Proc. Hampsh. Field Club Archaeol. Soc. 43, 1987, 237-254

'A WANT OF GOOD FEELING' A Reassessment of the Economic and Political Causes of the Rural Unrest in , 1830

By BETHANIE AFTON

ABSTRACT tension resulted in widespread unrest in Southern . It began in June with an This article analyses the early nineteenth century arson attack in Kent. From there it spread, agrarian community in Hampshire at a moment of slowly at first, until, by December, few coun- crisis: the riots of 1830. The traditional relationships ties south of the Humber were left unaffected. within the community were put under pressure by a Hampshire, where the actual rioting lasted combination of post-war depression, overpopulation only ten days, from the 17th of November until and the introduction of new ideas and techniques. The the 26th, was one of the most severely affected resultant economic distress felt by a major part of counties (see Figs 1-2). On the 19th and 20th society, the small farmers, traders, craftsmen, and, of November a large mob from several parishes most of all, agricultural labourers, was ignited by roamed between and East political tension into an open, widespread revolt. The Stratton extorting money for food and beer, more modem industrial and* commercial attitudes from breaking agricultural machinery, and outside Hampshire were threatening traditional assaulting those who refused their requests. authority and subservience. The revolt was an early, On the 20th, Taskers Waterloo Iron Foundry tentative step out of the essentially rural community at was severely damaged by a into modem industrial society. The subject of the 1830 crowd of several hundred people. Another unrest has been studied before. In 1937 A M Colson crowd destroyed machinery at an agricultural wrote of the 'agricultural labourers revolt' in an MA engineering factory and a flax spinning/sack thesis. This is an invaluable work especially because it weaving mill near Fordingbridge. On the 22nd centralizes many sources of information, including and 23rd a crowd of up to 1700 damaged the Home Office Papers, the Northbrook Papers, and poor houses at Selborne and Headley and newspaper reports. However, it views history in more demanded a reduction in the tithes from the traditional ways before the wealth of local material local rector. Throughout the county riots, which is available today had been collected together in 'extortion', and machine breaking were daily county record offices. In Captain Swing, E L events (HC 27/12/1830). Hobsbawm and G Rude again study the rioting as a An analysis of the events which occurred national problem which leads to inaccuracies when the during November, 1830, gives an indication of model they devise is related to Hampshire. However, the labourers' reaction to the situation in they do recognize the need for localized studies. This which they found themselves (see Fig 3). article approaches the study using the methods and There were two types of incident. First, there attitudes of local historical investigation and, were the generally clandestine actions, arson consquently, reassesses certain traditionally held views and threats, which were often carried out as on the unrest. revenge for some past grievance (BSP Poor Laws, 1834, 423e, 426e, 439e). This type of THE EVENTS AND RESPONSES TO THE crime, a typical reaction to rural disaffection, 1830 UNREST was most common in the early days of the 1830 unrest in south-eastern England. It was, In 1830 agricultural depression and political however, the second type of incident, the open, 238 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

.10 miles

| | Parishes recording no unrest ["*! Parishes recording unrest

Parishes in which sentences of jyTj transportation or death were recorded Fig 1. The 1830 unrest in Hampshire. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle. collective action, which distinguished the 1830 anger tended to be anything which symbolized agitation in Hampshire. The large numbers of the hardship they had experienced. Because labourers, craftsmen, artisans, and small the workers felt a special grievance against farmers who gathered together to protest labour-reducing machinery, all types of agri- about their conditions was unusual (Charles- cultural implements, especially threshing worth 1983, 131-155). The targets of their machines, were attacked. Forty-two parishes AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 239

Clandestine Acts

Collective Actions

0 5 10 15 20 Number of Parishes Affected Fig 2. The number of daily incidents in November 1830 in Hampshire. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle. See Appendix for data. reported machine breaking. The Parish Reg- obliged to submit to see the destruction of ister of records: their property. (HRO 43M67/A PR5) The 21st of November 1830 Such wage demands, as well as protests about This day will be memorable in the annels of poor relief and tithes, were fairly common. Yet this Parish. The Labourers were in a body diere was little real violence, and, of the 12 destroyed evey Threshing Machine and evey cases of assault which were reported, the only other Machine of any description and all one which caused actual injury was committed cast iron work; and demanded an increase of against William Bingham Baring, a member of wages, which demand was granted - the one of the most influential landowning wage been tried at 12s per week for able families in the county. The most frequently Bodied Labourers - above 20 and 9s per recorded occurrence was 'extortion'. This was week for lads above 16. This rising was legally robbery with menace from a person and general throughout the County and there was a capital offence. In reality it was far less being no force to repel violence, all were serious consisting largely of demands for beer 240 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

[I] Clandestine Acts Threats

Hi; Arson Collective Action

Assault

Incitement to Riot

Extortion

Tithe Riots

Wage Meetings

Poor House Riots

Machine Breaking

Others

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Number of Parishes Reporting an Incident on any One Day Fig 3. Recorded incidents of the 1830 unrest. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle. See Appendix for data. and money. The riots often had a festive further sentences of death were recorded, atmosphere with the demands reminiscent of thirty-six men were to be transported, seven- the contributions collected by waits and mum- teen men were sentenced to hard labour, and mers at village fetes (Hobsbawm & Rude, forty-three men received gaol sentences of 1973, 45). Sixty-six cases of extortion were various terms (HRO 14M50/4). Within days committed for trial. By December 1830, 342 efforts were being made to modify the punish- men were awaiting trial at a Special Commiss- ments. After numerous petitions to the King ion of Assize in (HRO 14M50/2; and the court, only two men, James Cooper The Times 21/12/1830-3/1/1831). who led the attack on the factories near Ford- At the trial a candid effort was made to set ingbridge, and Henry Cooke who assaulted an example of those committed in order to and allegedly tried to murder Willam Bingham warn others of the consequences of such Baring, were executed {The Times 3/1/1831). collective crime (HRO 14M50/4). Memories of The latter was the most violent action of the the Bread and Blood Riots in East Anglia in Hampshire unrest, with The Times, sympathetic 1816, of the Luddite machine breaking in the towards the other defendants, reporting that North between 1811 and 1816, and of the Cooke had a cruel disposition and deserved his Peterloo Massacre in 1819, were fresh in the punishment (ibid). The other ninety-nine men minds of the authorities. With no police force, who had been sentenced to death were trans- agrarian agitation was especially difficult to ported for life. contain. There was very real anxiety that the In 1834 the House of Commons published revolt in the southern counties would ignite the findings of a Royal Commission on the into national revolution if it were allowed to Administration and Operation of the Poor spread into northern industrial areas (HRO Laws. Question 53 had asked for information 14M50/3). However, the severity of the court relating to the causes and consequences of the shocked even the magistrates involved. Many Agricultural Riots and Burnings of 1830-31. witnesses testified to the previous good cha- The fifty-four responses from Hampshire racter of the defendants. In spite of this, six varied widely in nature. They displayed per- men were sentenced to be hanged, ninety-five sonal biases and the limitations on freedom of AFTON: RURAL IJNRRST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830

\ll\ Economic Low Wages 3 • Political System of Poor Relief TTWTTTTWmTSTJ Overpopulation/Underemployment

llli High Labourers' Rents \llli High Tenants* Rents IT] Tithes ••I41>tlilll3 Introduction of Machinery Loss of Customary Rights Revolution in Europe

Bad Influence of Road Gangs Riots in other Counties Unequal Treatment under the Law 'Inflammatory Publications

New Beer-shops

Influence of Demogogues

0 5 10 15 20 Frequency of Responses Fig 4. Perceived causes of the 1830 rioting and burning. Source: Responses to question 53, Royal Commission on the Administration and Operation of the Poor Laws, app. B, part V. expression that could occur. Fourteen participating in the riots..An anonymous reply respondents either would not or could not from Minstead in southwestern Hampshire answer the question. O A Baker, Churchwar- suggested: den from Easton, a parish dominated by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, wrote, 'I The cause was the want of good feeling have my opinion as to the cause, but would which ought and used to exist between the rather not express it' (BSP Poor laws 1834, Farmer and the Labourer; the former of 427e). However, in spite of their limitations whom seemed endeavouring to indemnify the forty remaining returns provide valuable himself for his excessive rent at the price of information on how the various authorities justice and liberality to the latter, because, including magistrates, rectors, overseers of the in the north of England, where wages were poor, churchwardens, farmers, and landow- sufficient to maintain the labourer and his ners from around the county perceived the family by his labour, there were no Riots nor unrest. The responses can be divided into Burnings. There should be a declamatory politically and economically based causes (see Act to explain the 43rd Eliz., so as to secure Fig 4). 'Low wages' was the most commonly a similarity in the way of granting relief cited cause of unrest. This and other economic throughout the Kingdom. Nothing would conditions, e.g. overpopulation, underemploy- tend more to the improvement in the condi- ment, high rents, and the system of poor relief, tions of the Labourer than a fixed idea of reflect the very real distress felt by those what he was to expect, (ibid, 433e) 2 4 2 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

From Eversley in the north-east of the county, sion. The economic factors suggest a dis- H Rush and H B Parfelt wrote: tressed worker whose wage was kept low by an overabundance of labour and who, conse- Distress appears to have been the prevalent quently, had to rely on an unstandardized cause of the riots, as the overseer had been system of poor relief. The political consider- reducing the amount of wages to those who ations provoke an image of an aware worker applied for parish relief to the lowest poss- with money to spend in beer-shops listening to ible scale, more particularly to single men. inflammatory pamphlets read and written by The Farmer paid wages too small for the 'ill-disposed persons'. Family to subsist upon, (ibid, 428e) This paradox highlights several important features of the 1830 Agricultural Revolt. First, Political factors such as the presence of ill- the unrest occurred during a period of disposed persons, the reading of inflammatory economic improvement, not during the period publications and the opening of newly of highest food prices as would be expected if legalized beer-shops, were, however, more the rioting were merely a reaction to hunger. dominant amongst the responses. Bramshaw, Bread and wheat prices had fallen from a high in southwestern Hampshire, is a parish close of 85/11 for a quarter of wheat and 1/11-2/- to Fordingbridge where a man from outside for a loaf of bread on 27 September, 1828 to the county was singled out as the ringleader 54/11 for wheat and 1/7 for bread in November and where the major target of the rioters was 1830 (HC 27/9/28 & 1/11/30). The harvest in factory machinery. From there, G Eyre, JP, Hampshire of 1830 was good after two wrote: extremely bad years. Secondly, the timing of the revolt is significant. Harvesting and I believe they were caused in many places by haymaking were labour intensive occupations some ill-disposed persons exciting the peas- and the task work involved made this the best antry to gain higher wages by joining paid time of the year. Harvest was followed by together for that purpose. Machines were the sowing of wheat. By November these tasks pointed out as interfering with labour. Thus were complete and threshing had begun. stirred up, bad example and liquor led to Many skilled men, who in earlier years would great excess, (ibid, 423e) have been employed flailing, had been made redundant by the threshing machine. These Rev J Cole, rector at Silchester, wrote that the men were now amongst the unemployed who discontent was brought about by: had time to gather to listen to talk of revolu- tion and reform. They responded with the . . .the excitement caused by the beer-shops, 1830 Revolt. A more detailed investigation of and giving them a point to meet in every both the economic and political factors invol- village to discuss their grievances, and to ved with help explain why the events of 1830 hear them aggravated by the reading; or occurred. hearing there, low and dangerous pam- phlets. . . (ibid, 437e) THE ECONOMIC CAUSES OF THE 1830 Silchester was in the north of the county where UNREST the nationally known radical, 'Orator' Hunt, had been active during the riots. His speeches Low wages, one of the most commonly cited undoubtedly would have been a topic of causes of the revolt, were symptomatic of the conversation in many village beer-shops. disturbed state of Hampshire's economy in the The importance attached by contemporaries early nineteenth century. Because the county to the political, as well as the economic, causes was heavily dependent on agriculture, presents a somewhat contradictory impres- anything which disrupted farming affected the AFTON: RURAL UNREST [X HAMPSHIRE, 1830 243 entire county. During the first three decades of reducing their rents so as to enable them to the nineteenth century, two such situations meet our demands. Rectors - you must also occurred. First, the grain market was distur- lower your tithes down to £100 per year in bed by the Napoleonic Wars and the subse- every parish but we wish to do away with quent depression. Increased demand for home tithes altogether. (Colson 1937, 86) produced corn during the wars resulted in a lengthy period of abnormally high grain The response of the landowning classes ranged prices. The ending of the wars renewed foreign from conciliatory to repressive. At the Swan competition and prices fell. Secondly, by the Inn in Alresford on the 22nd November, 1830, 1820s, there was a serious oversupply of agri- a meeting of clergymen and proprietors and cultural labour in the county. Between 1801 occupiers of the land resolved to increase and 1831 the population increased by 43% (BSP wages, standardize parish relief, and reduce Census 238). This, combined with the mechan- rents (HRO 44M69 J/9/77). The Rev Newbolt ization of some farming techniques, the in- made similar concessions at (HC creased concentration on less labour-intensive 22/11/1830). On the other hand, the Duke of sheep husbandry, and the reduction of Wellington employed special constables from employment opportunities in war related London to protect his estate at Stratfield Saye industries and services, exacerbated the diffi- (Colson 1937, 161). The Duke of Buckingham culties. The traditional patterns of farming in and Chandos organized 'two cannon at his Hampshire were challenged. To a great extent, principle doors, a swivel at each window and the ability to adapt to the changing situation 100 men of his village armed with cutt varied according to economic status. [l]asses' when it was reported that a mob of The large landowner was most sheltered 200 was marching from the Winchester area from the economic hardship which followed towards his estate at Avington (HRO the Napoleonic Wars. Size and efficiency of 100M70). the estate made it easier to endure bad years. The small farmer, both freeholder and Sufficient capital was available to enable the tenant, found the post-war years difficult. large farms and estates to delay the sale of Many had ovcrexpanded during the years of livestock and grain during periods of espe- high grain prices. Marginal land was taken cially low prices: Often the property and capi- into cultivation. Money was borrowed at high tal of the landowner were distributed over interest rates. Rents had been fixed at high large areas of the country, as in the case of the rates which anticipated continuing high profit Earl of Caernarvon, or between agriculture margins. When the price of grain fell, survival and commerce, as with the Baring family. demanded that maximum profit from the land During the rioting this group, along with the be obtained with minimum outlay. Evidence clergy, came under pressure from both the before a Select Committee on Agriculture, tenant farmer who sought rent and tithe 1833, indicated that fertility of the soil had reductions, and the labourer who wanted fallen because of insufficient stock was kept to increased wages. The demands of the mob at manure the ground and the land was overcrop- were typical: ped (BSP Agriculture 1833, 198-99). Rates and taxes were increasing (ibid 210). Tithes, still Gentlemen Farmers we do insist upon your frequently collected as payment in kind, were paying every man in your parish 2 shillings difficult to finance and, when paid in kind, had per day for his labour - every single man to be left on the ground until assessed (Van- between the ages of 16 and 20 eighteen couver 1810, 77-86). Many small farmers were pence per day - every child above 2 - to forced to give up their land. Hostility towards receive a loaf and sixpence per week - the social betters, both large landowners and the aged and infirmed to receive 4/- per week. clergy, was not infrequent. Small farmers were Landlords - we do also insist upon your known to support, and were occasionally 244 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY actively involved in, the 1830 unrest. At 380-381). An annual income for a married Selborne it was reported: 'There were many man was £30 to £35 (BSP Poor Laws 1834, farmers present, not present as it forced to join 418a-446a). In 1828, on the Estate, but voluntarily looking on.' A petition deman- Thomas Steptoe was paid: ding that the local rector reduce his tithes was witnessed by ten farmers (The Times, 24/12/ Sundries days work - 59 days £4.8.6 1830). However, only one farmer, John Boyes Mowing 29 acres at 1/8 per acre 2.8.4 of , was committed for trial (ibid Mowing 27 acres at 4/- per acre 5.8.2 30/12/1830). Reaping 4—1-11 Rod of wheat at The village craftsmen and traders were 8/- per acre 1.14.6 dependent on the farmer and labourer for their Thrashing 60 quarters of wheat at livelihoods. The economic depression reduced 4/- per quarter 12.0.0 the spending power of the small farmer, which, Thrashing 80 quarters of barley at in turn, adversely affected the village 21- per quarter 8.0.0 economy. However, the economy benefitted Total £33.19.4 somewhat from the changes in the traditional employment patterns of the farm labourer. As the payment of wages in cash and the hiring by William Hill, another labourer at Tichborne, the task or day became the norm, the farm earned: labourer made more use of the facilities offered by the village. He was increasingly Sundries paid for 5 ducks 7.6 likely to buy prepared goods such as loaves of Sundries days work 12 wk + 2 bread instead of flour and quarts of beer rather days 5.11.0 than the malt needed to brew at home. 8 weeks 3.12.0 Contact between agricultural labourers and 3 weeks + 4 days 1.13.0 nearby villages increased. The more literate Harvest-reaping 5-2-35 of wheat 2.5.9 and higher paid village artisans took an active 20 days 2.10.0 role in the 1830 riots. Of those committed for Brewing 10 days 1.0.0 trial on whom occupational information is Water [meadows] 6 days 18.0 available, almost half, 36 out of 74, were Water [meadows] 8 days 10.0 craftsmen, traders, or other non-agricultural Brewing 3 wks 1.16.0 labourers (HRO Book 328; The Times 22/12/ Water [meadows] 6 days 3.12.0 1830-3/1/1831). 8 weeks 1.5.0 The worst affected by the depression and, Total £25.0.3 consequently, most active in the riots, were the (HR0 37M48/11) agricultural labourers. Due to an oversupply of labour, conditions had deteriorated. Agricul- ture did not provide sufficient, regular employ- A wife and several working children could add ment for the population, and there was very £10 to £15 to the family's income in a good little work outside farming. Generally, apart year (BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). Dame from shepherds, carters, and other men with Hill at Tichborne earned: special skills, workers were hired by the day or task and tended to be laid off as soon as their Weeding and Stonepicking 24 days 12.0 labour was no longer needed. Turnip hoeing 50 days 1.13.4 Low, irregular wages resulted (BSP Agricul- 30 days 1.0.0 ture 1833, 201). In 1830 married men generally 19 days 12.0 earned between 11- and 9/- per week; unmar- Mowing and Haymaking 53 days 1.15.4 ried men would expect less, sometimes as little Harvest work 12 days 12.0 as 3/- weekly (BSP Labourers' Wages 1825, Total £6.5.4 AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 245

During the mowing and haymaking, William could meet these expenses. It would therefore Hill's boy earned 12/- for eight weeks work, appear that even an able-bodied labourer with and Ann Hill, 2/8 for 8 days. The annual fairly regular work was at least occasionally income for the Hill family from work at dependent on parish relief. Tichborne was £32.0.3 (HRO 37M48/11). The situation was exacerbated by the The expenses of a labourer's family varied modernization of tasks which altered the considerably according to the location of the labour requirements. Probably the most hated farm and the customs and generosity of the newly introduced piece of farm machinery in employer. Statistics published in 1834 by a 1830 was the threshing machine. Using the Royal Commission shows that rents in flail was a slow task demanding skilled labour. Hampshire varied between £1.10.0 and £10 Between six and eight bushels of wheat could (BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). Housing be prepared for marketing by one thresher in which included a garden or the availability of one day (Collins 1972, 25). The task continued allotments enabled families to supplement throughout the winter when few other jobs their incomes with home grown food. Common could be done. Threshing at Tichborne pasturage, turbury (the right to dig peat or turf provided Thomas Steptoe with over half his on common lands), and estover (the right to annual income in 1828. By using a water- carry wood from common lands) were import- powered threshing machine such as in the mill ant where they were available. Fuel could be at Hockley, Twyford, five semi-skilled workers gathered easily in woodland areas, but it had could accomplish in an hour what five skilled to be purchased in the chalklands where much men using the flail could complete in a day of the agitation occurred. In 1830 an able- (Vancouver 1810, 110). The introduction of bodied labourer, his wife, and four children the threshing machine meant that many farm could expect to have the following expenses: labourers with families were unable to earn enough to survive without charity. Weekly expenditure By 1830 the English poor relief system, 5 gallons of bread 7.6 based largely on Elizabethan laws, had come 3 lbs of bacon at Id per pound 1.9 under considerable pressure in the South. This 2 lbs of butter at \0d per pound 1.8 was due to the uneven distribution of labour 2 lbs of cheese at 6d per pound 1.0 demand during the year, the inadquacy of tea .9 wages, and the unwillingness or inability of 1 lb sugar .7 farmers to keep men in employment when Beer - 7 quarts 1.2 there was no work. The result was a tendency 1 Bushel coal 1.2 to interpret the laws in a variety of ways 3 faggots .9 according to the needs and resources of the Half pound soap .4 individual parish. Generally, in Hampshire, Half pound candles .4 relief was based on a family allowance linked Total weekly 17.0 to the price of bread and/or a wage supple- Total annually £44.4.0 ment {BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). The Annual rent 5.4.0 burden on the rate payer was heavy. In Annual Clothing expenses 10.0.0 Hampshire in 1826 the average payment of Annual Total £59.8.0 over 4/- in the pound was one of the nine (Carpenter 1972, 21-23) highest in the country (BSP Relief of Poor 1826-7, 667). A growing belief, based on the This makes no allowance for vegetables or writings of Malthus, that such a system kept potatoes which were important foods in the wages low, induced idleness, and encouraged average worker's diet. With an average annual large families led to increasing demands for wage, assuming the wife and at least two reform of the poor laws. Rumours spread children worked, of £30 to £50, few families amongst labourers that relief was to be abol- 246 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY' ished and caused anger and hostility. It had (Cobbett 1936, 253-4). The death of George become a necessity for survival and was IV on 26th June forced the Duke of Well- considered a customary right. ington, then Prime Minister, to call an election By November 1830 the people of Hampshire for the end of July. Unfortunately for the had suffered over a decade of agricultural stability of the nation, polling in Britain coin- depression. The harvests of 1828 and 1829 had cided with a revolution in France. By the 2nd been especially poor (Jones 1964, 164-65). The August the French middle and lower classes winter of 1829-30 was one of the worst known had risen, overthrown the monarchy, and with the harbour at Portsmouth freezing and made Louis Philippe 'The King of the French'. livestock dying through starvation and disease Peace was immediately restored. A letter re- {HC 8/2/1830). The weather remained cold ceived by F T Baring at the time stated, 'The until the end of February {ibid 15/3/30). The carnage ceased with the resistance, and . . . the spring and summer, however, were warm and abstinence from plunder . . . was incredible' sunny {ibid 5/4/30, 7/6/30, 12/7/30, 6/8/30). (Journals of Sir F T Baring 1905, 64). Thus, while The harvest in July and August was good - the violence of the French Revolution of 'wheat was excellent in quality and abundant 1789-94 had confirmed the belief in Britain in quantity'; barley and oats yielding 'an that the masses were unfit to govern, the extraordinary quantity and better in quality restraint shown during the Revolution of 1830 than for some years past' {ibid 6/9/30). October shattered that same belief. The summer elec- was changeable but good for field labour and tion in Britain and the revolution in France winter wheat sowing was largely completed gave impetus to demands for change in the that month ibid 8/11/30). By November many British franchise. Tension and agitation incre- men were out of work, and, without flailing, ased with key issues now increasingly being there was little chance to find any. The month debated outside Parliament. That October in was 'the warmest for a long time past' {ibid Hampshire, 186 villagers gathered at the Swan 6/12/30). . . . Perfect weather for riots! Inn, Sutton Scotney to sign a petition deman- ding universal suffrage, annual parliaments, and vote by secret ballot {Two Penny Trash THE POLITICAL SITUATION 1/7/1832). By the end of October, serious unrest or even revolution was predicted if Although the basic cause of the Agricultural Parliament did not resolve the reform ques- Revolt was long term economic distress, the tion. On the 2nd November Wellington timing of the unrest in Hampshire was rejected any alteration of the franchise {Han- essentially political. sard 3rd ser, vol i, col 9). This caused uproar. The events and mood of 1830 in England On the 8th and 9th of November mass demon- appear to be a preamble to revolution. In strations occurred in London. Brougham, a February at the State Opening of Parliament, Whig MP, was due to introduce a reform George IV, when speaking of the distress motion in Parliament on the 16th November. amongst the agricultural and manufacturing Before that could happen, Wellington and Peel classes, suggested that the causes of their resigned. Rioting began in Hampshire the next distress were 'beyond the Reach of Legislative day. Control or Remedy' and that measures to The Tory Government had failed to respond remove the distress were not 'compatible with to the unrest which had been taking place in the general and permanent Interests of His other counties in the south of England with a People' {Hansard 2nd ser, vol xxiii, cols 3-4). positive or decisive attitude. Many people The statement did nothing to encourage hope misinterpreted the lack of repressive action as or confidence amongst his suffering subjects, tacit support for the activities of the agitators and hostility towards the king grew. By April (Charlesworth 1983, 153-4). The excitement William Cobbctt was predicting revolution created by the news and publicized by the AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 247 radical press quickly spread through improved Attempts were made in 1830-31 to blame communication and transportation. Literacy these leading radicals for the unrest which was increasing amongst the lower classes spread throughout the south of England. through the growing influence of non- Finding evidence of such influence and direc- conformist religions and the greater provision tion would have been a facile solution to what for basic schooling (VCH 1903, vol ii, 395-408). was in fact a far more complex problem. By 1830 there was a growing audience able to However, whilst both Cobbett and Hunt had read and discuss the news coming from an impact in Hampshire, neither actually par- elsewhere in England and the Continent. ticipated in any criminal activities. Leadership News sheets and pamphlets, especially the was local, and in each centre of rioting a produced by the radical press and aimed spe- different group of suspected ringleaders was cifically at the working classes helped end the identified. Alarmist reports of individuals trav- isolation of the Hampshire countryside. elling from county to county to lead the revolt Two nationally known radicals had special spread with the rioting. In fact, no such person influence in Hampshire through their close was ever found in Hampshire. James Thomas connections with the county. Both were Cooper came closest to that description. He members of a group publishing pamphlets and led the attack on two factories in the Ford- news sheets aimed specifically at the working ingbridge area in a militaristic style. Cooper classes. William Cobbett had, according to J R was reported to have 'come 40 miles from the M Butler, 'a wider influence in the country at other side of London', but in fact was from this time than any other single man' (Butler and had worked in Fordingbridge as 1964, 58). He knew Hampshire well and was an ostler for several months (HRO 14M50/4; himself a well known figure in the county. He The Times 3/1/1831). had farmed at Botley, near Southampton, for Men believed to have been leaders were several years and had made a series of 'Rural specially selected for arrest and severe sen- Rides' throughout the county to study tencing. The judge stressed the role Cooper agrarian conditions. Henry 'Orator' Hunt, an had played in the riots. 'You vaulted yourself advocate of Parliamentary Reform and an MP on repeated occasions as the captain of that for Preston, also had close connections with unlawful band' (HRO 14M50/4). Cooper was Hampshire. He was born in the neighbouring hanged. Henry Eldridge, one of the four sen- county of Wiltshire, was educated for a time tenced to be hanged but later commuted to near Micheldever, farmed near Overton, and transportation for life, was the first to enter the died in Alresford {Hobsbawm & Rude 1973, factories at Fordingbridge (ibid). John Gilmore, xiii). During the rioting he was actually in the another of the four, was a 'ringleader' in the county on 'private Business' (Hansard 3rd ser, attack on Tasker's of Andover. During the day vol ii, col 279). At Overton he was approached he 'was seen at the head of a riotous and by farmers to mediate between themselves and tumultuous mob which paraded the streets of a crowd of six to seven hundred. He obliged Andover, . . . [and was] the first to enter that and the crowd dispersed (ibid cols 249-50). At factory' (ibid). Robert Holdaway had been a Basingstoke on the eve of the unrest there he publican in Headley and was well known in the lectured at the Crown Inn (SU Lib 25M61/2/2/ area. In sentencing him, the judge said, 'you 27). On the 28th November, T Asheston, gave the signal for the attack, and set on others writing to the Duke of Wellington, said: to execute the designs which you yourself formed' (ibid). At 19 out of 26 of That Hunt is concerned I have not the least the men who had signed the petition to the doubt - He was at Overton and there was a King were committed for trial (Colson 1937, Mob - He came to Andover and there was a 139-41). Of these Henry Cooke was hanged Mob and he went from thence to Salisbury and twelve were transported for life (HRO and there was a mob. (ibid, 2/2/34) 14M50/2). In each area a few men stood out as 248 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the leaders who headed the mob, stated did not enforce church attendance. Between demands, and collected the takings. 1820 and 1830, 376 meeting houses were licen- It was recognized by the court and magis- sed in Hampshire (Willis 1965). These, trates that two distinct groups were involved in because of their structure of ministry and their the unrest. The majority were farm labourers emphasis on personal Bible reading, encour- who were suffering from real financial aged literacy, independent thought, and the hardship. This group sought a return to tradi- questioning of authority. tional agricultural patterns - a paternalistic, The labourers, artisans, and small farmers authoritarian landowner meeting the needs of of Hampshire gained confidence to express a loyal workforce. However, most of the lead- their discontent in newly developing ways. ers came from the more literate group of They wanted higher wages, better working craftsmen and traders who had more links with conditions, less mechanization, and fairer, the outside world and were therefore more more uniform parish government. They adop- likely to have been influenced by radical ted the radical language of William Cobbett writers. It was they who sought Parliamentary and 'Orator' Hunt. In the East Stratum/ reform, more equal and universal justice, and Micheldever/Barton Stacy area, the most reduction of tithes and taxes. politically active area of Hampshire, a group The association between the two groups was known as 'The Radical and Musical Society' a significant feature of the unrest. The in- met in local pubs to entertain with songs and creasing use made by labouring families of to discuss politics. In evidence Enos Diddams, village shops and services provided one means the 'Old Radical', admitted, 'the last meeting of contact. This contact often focused on the was on Saturday 13th November.' Before that, inns and pubs, but a trend during the early on the 10th October, they had 'agreed upon a nineteenth century increased the numbers of petition to the King' {The Times 22/12/1830). tied houses and resulted in more careful During the unrest Thomas Baring, the major magisterial supervision. However, on October landowner in the area, wrote: 10th, 1830, an Act came into force which allowed a householder with surety of £20 and a The motive which has operated upon the 2 guinea licence to open a beershop in his minds of my people has not been distress home. Within three months 24,000 beershops but a revolutionary spirit. The language were licensed in England (Clark 1983, 336). they have used has been, 'We are going to These were believed by many authorities to have another constitution - the heads have have been 'frequented largely by labourers, been in power long enough, and now it is our who did not wish to go to the village inn where turn,' and to the farmers they said, 'When they would meet their superiors' and were we are in possession you shall have the land frequently cited as being a cause of riots at ten shillings the acre.' This has been the (Colson 1937, 70). The inns, pubs, and newly language used at Stratton and Micheldever. opened beershops served as a convenient {Journals of F T Baring 1905, 78-79) meeting place between the disaffected labour- There was, however, a dichotomy between the ers and the men who became instigators and use made of political methods and language leaders during the riots. These hostelries were and the traditional world many labourers one forum for the discussion and reading of believed they would re-establish. The rela- radical ideas and the airing of grievances. tionship between the paternal landowner and Another place where discontent could be the deferential, loyal worker was breaking voiced was provided by the growth in down. The revolt helped hasten its destruc- popularity of the Dissenting religions in tion. The agricultural labourer was a victim of Hampshire. Non-conformity was particularly the political excitment and tension of 1830. common in rapidly growing parishes and in Poverty and unemployment made him that parishes where a single, dominant landowner victim. AFTON: RURAL UNREST L\ HAMPSHIRK, 1830 249

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to the staff of the Local History Diploma Course, Portsmouth Hampshire Record Office and the various other Polytechnic for the skills which made the article record offices and libraries used during my research possible, and especially to Mr B Stapleton and Dr G for their helpfulness, to the staff of the English Bowie for their advice and encouragement.

APPENDIX

Date and Location of Incidents in November 1830

Date Place Incident Source before 15 th Portsmouth area Threatening letters HC 22/11 Monday 15th Exton/Gosport area Threatening letters HC 22/11 Gosport Arson HC 22/11 Tuesday 16th Wallington Arson HC 22/11 Fareham Arson HC 22/11 Wednesday 17 th Whitchurch Riots, extortion, machine breaking, wage demands HC 22/11 Thursday 18th Warblington Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Havant Riots HRO 14M50/2 Micheldever Extortion HRO 14M40/2 Overton Riots, extortion Times 22/11 Bourne • Arson Times 22/11 Estrop Threatening letters Times 23/11 Friday 19th Winchester area Riots, threatening letters HC 22/11 Basingstoke Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Riots, machine breaking assault HRO I4M50/2 Itchen Stoke Riots HRO 14M50/2 Riots, extortion, assault, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Micheldever Extortion, machine breaking, wage demands HRO 14M50/2 Barton Stacey Riots, extortion, • arson, wage demands HRO 14M50/2 Sutton Scotney Riots, machine breaking wage demands //C22/11 Andover Riots, wage demands, extortion, arson Times 221 \ 1 Lower Wallop Riots, wages, tithes Times 23/11 Overton Riots, extortion, wage demands Times 221 \ 1 Alresford Riots, machine breaking Times 22/\\ Cliddesden Riots, wage demands Times 23/11 Wages, threats against Times 23/11 threshing machines 250 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Date Place Incident Source

West Meon Wages, threats against threshing machines Times 23/11 Whitchurch Wage demands, riots Times 23/11 Riots, incitement, wage demands Times 23/11 Saturday 20th Upper Clatford Riots, machine breaking (Taskers) HRO 14M50/2 Riots, poorhouse attacked HC 29/11 Riots //C29/11 Micheldever Assault, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Barton Stacey Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Assault, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Kingsworthy Riots, extortion P Johnson Holyborne Wage demands HC 29/11 Romsey area (mobs Riots, incitement, from Houghton) extortion, wage demands WC29/11 Compton, Broughton, Machine breaking, threatening letters HC 29/11 Michelmarsh, Machine breaking, Tytherley, threatening letters //C 29/11 Tytherley, Lockerley threatening letters HC 29/11 Alresford Assault, riots Times 23/11

Sunday 21st Riots, assault, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Kimpton Riots, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Stockbridge Riots, extortion HC 29/11 Houghton Riots, extortion HC 29/11 Bossington Riots, damage:to property HC 29/11 Kings Som borne Riots, extortion, machine breaking HC 29/11 Sparsholt Riots HC 29/11 Crawley Riots HRO 14M50/2 Littleton Riots, extortion HC 29/11 Andover area Arson HC 29/11 Alverstoke Threatening letters HRO 14M50/2 Alvihgton Riots-mob from Winchester repelled by Parish HC 29/11 Southampton Threatening letters Times 29/11 Southwick Riots Times 30/11 Amport Machine breaking, wage demands, riots HRO 43M67/ A/PR5

Monday 22nd Bishop Waltham Riots, extortion HC 29/11 Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 AFFON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 251

Date Place Incident Source

Upham Riots, extortion, tithes HRO 14M50/2 Stockbridge Riots, extortion, tithes HC 29/11 Riots, extortion, tithes //C29/U Riots, machine breaking, robbery HC 29/11 East Dean Arson (Turnpike gates) HC 29/11 Tytherley Arson (Turnpike gates) HC 29/11 Mottisfont Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Michel marsh Assault, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Broughton Riots, robbery, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Andover Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Riots, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 St. Lawrence Riots, extortion Watton HRO 14M50/2 Thruxton Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Vernham Dean Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Riots, machine breaking HC 29/11 Selborne Riots, Poorhouse attack, tithes HRO 14M50/2 Hurstborne Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Tarrant Farringdon Robbery HRO 14M50/2 Extortion HRO 14M50/2 Buriton Riots, assault HRO 14M50/2 Riots HRO 14M50/2 Martyr Worthy Extortion HRO 14M50/2 Basingstoke Riots HRO 14M50/2 Alresford Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Riots HC 29/11 Riots HC 29/11 Liphook Riots, wage demands Times 30/11 Steep Wage demands Times 30/11

Tuesday 23rd Wickham Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Botley Riots, machine breaking HC 29/11 Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Sydmonton Riots, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Kingsley Robbery HRO 14M50/2 Headley Riots, extortion, destruction of poorhouse HRO 14M50/2 Greatham Extortion HRO 14M50/2 252 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Date Place Incident Source

South Stoneham Assault, extortion, riots machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 North Stoneham Assault, extortion, riots machine breaking HC 29/11 Swathling Assault, extortion, riots Times 29/11 machine breaking Fordingbridge Riots, extortion, machine breaking (Thompsons & Shepherds) HRO 14M50/2 Rock borne Riots HC 29/11 Highclere Riots, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Quarley Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Pamber Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Owslebury Riots, extortion, assault HRO 14M50/2 Ewhurst Riots HC 29/11 Titchfield Wage demands HC 29/11 Hambledon Wage demands HC 29/11 Tytherley Arson (Turnpike Keeper's House) HC 29/11 East Dean Arson (Turnpike Keeper's House) HC 29/11 East Woodhay Riots, robbery, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Monk Sherborne Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Burghclere Riots, extortion, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Breamore Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2 Weyhill Arson HC 29/11 Southampton Arson (Bakers) HC 29/11 Mores tead Riots, extortion HC 29/11 Gosport area Threatening letters Times 30/11

Wednesday 24th Headley Extortion HRO 14M50/2 East Woodhay Riots, extortion machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Dockenfield Riots, wage demands HRO 14M50/2 Droxford Machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Binstead Machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 Durley Wage demands, threatening letters HC 29/11 Millbrook Wage demands, threatening letters HC 29/11 Eling Threatening letters HC 29/11

Thursday 25th Fawley Riots, incitement, wage demands HRO 14M50/2 AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 253

Date Place Incident Source

Red bridge Riots, extortion Times 29/11 Liss Riots Times 29/11

Friday 26th Fawley Riots, assault, aiding HRO 14M50/2 an escape Romsey Riots, extortion Times 27/11 Lyndhurst Mob travelling from Poole to Winchester intercepted Times 27/11 Exbury & Lepe Machine breaking HRO 14M50/2 around the 28th Bishop Waltham Threatening letters HRO 14M50/2

Main Sources in full: HRO 14M50/2 - Calendar of the Prisoners in the County Gaol at Winchester for trial at the Special Commission of Assizes.

Hampshire Chronicle nos 3289-90, 22 Nov-29 Nov, 1830.

The Times nos 14,390-14,397, 22 Nov-30 Nov, 1830.

REFERENCES

Abbreviations

BSP British Sessional Papers, House of Commons HRO 100M70, Ashburton Correspondence HC Hampshire Chronicle and Southampton HRO Book 328, Proceedings at the Special Courier Commission Holden at Winchester HRO Hampshire Record Office, Winchester December 20, 1830, and the Eight SU Lib Southampton University Library, Well- Following Days, (1831) ington Papers SU Lib, Wellington Papers, 4/1/2/2

Manuscript Sources Printed Sources HRO 37M48/11, Farming Account Ledger for the BSP Population Census Abstract Tichborne Estates, 1811-29 BSP Abstract of Returns made in 1824 relative to HRO 14M40/2, Calendar of Prisoners for Trial at Labourers' Wages, 1825 the Special Commission of Assize at BSP Abstract of Money expended for the Relief of Winchester, December 18, 1830 the Poor 1826-27 HRO 14M50/3, The Charges delivered at the Spe- BSP Report of the Select Committee on Agriculture, cial Commission of Assizes, Winchester, 1833 Dec, 1830 BSP Report of the Royal Commission on the HRO 14M50/4, Sentences of the Prisoners tried Administration and Operation of the before the Special Commission of Assize, Poor Laws 1834 Winchester, Dec, 1830 Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 2nd series, vol HRO 43M67/A PR5, Amport Parish Register of xxii Baptisms, 1813-1837 Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 3rd series, vol i HRO 44M69 J/9/77, Herriard Papers Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 3rd series, vol ii 254 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Hampshire Chronicle 1828-1831 Charlesworth, A (ed) 1983 An Atlas of Rural Protest in The Times 1830-1831 Britain 1548-1900. Two Penny Trash 1/7/1832 Clark, P 1983 The English Alehouse; a social history Cobbetl, W Rural Rides vols 1 & 2, Everyman Edi- 1200-1830. tion, 1936 Collins, E J T 1972 The Diffusion of the Threshing Journals of Sir F T Baring, Baring T G (ed), Winches- Machine in Britain, 1790-1880 Tools and ter, 1905 Tillage 2 no 1. Vancouver, C 1810/1 General View of the Agriculture ofColson, A M 1937 Revolt of the Hampshire Agricultural Hampshire Labourers and its Causes, unpubl MA Thesis, Univ of London. Secondary Works Hammond J L & B, 1967 The Village Labourer, New York. Afton-North, B 1984 Rural Crisis in Hampshire, 1830: Hobsbawm E J & Rude G, 1973 Captain Swing. Poverty, Distress and Political Awakening, Jones, E L 1964 Seasons and Prices: the role of Weather in unpubl Diploma Dissertation, English Agricultural History. Portsmouth Polytechnic. Victoria County History, Hampshire, vol ii, 1903. Butler, J R M 1964 The Passing of the Great Reform Bill.Willis, A J 1965 A Hampshire Miscellany III: Dissenters' Carpenter, K (ed) 1972 The Rising of the Agricultural Meeting House Certificates in the Diocese of Labourers, New York. Winchester 1702-1844.

Author. Bethanie Afton, 59 Wordsworth Ave, Yateley, Camberley, Surrey

© Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society.