Gladstone and Panizzi
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GLADSTONE AND PANIZZI M, R. D. FOOT THERE were several strands in Gladstone's relation with Panizzi, whom he came to call 'this very true, trusty, hearty friend'.' Panizzi made his English debut in the 1820s in Liverpool, where John Gladstone was a merchant prince, and he made it under the patronage of William Ewart the future Prime Minister's godfather; but at that time the young W. E. Gladstone was a boy at Eton, and there is no indication that he and Panizzi then met. They first encountered each other over official and literary business in the early 1840s, when Gladstone was a rising Tory politician and Panizzi—twelve years his senior- was Keeper of Printed Books in the British Museum. Italian poetry drew them together, and they became closer still through the work they did—all of it arduous and some of it secret—for the benefit of victims of the Neapolitan police, in the 1850s. They then had several years' close official co-operation while Gladstone was a Museum Trustee and Panizzi was Principal Librarian. After Panizzi resigned, Gladstone was one of the friends with whom he kept in touch, and was a frequent visitor when Panizzi was ill. Friendship does not always leave traces on paper, but in this case their letters to each other give some clues to their feelings. Gladstone after all was brought up politically at the knee of Peel, of whom he once said that 'no man among our great statesmen has more profoundly revered or more closely followed Duty\^ A minor point of duty to which Gladstone held true was Peel's principle, 'Never destroy a letter. No public man who respects himself should ever destroy a letter',^ Panizzi's letters to Gladstone fill almost all of a volume of nearly 400 pages in the Gladstone papers, and Gladstone's to Panizzi are scattered through most of the fifteen volumes of the librarian's correspondence, both in the care of the Department of Manuscripts.'^ A few extracts may show the sort of friends they were. The first surviving trace of contact between them dates from 1842, On 4 November that year Gladstone—then a busy junior minister, much preoccupied with his wife and with his three-week-old daughter Agnes—recorded in his diary that he 'Finished Macaulay's "Lays'" of ancient Rome, which had just come out, and besides minutes and four other letters 'Wrote to . , , Panizzi',"^ Unluckily neither did Panizzi keep the letter, nor did Gladstone keep a copy. Caprin states that it was Gladstone who put Panizzi in touch with the Foreign Office, but quotes no source. Negotiations between Panizzi and the Foreign Office were already in train in the spring and summer of 1842; Caprin may W. E. Gladstone, c. 1847. (Reproduced by courtesy of The Radio Times Hulton Picture Library) have made a slip.^ Certainly before long, if not from the start, Panizzi enlisted Gladstone as an intermediary with Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Secretary. Gladstone and Aberdeen had been fast friends from their first official meeting, in the Colonial Office in January 1835,^ and Gladstone willingly pressed Panizzi's case for being allowed reasonable access to Italian soil, where he was suspect to several despotic governments. Nothing came at the time of long protracted negotiations;^ but already while they were in progress Gladstone's acquaintance with Panizzi had blossomed far enough for him to be able to write on 4 June 1844, 'I only wish the Austrian Government knew you as well as we do—none of these difficulties would then occur.'^ A few weeks later, on 13 July, Panizzi drew Gladstone's attention to the offer, in the Duke of Sussex's sale, of the duke's copy of Gladstone's first book. The State in its Rela- tions with the Church {1838), 'with numerous manuscript notes ... I write as probably you have no time for reading catalogues on which I grow fat\^^ Gladstone declined Panizzi's proposal that the Museum should back down in his favour, and the copy is now with the Department of Printed Books. Their fondness for Italian literature provided bond enough to hold them together. As Dr, Dennis Rhodes has shown in a detailed study of Gladstone and Leopardi," Gladstone's article on Leopardi in the Quarterly Review for March 1850 depended largely on Panizzi's supervision and advice. By this time they had reached the stage of looking over each others' articles for the heavy quarterlies before they went to press. Yet in that era Itahan literature and politics were hardly to be kept in separate compartments; as witness Gladstone's visit to Manzoni, when on a voyage to Italy for his health's sake in 1838.^- What political interest on earth could a virtual ex-carbonaro and a dyed-in-the-wool conservative—as Gladstone still was in the 1840s—have in common ? Gladstone was not going to remain a Conservative for ever, at least on the surface; indeed, dare one say that the photograph which accompanies this article, probably taken in 1847, shows a carbonarist countenance? It certainly gives a sense of fires smouldering beneath the iron control of the sitter's will. Already in October 1849 Gladstone, back from a journey that had taken him through Rome a few days after the republican revolution there had been put down, could write to Panizzi that he was 'no great revolutionist elsewhere', but was certain that the papal states should not be governed by priests.'-'' This journey, touching Genoa, Leghorn, Rome, Naples, Milan, and Como, had been made purely for a private reason: to attempt to persuade Lady Lincoln, an old friend of Mrs. Gladstone's, to return to her husband who had been up at Christ Church with Gladstone—to whom indeed Gladstone owed the introduction to Lincoln's father, the Duke of Newcastle, which had first launched Gladstone on his parliamentary career, as a member for a virtual pocket borough, Susan Lincoln figures also among Panizzi's correspondents—she wrote to him from Rome late in 1848, to complain that the Pope 'has alas! shown great weakness of character',•'^ a remark in dubious taste from her. By the time Gladstone caught up with her she was visibly pregnant, not by her husband. Morley, not always the best of sources,^^ indicates that it was ^doubtless' Panizzi who first got Gladstone interested in the plight of the political prisoners incarcerated, alongside 50 the scum of the city, in noisome gaols in Naples.'^ If this is so, Panizzi can claim credit for a significant turn in Gladstone's life. The Gladstones went to Naples in the winter of 1850-1, for the sake of their two-year-old daughter Mary's eyes; probably also in order to try to console themselves for the loss a few months earlier of another daughter, their favourite Jessy, whose death in April 1850 from meningitis had almost unhinged her father's reason.•' The young ex-minister's Letters to Lord Aberdeen on the conduct of the Neapolitan regime—'the negation of God erected into a system of Government'—'^ were, as Hammond pointed out a generation ago, an appeal to European conservatives to oppose conduct that brought all systems of government into discredit. ^^ European conservatives did not want to know, and their silence and disdain started Gladstone on the road that took him eventually to the leadership of the Liberal movement in British and indeed in European politics. Negations of God erected into systems of government have become more common in the present century, usually in regimes that do not allow visitors from outside into their chambers of horror. Panizzi, like Gladstone, burned with a fierce indignation at what the Neapolitans were doing to professional men of intense respectability. Even the blameless Lacaita, whom Gladstone first met on 13 November 1850,^° was arrested in the street in Naples on 3 January 1851. Next day Gladstone 'Saw Mr Fagan & others about Lacaita: how fruitlessly! One grows wild at being able to do nothing';'' and it was Lacaita's arrest that drew Gladstone's attention more forcibly than ever to the internal state of Naples. Lacaita was released on 12 January, well enough to visit Leopardi's tomb with Gladstone on the 17th;" while a highly personal incident altered all Gladstone's plans. Just before Christmas 1850 an unknown horseman rode past the house which the Gladstones had taken for the winter at 5 Chiatamone, west of the naval harbour. He rode so fast that he gave Mrs. Gladstone, who happened to be out of doors, a severe shock, 'very nearly knocking her down'. As a result, she miscarried on 7 January.-^ Her husband felt he really could not leave her ill in a foreign country—she was 'still on her back' on the 24th, and was in both physical and nervous trouble in mid-February—to take the nine-day journey back to London as he had intended for the opening of Parliament on 4 February. On 7 February her elder brother Sir Stephen Glynne reached Naples to stay, and on the i8th Gladstone was at last able to set out for London.^ It was not till 13 February that he had his most im- portant prison visit, a talk in the forecourt of Nisida with Carlo Poerio and Michele Pironti—the two of them heavily manacled together, for a twenty-four-year sentence; 'The words that the chains are never loosened are to be understood strictly.^^^ It seems that Panizzi and the unknown horseman can claim joint credit for having given Gladstone the opportunity to see enough of Ferdinand of Naples's treatment of his political prisoners for momentous consequences to ensue.