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The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
Of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police Shoot Demonstrators Dead As They Say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1I Ote Dm ,Ve Right) Entrelpages
ANTI-APARTHEID NEW ANTI-APARTHEID NEW TI " newuinpa" of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police shoot demonstrators dead as they say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1i ote dm ,ve right) entrelpages. Kissinger buys time for whites campa ui moveme . La South wl .s i EC wil 'a nion recognise Transkei AT a meeting in September that what the Foreig Ministers of the carrythe nine EEC countries announced hole labo r that they wbuld not extend rebognition to the Transkei ramm Bantustan when Suth Africa rgrants it "independence on iOctober 26. KADER ASMAL, Vice Chairman of ,tment the Irish Anti-Apartheid has adopted Movement, explains the back0s5is for a ground to the decision, page 8 stment in )support SWAPO rejects SA i move on Namibia 11 1r. ai -iusive nerview witn AA NEWS, PETER KATJAVIViSWAPO' s Western European representative, sets out the liberation movement's case, page 9. Smith dismisses death appeals SO far this year, at least 37 Zimbabweans have had their appeals against death senfenee 2 . ACTION-NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL Britain Haringey HARINGEY Anti-Apartheid Group has held two suCjcessful house meetings and discussion groups on the Soweto crisis and after, and is planning for a major public meeting in October. Solly Smith and Ronnie Kasrils addressed groups in Crouch End andMuswell Hill on the implications of the current wave of strikes and protests in South Africa and the role of the African National Congress. On October 21 the Group is arranging a follow up to the Labour Party Conference in the form of a public meeting at which the main speaker will be Hornsey Labour Party's recently adopted Parliamen tary candidate, Ted Knight SACTU THE trade union and labour movewent must give overwhelming support to the Labour Party NEC call for a freeze on investment, mandatory economic sanctions and the halting of sales of any equipmant which enhances South Africa's military capacity. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
The Namibia Voter Education Proj Ect October 15 - December 15, 1992
Final Report: The Namibia Voter Education Proj ect October 15 - December 15, 1992 ..... The National Democratic. Institute for International Affairs in cooperation with the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS • FAX (202) 939·3166 Suite 503,1717 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C 20036 (202) 328'3136 • Telex 5106015068 NDlIA This report was drafted by Sean Kelly, the representative of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) in Namibia. Mr. Kelly served as an advisor to the Namibian J3roadcasting Corporation during the voter education project that began October 15 and continued until December 15, 1992. conducting nonpartisan international programs to help maintain and str81lgth81l democratic institutions ~" TABLE OF CONTENTS I. SUlVIMARY . .. 1 ll. BACKGROUND . .. 1 The 1992 Regional and Local Elections'in Namibia . .. 1 The Official U. S. View .,. .. 2 m. THE NDI-NBC VOTER EDUCATION PROJECT. .. 3 NDl's Functional Expertise . .. 3 NDl's Program in Namibia . .. 3 NBC as a Channel to the Namibian Voter . .. 4 Guidelines for 'NDI-NBC Cooperation ........................... 4 How the Project Worked .............. " . .. 5 Election Programming . .. 7 The Role of the Political Parties . .. 8 IV. CONCLUSION........................................ 9 APPENDICES I. Sampling of Advertisements in Namibian press for NBC programs II. NBC Voter Education Program Final Report ill. NDI-NBC Radio Drama "We Are Going to the Polls" I. SUMMARY From October 15 to December 15, 1992, the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NO!) conducted a voter education project in Namibia through a cooperative agreement with the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC). The project's goal was both educational and motivational -- to inform Namibians about the process and purpose of the 1992 Regional and Local Elections and to motivate them to participate by registering to vote and, ultimately, to cast their ballots. -
Letters from a Fish to His Admiral (Pdf)
LETTERS FROM A FISH TO HIS ADMIRAL BEING BRITANNIA NEWSLETTERS 1-20 17th November 1953 – 9th April 1954 from Acting Captain J S Dalglish, Royal Navy to Rear Admiral Connoly Abel Smith, Royal Navy (temporarily absent with Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II on board the S.S. GOTHIC for the Commonwealth tour of 1953/4) COMMISSIONING BRITANNIA The following notes and letters were written by Acting Captain J S Dalglish, the Officer in charge of Commissioning BRITANNIA, and getting her ready for Royal service, between November 1953 and April 1954. They were written to Rear Admiral Conolly Abel Smith who was on SS Gothic, in temporary use as a Royal Yacht, for The Queen’s Commonwealth Tour 53/54. Upon his return to the UK, Admiral Abel Smith would then become in charge of BRITANNIA, as the first Flag Officer Royal Yachts (FORY). Throughout his career Captain Dalglish was known as FISH. We have a copy of his autobiography – Life Story of a Fish. Prologue SOME RANDOM THOUGHTS ON “BRITANNIA” AT THE BEGINNING. Selection Officers were nominated by Flag Officer Royal Yachts after personal interviews, after which approval was formally given from the Palace. Royal Yachtsmen (who were ranked as ‘Riggers’ in V&A, but with us they became just ‘Yachtsmen’), were all volunteers in response to an AFO in 1953. About 1,000 names came up and we began, of course, with examination of Service Certificates from which any who were not VG Superior were eliminated (although I seem to remember some of our Stokers were VG Satisfactory because of numbers). -
Federal Arrangements As a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(S): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol
Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device during South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(s): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol. 31, No. 4, (Autumn, 2001), pp. 93-106 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3331063 Accessed: 10/06/2008 15:34 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Nico Steytler Universityof the WesternCape Johann Mettler Universityof the WesternCape Federal arrangements are often used as a way of keeping deeply divided societies together. -
OOLWORTHS Yesterday It Emerged That the Public Service ADDING QUALITY to Commission Has Yet to LIFE
* ,TODAY: NEW MASSACRES ROCK RWANDA ft PARR-GOER 'BRAAIED' *'· MODISE GOES FOR WEEKLY MAIL * Bringing Africa South Vol.3 No.427 N$1.50 (GST Inc.) Friday Jun_e 10 1994 DON'T MISS OUT! DON'T MISS your copy Shadow 'cuts' of The Weekender, in today's The Namlblan. Two cash prizes can be won· N$100 in our chess competition, and N$150 In the Spot The Word quiz. at Education PLUS a new book on sex education could be controversial, TV guides, Ministry shuffles but doubts over financial saving music reviews, arts and all _ the other regular features • • STAFF REPORTER THERE IS doubt as to whether the **************** rationalisation plan currently in effect In our Readers' Letters in the Ministry of Education will result today, readers state their in any significant financial saving. views on the Garoebl It appears that most of PSC's Department of Tjingaele/Unam saga. the affected staff are be- cont. on page 2 ingtransferredintolower .----.:=:.:::.:..!:~:...:.._-L:::::::==============~ posts while keeping their existing benefits. Most of the posts are also said to be vacant and not budgeted for this year. A weekly newspaper M f~I..... )~CL claimed this week that the restructuring will re sult in a 30 per cent re duction in the Ministry's annual expenditure. OOLWORTHS Yesterday it emerged that the Public Service ADDING QUALITY TO Commission has yet to LIFE. approve the rationalisa- tion proposal for the Ministry of Education and Culture, despite Attention all scores of officials receiv ing letters informing them of their new posi tions this week. -
The European Suffrage Movement and Democracy in the European Community, 1948-1973
Journal of Contemporary European Research Volume 10, Issue 1 (2014) A Salutary Shock: The European Suffrage Movement and Democracy in the European Community, 1948-1973 Eric O’Connor University of Wisconsin-Madison Citation O’Connor, E. (2014). ‘A Salutary Shock: The European Suffrage Movement and Democracy in the European Community, 1948-1973’, Journal of Contemporary European Research. 10 (1), pp. 57-73. First published at: www.jcer.net Volume 10, Issue 1 (2014) jcer.net Eric O’Connor Abstract This article examines the experience of democratic participation during the European Community’s most undemocratic era, 1948-1973. An important segment of European activists, a suffrage movement of sorts, considered European-wide elections as the most effective technique of communicating European unity and establishing the EC’s democratic credentials. Going beyond strictly information dissemination, direct elections would engage citizens in ways pamphlets, protests, and petitions could not. Other political elites, however, preferred popular democracy in the form of national referendums, if at all. This article examines the origins and implications of incorporating the two democratic procedures (national referendums and direct elections) into the EC by the end of the 1970s. It also identifies a perceived deficit in democracy as a spectre that has haunted European activists since the first post-war European institutions of the late 1940s, a spectre that has always been closely related to an information deficit. Based on archival research across Western -
ANGOLA ZAMBIA Ovausciland RHODESIA BOTSWANA SOUTH
4 • • ANGOLA ZAMBIA OvAUSCILAND : AV ANOO RHODESIA BOTSWANA SWAKOPMUND, • WINDHOEK WALVIS BAY LUDERITZ SOUTH AFRICA NAMIBIA IN OUTLINE Formerly known as South West Africa, Namibia was officially renamed in June 1968 by resolution of the United Nations General Assembly. On 27 October 1966, the UN formally assumed direct responsibility amibia for Namibia after unilaterally revoking the Mandate over the territory granted to South Africa by the League of Nations in 1920. However, the UN has so far been unable to translate this formal responsibility into effective control. South Africa refuses to recognize UN authority 1. Introduction in Namibia and continues to administer the country. Amnesty International is particularly concerned about the following issues in A relatively large but sparsely populated country, Namibia has a Namibia: total land area of some 825,000 square kilometers. It is strategically located in the south-western corner of Africa and is bordered on the the widespread use of detention without trial to suppress political west by the Atlantic Ocean. Neighbours to the north are Angola and opposition and intimidate opponents of continued South African rule Zambia, to the east Botswana, and to the south and east South Africa. in Namibia; Walvis Bay, the main port, is a South African enclave. the torture of political detainees; In 1974, Namibia's population was estimated at 852,000. Africans the application to Namibia of various South African security laws such comprised 88%, the whites constituted the remaining 12%. as the Terrorism Act, the Internal Security Act and the "Sabotage Act"; Despite this extreme racial imbalance, 43% of Namibia's land area the imprisonment in South African—rather than in Namibian—prisons is reserved for occupation by the white settler minority under South of Namibians convicted of political offences, and the South African Africa's 1964 Odendaal Commission proposals. -
The Right to Political Participation in International Law
The Right to Political Participation In International Law Gregory H. Fox I. INTRODUCTION ................................................ 540 I1. THE EMERGING INTERNATIONAL LAW OF PARTICIPATORY RIGHTS ................. 544 A. ParticipatoryRights Before 1948: The Reign of the State Sovereignty Approach ..... 544 B. The Nature and Scope of Post-War Treaty-Based ParticipatoryRights ........... 552 1. The InternationalCovenant on Civil and PoliticalRights ................ 553 a. Non-Discrimination .................................... 553 b. The Right to Take Part in Public Affairs........................ 555 c. Requirements Concerning Elections ........................... 555 2. The FirstProtocol to the European Convention on Human Rights ........... 560 a. Rights Concerning Elections ................................ 561 b. Non-Discrimination .................................... 563 3. The American Convention on Hwnan Rights ........................ 565 4. Other InternationalInstruments Guaranteeing ParticipatoryRights .......... 568 a. The African Charteron Hwnan and Peoples' Rights ................ 568 b. Council on Security and Co-operationin Europe Accords ............. 568 5. Summary of Treaty-Based Norms ................................ 570 II. INTERNATIONAL ELECTION MONITORING: THE ELABORATION AND ENFORCEMENT OF PARTICIPATORY RIGHTS ......................................... 570 A. Election Monitoring Priorto 1945 .................................. 571 B. Monitoring Under the United Nations System .......................... 572 1. The -
Fiji Elections: Bainimarama Rebuked but Returned
Published on November 16, 2018 Officials at work in the results centre for the Fiji election (Credit: ABC News/Michael Barnett) Fiji elections: Bainimarama rebuked but returned By Stewart Firth Fiji went to the polls on 14 November in its second election since the restoration of democracy in 2014. Fiji’s experience with democracy since independence in 1970 has been a tortured one. Three coups have interrupted democratic government in the last thirty years – in 1987, 2000 and 2006 – and the last was followed by eight years of military Link: https://devpolicy.org/fiji-elections-20181116/ Page 1 of 6 Date downloaded: September 30, 2021 Published on November 16, 2018 rule, with Frank Bainimarama as self-appointed Prime Minister. Bainimarama then led his Fiji First party to victory in the 2014 elections and became the elected Prime Minister under a constitution of his own devising. A kind of stability has since settled on Fiji, though the country has not returned to democracy in its fullest sense, that is with a fully independent judiciary and media. Instead, people who cast their vote on 14 November knew that unless they returned the Bainimarama Government, another coup was possible. The victory of Bainimarama’s Fiji First party was predicted in the polls and likely given the arithmetic of Fiji elections. With a large majority of Indo-Fijians supporting him, Bainimarama needed only to gain the backing of a minority of indigenous Fijians to win. Indo-Fijian voters remain grateful to Bainimarama for overturning a pro-indigenous Fijian government in the 2006 coup, and for abolishing Fiji’s racially-skewed system of voting under which race was a key category. -
The Use and Design of Referendums an International Idea Working Paper *
N. º 4, Segundo Semestre 2007 ISSN: 1659-2069 THE USE AND DESIGN OF REFERENDUMS AN INTERNATIONAL IDEA WORKING PAPER * Andrew Ellis ** [email protected] Nota del Consejo Editorial Abstract: Introduces an International IDEA working paper on referendum and direct democracy as result of an investigation carried out in Europe and Latin America. It analyzes matters such as the use of direct democracy and its impact in representative democracy, as well as the adoption of the referendum mechanism, referenda types, matters of situations where a referendum can take place, participation thresholds, financial controls, the writing of the question to be consulted, etc.. Key words: Direct democracy / Referendum / Popular consultation / Plebiscite / Latin America / Democracy. Resumen: Presenta un ensayo práctico de IDEA Internacional sobre el referéndum y la democracia directa producto de un trabajo investigativo realizado en Europa y América Latina. Analiza temas como el uso de institutos de democracia directa y su impacto en la democracia representativa, la adopción del mecanismo del referéndum, los tipos de referéndum, los temas o situaciones en que un referéndum puede ser celebrado, los umbrales de participación, los controles financieros, la redacción de la pregunta a consultar, etc. Palabras claves: Democracia directa / Referéndum / Consulta popular / América Latina / Democracia. * Dissertation presented at "Seminary of reflection on the importance and use of mechanisms of direct democracy in democratic systems", celebrated on May 25th, 2007, at San José, Costa Rica and organized by International IDEA and the Electoral Supreme Tribunal of the Republic of Costa Rica. This Working Paper is part of a process of debate and does not necessarily represent a policy position of International IDEA.