IHS Jane's Terrorism Country Briefing
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The Conflict's Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions
Policy Note 1, 2015 By Ole Martin Gaasholt Who needs to reconcile with whom? The Conflict’s Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions PHOTO: MARC DEVILLE/GETTY IMAGES While negotiations are taking place in Algiers, some observers insist on the need for reconciliation between Northern Mali and the rest of the country and particularly between Tuareg and other Malians. But the Tuareg are a minority in Northern Mali and most of them did not support the rebels. So who needs to be reconciled with whom? And what economic solutions will counteract conflict? This Policy Note argues that not only exclusion underlies the conflict, but also a lack of economic opportunities. The important Tuareg component in most rebellions in Mali does not mean that all Tuareg participate or even support the rebellions. ll the rebellions in Northern Mali the peoples of Northern Mali, which they The Songhay opposed Tuareg and Arab have been initiated by Tuareg, typi- called Azawad, and not just of the Tuareg. rebels in the 1990s, whereas many of them cally from the Kidal region, whe- There has thus been a sequence of joined Islamists controlling Northern Mali in reA the first geographically circumscribed rebellions in Mali in which the Tuareg 2012. Very few Songhay, or even Arabs, joined rebellion broke out a few years after inde- component has been important. In the Mouvement National pour la Libération pendence in 1960. Tuareg from elsewhere addition, there have been complex de l’Azawad (MNLA), despite the claim that in Northern Mali have participated in later connections between the various conflicts, Azawad was a multiethnic territory. -
Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in Mali
United Nations S/2016/1137 Security Council Distr.: General 30 December 2016 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Mali I. Introduction 1. By its resolution 2295 (2016), the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) until 30 June 2017 and requested me to report on a quarterly basis on its implementation, focusing on progress in the implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali and the efforts of MINUSMA to support it. II. Major political developments A. Implementation of the peace agreement 2. On 23 September, on the margins of the general debate of the seventy-first session of the General Assembly, I chaired, together with the President of Mali, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, a ministerial meeting aimed at mitigating the tensions that had arisen among the parties to the peace agreement between July and September, giving fresh impetus to the peace process and soliciting enhanced international support. Following the opening session, the event was co-chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and African Integration of Mali, Abdoulaye Diop, and the Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Algeria, Ramtane Lamamra, together with the Under - Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations. In the Co-Chairs’ summary of the meeting, the parties were urged to fully and sincerely maintain their commitments under the agreement and encouraged to take specific steps to swiftly implement the agreement. Those efforts notwithstanding, progress in the implementation of the agreement remained slow. Amid renewed fighting between the Coordination des mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA) and the Platform coalition of armed groups, key provisions of the agreement, including the establishment of interim authorities and the launch of mixed patrols, were not put in place. -
Hafete” Tichereyene N-Oussoudare N-Akal, Moukina N-Alghafete Id Timachalene in Kel Tahanite Daghe Mali
Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series Realities and Myths of the “Triple Nexus” Local Perspectives on Peacebuilding, Development, and Humanitarian Action in Mali By Emmanuel Tronc, Rob Grace, and Anaïde Nahikian June 2019 Acknowledgments The authors would like to offer their thanks to all individuals and organizations interviewed for this research. Special appreciation is also extended to the Malians who supported this paper through their translations of the Executive Summary into a number of languages. Finally, sincere gratitude is expressed to the Malians who have lent their time, insights, and perspectives to this work. About the Authors The authors drafted this paper for the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative’s Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA), where Emmanuel Tronc is Senior Research Analyst, Rob Grace is Senior Associate, and Anaïde Nahikian is Program Manager. About the Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series The Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series is an initiative of the Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA) at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (HHI). It aims to respond to the demand across the humanitarian sector for critical context analysis, dedicated case studies, sharing of practice in humanitarian negotiation, as well as overcoming access challenges and understanding local perspectives. This series is oriented toward generating an evidence base of professional approaches and reflections on current dilemmas in this area. Our analysts and researchers engage in field interviews across sectors at the country-level and inter-agency dialogue at the regional level, providing comprehensive and analytical content to support the capacity of humanitarian professionals in confronting and addressing critical challenges of humanitarian action in relevant frontline contexts. -
Algeria–Mali Trade: the Normality of Informality
101137 DEMOCRACY Public Disclosure Authorized AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ERF 21st ANNUAL CONFERENCE March 20-22, 2015 | Gammarth, Tunisia 2015 Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi, Anne Brockmeyer, Public Disclosure Authorized Matthieu Pellerin and Gael Raballand Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi Anne Brockmeyer Mathieu Pellerin Gaël Raballand1 Abstract This paper estimates the volume of informal trade between Algeria and Mali and analyzes its determinants and mechanisms, using a multi-pronged methodology. First, we discuss how subsidy policies and the legal framework create incentives for informal trade across the Sahara. Second, we provide evidence of the importance of informal trade, drawing on satellite images and surveys with informal traders in Mali and Algeria. We estimate that the weekly turnover of informal trade fell from approximately US$ 2 million in 2011 to US$ 0.74 million in 2014, but continues to play a crucial role in the economies of northern Mali and southern Algeria. Profit margins of 20-30% on informal trade contribute to explaining the relative prosperity of northern Mali. We also show that official trade statistics are meaningless in this context, as they capture less than 3% of total trade. Finally, we provide qualitative evidence on informal trade actors and mechanisms for the most frequently traded products. JEL classification codes: F14, H26, J46. Keywords: informal trade, Algeria, Mali, fuel, customs. 1 The authors would like to thank Mehdi Benyagoub for his help on this study, Laurent Layrol for his work on satellite images, Nancy Benjamin and Olivier Walther for their comments and Sabra Ledent for editing. -
Global Information and Early Warning System on Food and Agriculture
Global information and early warning system on food and agriculture FOOD SUPPLY SITUATION AND CROP PROSPECTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA No.2 August 2001 Countries facing exceptional food emergencies: Angola, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Chad, Dem.Rep. of Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Liberia, Niger, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS - ii - INTRODUCTION This is the second of three annual issues of this report prepared by the FAO Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS) on the food supply situation and cereal import and food aid requirements for all countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The report is designed to provide the latest analysis and information on the food situation in these countries to governments, international organizations and other institutions engaged in relief operations. Part I focuses on the serious food supply difficulties that have emerged in parts of Sudan, the bleak food outlook for Zimbabwe and unfavourable prospects for the current “gu” season crops in Somalia. It also highlights the continuing food supply difficulties in Eritrea and parts of Kenya and Ethiopia. In addition, it highlights food supply problems in the Great Lakes region, despite favourable weather, as well as in Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea where international food assistance continues to be needed. Part II contains an assessment of crop prospects and the food supply situation by sub-region, giving the latest estimates of cereal import and food aid requirements of all four sub-regions of sub-Saharan Africa. Part III presents the latest analysis and information on crop prospects and the food supply situation and outlook in each country. -
Malgré Un Lent Retour À La Stabilité, Pas De Solutions Durables En Vue Pour Bon Nombre De PDI
11 octobre 2013 MALI Malgré un lent retour à la stabilité, pas de solutions durables en vue pour bon nombre de PDI Le Mali se remet lentement du coup d’Etat militaire de mars 2012 et de la prise du Nord du pays par des rebelles touareg et des groupes islamistes la même année. Les événements dramatiques de 2012 et du début 2013 ont plongé le pays dans une crise humanitaire, politique et sécuritaire complexe, provoquant le déplacement interne de centaines de milliers de personnes. Aujourd’hui, les Maliens et la communauté internationale envisagent l’avenir proche avec une confiance mesurée. Des milliers de maliens qui avaient trouvé refuge dans les villes du sud du pays L’amélioration significative des conditions de au cours des troubles de l’année dernière commencent à retourner dans le nord. sécurité, illustrée par la tenue pacifique des D’autres attendent encore d’être rassurés sur la situation sécuritaire avant de rentrer chez eux. (Photo: E.J. Rushing, mars 2013) élections présidentielles de juillet et août 2013, a permis à de nombreuses des 311,000 person- nes déplacées internes (PDI), vivant toujours dans des conditions extrêmes, de se projeter dans l’avenir. Des dizaines de milliers d’entre elles ont commencé à regagner leurs foyers au Nord du Mali, mais de nombreux obstacles persistent, les empêchant de trouver des solutions vraiment durables à leur déplace- ment. Des combats et attaques sporadiques se poursuivent dans le Nord, notamment à Kidal. Les com- battants ont laissé dans leur sillage des restes explosifs de guerre mettant en danger les populations civ- iles, notamment les enfants. -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
Monthly Forecast
November 2020 Monthly Forecast 1 Overview Overview 2 In Hindsight 3 Status Update since our October Forecast Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has the pres- Adoptions are also anticipated to renew the idency of the Security Council in November. mandates of MINUSCA (Central African Repub- 5 Lebanon (1701) Although the Council held several meetings in the lic) and UNISFA (Abyei). 6 Peacebuilding and Council chamber in October, COVID-19 infec- The regular meetings on Syria, Yemen and Sustaining Peace tions at the mission of a member state led to the the situation in the Middle East, including the 8 UN Peacekeeping suspension of in-person meetings in late October, Palestinian Question, are also on the November 9 Central African and it is unclear when they will resume. programme of work. On Syria, there will be an Republic St Vincent and the Grenadines has chosen open and closed meeting on the political and 10 Bosnia and to hold a high-level open debate on “contempo- humanitarian situation and a closed meeting on Herzegovina rary drivers of conflict and insecurity”, under the the use of chemical weapons. The meetings on 11 Syria Peacebuilding and Sustaining Peace agenda. The developments in Yemen and on the situation in Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grena- the Middle East are planned in both open and 13 Libya dines, Ralph Gonsalves, will chair the meeting. closed format. 15 Yemen The expected briefers are Deputy Secretary-Gen- Other meetings on the Middle East include: 16 International Court of eral Amina Mohammed; Chief Executive Officer • Iraq, with briefings and consultations on Justice of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development UNAMI and UNITAD; and 17 Sudan and South Ibrahim Mayaki; Vice-Chancellor of the Univer- • Lebanon, consultations on resolution 1701. -
'They Treat Us All Like Jihadis'
POLICY BRIEF: DECEMBER 2016 ‘They treat us all like jihadis’ Looking beyond violent extremism to building peace in Mali SUMMARY This policy brief presents the findings of an 18-month project led by International Alert in Mali’s central regions, namely Timbuktu, Mopti and Ségou. Based on a range of multidimensional engagements with communities and local authorities, the project sheds light on the drivers and dynamics of ‘violent extremism’, their connections to other conflict dynamics and the importance of having a context-specific understanding and applying conflict-sensitive approaches rooted in local communities. Taking these aspects into account can ensure that responses to violent extremism deliver a long-lasting impact and contribute to peacebuilding and statebuilding in Mali. Introduction In 2012, Mali was confronted by a military coup, which opened up a space for separatist rebels and Islamist groups to take control of vast spaces of the Malian Sahel and to occupy major cities including Timbuktu and Gao. Three years after the start of the French-led military campaign,1 that pushed many Islamist armed groups back to the borders with Algeria and Libya, and despite the Algiers Mali Peace Accord,2 which brokered a deal between the government and rebel groups in June 2015, conflict and violence in Mali continue to severely affect civilians. Violence has spread to central Mali as far south as Mopti and Ségou. Catalysed by weak governance and generalised insecurity, pre-existing conflicts in these regions have been left unresolved and have festered into further divisions: within and between communities, along ethnic and social lines, between the state and citizens, between traditional and state authorities, and between generations. -
School of Graduate Studies Responsibilities And
SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES RESPONSIBILITIES AND CHALLENGES OF THE AFRICAN UNION IN MAINTAINING CONTINENTAL PEACE AND SECURITY: A CASE STUDY OF THE MALIAN CRISIS NIGATU ABEBE JUNE, 2014 ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA Responsibilities and Challenges of the African Union in Maintaining Continental peace and Security: A case study of the Malian Crisis By: Nigatu Abebe A Thesis submitted to Center for Africa and Oriental Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of the Master of Arts in African and Oriental Studies Specialization on state and citizenship in Africa Addis Ababa University Addis Ababa, Ethiopia June, 2014 Contents Acknowledgment…………………………………………………………….I Acronyms……………………………………………………………............. II List of figures…………………………………………………………………III Abstract……………………………………………………………………….IV Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………….1 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….1 1.1. Back ground of the study……………………………………………………………..1 1.1.2. The African Union and peace and security in Africa………………………………1 1.1.3. Overview the Malian crisis…………………………………………………………3 1.1.4. Statement of the problem…………………………………………………………...5 1.1.4.1. Legacies of Slave trade on Africa………………………………………………...5 1.1.4.2. Legacies of colonialism on Africa………………………………………………..6 1.1.5. Research Questions………………………………………………………………..11 1.1.6. Significance of the study…………………………………………………………..11 1.1.7. Scope of the study…………………………………………………………………11 1.1.8. Objective of the study……………………………………………………………..12 1.1.8.1 General objective………………………………………………………………...12 1.1.8.2 Specific objectives……………………………………………………………….12 1.1.9. Limitations of the study…………………………………………………………...12 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………...13 2. Literature Review………………………………………………………………….13 2.1. Conceptual framework: Political crisis……………………………………………13 2.1.1. Approaches to explain political crisis……………………………………………..14 2.1.2. Theories of Intra-State Conflict…………………………………………………..16 2.1.2.1. -
Marine Insurers Wary of Arctic Shipping Routes: Marsh
MARKET NEWS, DATAAND INSIGHT ALL DAY,EVERYDAY WEDNESDAY20AUGUST2014 ISSUE 4,172 Marine insurers wary of Arctic shipping routes: Marsh Dmytro Pylypenko/shutterstock.com p3 QBE to HDI-Gerling opens raise $750m underwriting unit in São Paolo equity and sell off non-core assets Filipe Frazao/shutterstock.com p3 p3 Technology Focus Risk Foresight Big Interview The internet of trees is not Complications of foreign Esdaile and Aspinall on BPL’s such a ridiculous concept p4 intervention in Iraq p5 changing of the guard p6-7 2 www.insuranceday.com| Wednesday 20 August 2014 NEWS Marketnews,dataandinsightallday,everyday InsuranceDay istheworld’sonlydailynewspaperforthe internationalinsuranceandreinsuranceandriskindustries. ItsprimaryfocusisontheLondonmarketandwhataffectsit, concentratingonthekeyareasofcatastrophe,propertyand marine,aviationandtransportation.Itisavailableinprint,PDF, mobileandonlineversionsandisreadbymorethan10,000people inmorethan70countriesworldwide. Political events Firstpublishedin1995,InsuranceDay hasbecomethefavourite in Ukraine publicationfortheLondonmarket,whichreliesonitsmixof and ensuing news,analysisanddatatokeepintouchwiththisfast-moving sanctions on andvitallyimportantsector.Itsexperiencedandhighlyskilled Russia have put insurancewritersarewellknownandrespectedinthemarketand theirinsightisbothcompellingandvaluable. the political risk and trade credit InsuranceDay alsoproducesanumberofmust-attendannual insurance eventstocomplementitsdailyoutput.TheLondonandBermuda market under summitsareexclusivenetworkingconferencesforsenior -
Rethinking the Response to Jihadist Groups Across the Sahel
Research Rethinking the response Paper to jihadist groups across Africa Programme the Sahel March 2021 Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, is a world-leading policy institute based in London. Our mission is to help governments and societies build a sustainably secure, prosperous and just world. Contents Summary 2 01 Introduction 3 02 Governments and armies in the Sahel: structural failures 6 03 The case of northern Mali 10 04 Niger: a counterexample 14 05 The role of local militia groups 18 06 The limitations of proxy warfare 20 07 Conclusion: the end of military cooperation? 24 About the author 27 Acknowledgments 27 1 Chatham House Summary — Rather than the ideology of global jihad, the driving force behind the emergence and resilience of non-state armed groups in the Sahel is a combination of weak states, corruption and the brutal repression of dissent, embodied in dysfunctional military forces. — The dominant narrative of a global jihadi threat has overshadowed the reality of the key role played by military nepotism, prevarication and indiscipline in generating and continuing conflict in the Sahel – problems that long predated the ‘war on terror’. Moreover, it has pushed the international community to intervene to regulate local conflicts that have little to do with global terrorism or religious indoctrination. — Mali offers a clear example of this. The widespread use of poorly controlled militias, the collapse of its army, two coups – in 2012 and 2020 – and a weak state presence in rural areas, on top of a history of repression and abuse suffered by its northern population, has done much more to drive the growth of insurgent groups than did the fall of the Gaddafi regime in Libya in 2011, Salafist indoctrination, or alleged support from Arab countries.