corruption initiatives potentially strengthen state legitimacy, but undermine it if they fail to deliver or become too far-reaching. In conclusion, the report makes recommendations to the international community for prioritising action on corruption. iv U4 Issue 2012:3 Risks of corruption to state legitimacy and www.U4.no stability in fragile situations Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank researchers Alberto Maldonado and Ana Carolina González (Colombia); Narayan Manandhar, Rosy Adhikari, T. N. Ghemire, Bimal Gautmam, and C. K. Jha (Nepal); and G. Jasper Cummeh III, Shine Williams, Regina Elliot, Naomi Myers, and Brezhnev Paasewe (Liberia) for the crucial national-level adaptation of the research methodology, as well as for data collection, country profiles, and continuous feedback and guidance. We appreciate feedback on earlier drafts of this report from advisory committee members Liz Hart, Dan Smith, Alina Rocha Menocal, Michael Koros, and Fredrik Galtung, as well as Anna Walters and colleagues
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Changing of the Guards Or a Change of Systems?
    BTI 2020 A Changing of the Guards or A Change of Systems? Regional Report Sub-Saharan Africa Nic Cheeseman BTI 2020 | A Changing of the Guards or A Change of Systems? Regional Report Sub-Saharan Africa By Nic Cheeseman Overview of transition processes in Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe This regional report was produced in October 2019. It analyzes the results of the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2020 in the review period from 1 February 2017 to 31 January 2019. Author Nic Cheeseman Professor of Democracy and International Development University of Birmingham Responsible Robert Schwarz Senior Project Manager Program Shaping Sustainable Economies Bertelsmann Stiftung Phone 05241 81-81402 [email protected] www.bti-project.org | www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/en Please quote as follows: Nic Cheeseman, A Changing of the Guards or A Change of Systems? — BTI Regional Report Sub-Saharan Africa, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020. https://dx.doi.org/10.11586/2020048 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY 4.0). Cover: © Freepick.com / https://www.freepik.com/free-vector/close-up-of-magnifying-glass-on- map_2518218.htm A Changing of the Guards or A Change of Systems? — BTI 2020 Report Sub-Saharan Africa | Page 3 Contents Executive Summary .......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: Coalition Situations and Government Transitions
    SIGMA Papers No. 22 Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: OECD Coalition Situations and Government Transitions https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kml614vl4wh-en Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques OLIS : 10-Feb-1998 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Dist. : 11-Feb-1998 __________________________________________________________________________________________ Or. Eng. SUPPORT FOR IMPROVEMENT IN GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES (SIGMA) A JOINT INITIATIVE OF THE OECD/CCET AND EC/PHARE Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA Cancels & replaces the same document: distributed 26-Jan-1998 ( 98 ) 1 MANAGEMENT CHALLENGES AT THE CENTRE OF GOVERNMENT: COALITION SITUATIONS AND GOVERNMENT TRANSITIONS SIGMA PAPERS: No. 22 Or. En 61747 g . Document complet disponible sur OLIS dans son format d'origine Complete document available on OLIS in its original format CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 THE SIGMA PROGRAMME SIGMA — Support for Improvement in Governance and Management in Central and Eastern European Countries — is a joint initiative of the OECD Centre for Co-operation with the Economies in Transition and the European Union’s Phare Programme. The initiative supports public administration reform efforts in thirteen countries in transition, and is financed mostly by Phare. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development is an intergovernmental organisation of 29 democracies with advanced market economies. The Centre channels the Organisation’s advice and assistance over a wide range of economic issues to reforming countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Phare provides grant financing to support its partner countries in Central and Eastern Europe to the stage where they are ready to assume the obligations of membership of the European Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Direct Democracy an Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008
    Direct Democracy An Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Cover design by: Helena Lunding Map design: Kristina Schollin-Borg Graphic design by: Bulls Graphics AB Printed by: Bulls Graphics AB ISBN: 978-91-85724-54-3 Contents 1. Introduction: the instruments of direct democracy 4 2. When the authorities call a referendum 5 Procedural aspects 9 Timing 10 The ballot text 11 The campaign: organization and regulation 11 Voting qualifications, mechanisms and rules 12 Conclusions 13 3. When citizens take the initiative: design and political considerations 14 Design aspects 15 Restrictions and procedures 16 Conclusions 18 4. Agenda initiatives: when citizens can get a proposal on the legislative agenda 19 Conclusions 21 5.
    [Show full text]
  • The E-Parliament Election Index: A
    The e-Parliament Election Index A global survey on the quality of practices in parliamentary elections by Professor M. Steven Fish University of California-Berkeley EMBARGOED: 12 noon GMT May 8th 2009 1 pm British Summer Time 2 pm South African Time 2 pm Central European Time 5.30 pm Indian Time 8 am New York Time 5 am California Time FOR MORE INFORMATION: Please contact Jasper Bouverie on +44-1233-812037 or [email protected] e-Parliament Election Index 2008-09 0-5 = closed or no electoral process 6-8 = restrictive electoral process 9-10 = mostly open electoral process 11-12 = open electoral process This data was collected by Professor Steve Fish of Berkeley University in California. Only countries with populations of over 250,000 were evaluated Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Country Ratings 19 e-Parliament Election Index 59 Expert Consultants 64 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In the modern world, national legislatures are the primary nexus between the government and the governed. In some polities, they are what Max Weber said they should be: the “proper palaestra” of political struggle. In such places, the link between state and society is often robust. In other countries the legislature is a mere decoration, rendering the link between rulers and the ruled tenuous or nonexistent. Where parliaments are strong, there is at least some prospect for popular control over the rulers. Where they are weak, there is a high probability that relations between rulers and the ruled will take the form of domination rather than governance. Where legislatures are strong, elections for them are momentous events.
    [Show full text]
  • The Term Decentralization Is Used So Commonly And
    Decentralization – Key Issues, Major Trends and Future Developments Lidija R. Basta The term decentralization is used so commonly and Professor at the Institute yet defined so variously that it will be necessary to indicate of Federalism, University its usage in this text with some precision. To begin with, of Fribourg there are two, separable but closely linked themes which cover the issue of decentralization: a) intergovernmental processes, i.e. decentralization of gover- nance between levels of government from federal/central to state/local; b) deregulation, i.e., decentralization from governments to market, quasi-market and non-governmental organizations (the balance of public sector compared with market resource allocation).1 The article will focus on the first dimension and address decen- tralization as a specific concept of state organization and method of governance, including major issues of economic and fiscal decentralization, since this aspect has mainly been understood as decentralization stricto sensu. 28 Decentralization is of itself a relative, rather than absolute con- cept, which can be understood only “against either different nor- mative models or different practical starting points”. When addressing the intergovernmental structures and processes of decentralization, the analytical and empirical approaches are to be combined, taking two facts equally into account: (a) that also when referred to governmental structure and relating functions, the term “decentralization” describes development, (the process of) change from a former to a new institutional set-up; (b) that any categorization of decentralization trends faces the problem of how to conceptually incorporate the influence of the specificity of given local context. The latter has four dimensions: a) the level of economic development, b) the extent of development of representative democracy and experience of democratic systems, c) the structure of the settlement system (urban vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Competition Agencies, Independence, and the Political Process
    Unclassified DAF/COMP/WD(2014)86 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Économiques Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 27-Nov-2014 ___________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________ English - Or. English DIRECTORATE FOR FINANCIAL AND ENTERPRISE AFFAIRS COMPETITION COMMITTEE Unclassified DAF/COMP/WD(2014)86 COMPETITION AGENCIES, INDEPENDENCE, AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS -- Chapter by William Kovacic (George Washington University, United States) -- 17-18 December 2014 This chapter by William Kovacic (George Washington University, United States) was submitted as background material for the Roundtable on Changes in Institutional Design of Competition Authorities which will take place at the 122nd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 17-18 December 2014. It is an extract from Competition Policy and the Economic Approach, edited by Josef Drexl, Wolfgang Kerber and Rupprecht Podszun. Published by Edward Elgar, 2011. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the Organisation or of the governments of its member countries. More documents related to this discussion can be found at http://www.oecd.org/daf/competition/changes-in- competition-institutional-design.htm. This document is available as a PDF only English JT03367265 Complete document available on OLIS in its original format - This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of Or international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. English DAF/COMP/WD(2014)86 2 Graham HD:Users:Graham:Public:GRAHAM'S IMAC JOBS:12764 - EE - DREXL:M2555 - DREXL PRINT 16. Competition agencies, independence, and the political process William E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment
    The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works
    UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title HAS LIBERIA TURNED A CORNER? Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4394423f Journal JOURNAL OF DEMOCRACY, 29(3) ISSN 1045-5736 Authors Spatz, Benjamin J Thaler, Kai M Publication Date 2018-07-01 DOI 10.1353/jod.2018.0052 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Has Liberia Turned a Corner? Benjamin J. Spatz, Kai M. Thaler Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 3, July 2018, pp. 156-170 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0052 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/698925 No institutional affiliation (16 Jul 2018 18:21 GMT) HAS LIBERIA TURNED A CORNER? Benjamin J. Spatz and Kai M. Thaler Benjamin J. Spatz is a doctoral candidate at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a Jennings Randolph Peace Scholar at the U.S. Institute of Peace. He has worked on Liberia since 2005, including serving on the UN Panel of Experts on Liberia during 2012–15. Kai M. Thaler is assistant professor of global studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. The January 2018 inauguration of Liberia’s newly elected president George Weah marked the small West African country’s first transfer of power between democratically elected leaders since its founding 171 years earlier. After an electoral process marred by charges of irregularities and court-ordered delays, Weah’s clear runoff victory was followed rapidly by the concession of his opponent, Unity Party (UP) candidate and incum- bent vice-president Joseph Boakai.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Or Parliamentary Does It Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz
    VrA Democracy: Presidential or Parliamentary Does it Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz Pelatiah Pert Professor of Political and Social Sciences Yale University July 1985 Paper prepared for the project, "The Role of Political Parties in the Return to Democracy in the Southern Cone," sponsored by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the World Peace Foundation Copyright © 1985 by Juan J. Linz / INTRODUCTION In recent decades renewed efforts have been made to study and understand the variety of political democracies, but most of those analyses have focused on the patterns of political conflict and more specifically on party systems and coalition formation, in contrast to the attention of many classical writers on the institutional arrangements. With the exception of the large literature on the impact of electorul systems on the shaping of party systems generated by the early writings of Ferdinand Hermens and the classic work by Maurice Duverger, as well as the writings of Douglas Rae and Giovanni Sartori, there has been little attention paid by political scientists to the role of political institutions except in the study of particular countries. Debates about monarchy and republic, parliamentary and presidential regimes, the unitary state and federalism have receded into oblivion and not entered the current debates about the functioning of democra-ic and political institutions and practices, including their effect on the party systems. At a time when a number of countries initiate the process of writing or rewriting constitu­ tions, some of those issues should regain salience and become part of what Sartori has called "political engineering" in an effort to set the basis of democratic consolidation and stability.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Analysis Between the Constitutional Processes in Egypt and Tunisia - Lessons Learnt - Overview of the Constitutional Situation in Libya
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESSES IN EGYPT AND TUNISIA - LESSONS LEARNT - OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SITUATION IN LIBYA Abstract The 2014 Constitutions of Egypt and Tunisia, though enacted at the same time and as a consequence of very similar revolutionary forces, are different in style and content. Egypt has fallen back to the structures of the 1971 Constitution and will likely experience further restoration of the authoritarian presidentialism. The Armed Forces continue to play a dominant background role in the political and constitutional life of the country. Tunisia seems to have embraced a new constitutional paradigm that is based on a modern approach to human rights protection and a balanced institutional framework that provides for substantial checks and balances between the three branches of government. The constitutional drafting process in Libya is overshadowed by a pronounced lack of security, the absence of functioning state institutions, societal fragmentation, and the uneven distribution of natural wealth. National reconciliation is a key precondition of successful political and constitutional transition but the process has to date been a very difficult one. There are indications, however, that stakeholders in Libya are trying to build consensus on important aspects of the process. The 1951 Constitution, based on a federal framework, offers the best conceptual framework for the recently elected
    [Show full text]
  • Governance, Corruption, and Conflict
    A STUDY GUIDE SERIES ON PEACE AND CONFLICT FOR INDEPENDENT LEARNERS AND CLASSROOM INSTRUCTORS GOVERNANCE, CORRUPTION, AND CONFLICT UNITED STATE S IN S TIT U TE OF PEACE Washington, D.C. Table of Contents 3. Preface 2 Introduction 4 Corruption 4 Corruption, Society, and Governance 9 Corruption, Conflict, and Peacebuilding 16 Conclusion 22 Glossary 23 Discussion and Investigation Activities 27 Discussion I: Introduction to Governance and Corruption 27 Discussion II: Identifying Corruption and the Role of Governance in Conflict 28 Activity I: Analyzing Recommendations 29 Activity II: Simulation 31 Resources 44 Notes 50 Study Guide Series on Peace and Conflict 1 Governance, Corruption, and Conflict “I Miss Mao” by Xiao Chi An "I have good news," Fan Xiaoli told her brother, Fan Dayi, on the phone one day in PrefaceAugust 2008 (the family's names have been changed). "I've finally found someone who can help us to send Yuanyuan to the school." TheThey international were talking about system how tohas get witnessed dramatic changes in the recent past. Questions relatingYuanyuan, to Fan how Xiaoli's and when daughter, ordinary into a citizens can stand against oppression, injustice, and abuseprestigious without junior resorting high school to in violence Guangzhou, challenge all of us to rethink our understanding of internationalChina. When test peace results and were conflict. released Asin mid academicians,- educators, practitioners, private citizens,July, Yuanyuan and students, did not do wellwhat enough is our to role in this increasingly complex global picture? What canmeet we the doschool's to nurture entrance and requirements. preserve international security and world peace? Xiaoli was as disappointed as her daughter.
    [Show full text]
  • Factors Which Prolong Civil Conflict in Africa: the Case of Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2015 Factors Which Prolong Civil Conflict in Africa: The Case of Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone Ntesang Lorraine Molemele CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/337 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Factors Which Prolong Civil Conflict in Africa: The Case of Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone Written by: Ntesang Lorraine Molemele Student number: 2824 Supervised by: Prof. J. Braveboy- Wagner A thesis report submitted to the Department of International Relations in partial fulfillment of Master of International Affairs in the Department of International Relations, City University of New York, City College 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It has been a long journey for this thesis accomplishment and now finally it is accomplished. First and foremost I thank God for my mother, Seskhutshwe, who has always wanted her children to accomplish through education. It would not have been possible of course without my dad, Judge and my little sister Ikey. My 9 year old daughter, I also thank her for always making sure she did not disturb me whenever I had to concentrate on this project. Above all, I wish to express my gratitude to my exceedingly patient Professor and supervisor, Jacqueline Braveboy. I have probably been one of the laziest of them all. But I thank her for the patience.
    [Show full text]