Darfur Conflict: Beyond ‘Ethnic Hatred’

The Darfur Conflict: Beyond ‘Ethnic Hatred’ explanations by Daniela Gross de Almeida Submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Master of Arts (International Studies) at University of Stellenbosch Supervisor: Dr. C Steenkamp 5 March 2008 Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this research assignment/thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature:……………………….. Date:…………………………….. Copyright © 2008 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved 2 Abstract Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 3 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic. 4 Opsomming Soedan is ‘n staat met ‘n geskiedenis van verskeie verwoestende burgeroorloë. Hierdie konflikte het, vanuit ‘n globale perspektief, getoon dat hulle net so verwoestend as interstaatsoorloë kan wees – of selfs meer verwoestend in terme van die getal sterftes, vlugtelinge en sosiale impak. Die konflik in Darfoer, in westelike Soedan, is ‘n burgeroorlog wat een van die ergste scenarios uitbeeld. Gedurende omtrent vyf jaar van oorlogvoering, is meer as 200 000 mense dood en omtrent twee miljoen mense verplaas om ‘n situasie te skep wat die VN as die “wêreld se ergste humanitêre krisis” bestempel het. Die burgeroorlog is begin deur aanvalle teen regeringsinstallasies deur twee rebellegroepe, die Soedanese Vryheidsbeweging en die Beweging vir Geregtigheid en Gelykheid. Alhoewel dit na ‘n tipiese insurgensie lyk, is die burgeroorlog in Darfoer algemeen bestempel as ‘n “stam” konflik van “Afrikane” teen “Arabiere”. Hierdie verduideliking slaag nie daarin om die komplekse omstandighede wat tot die situasie gelei het, te verhelder nie. Soos hierdie studie aandui, het identiteitsfaktore ‘n rol gespeel as ‘n ontstaan van die konflik, maar die “etniese haat” verduideliking vir oorlog blyk nie genoegsaam te wees in hierdie geval nie. Darfoer blyk ‘n duidelike geval te wees waar geen enkele faktor die oorlog genoegsaam kan verduidelik nie. In Darfoer, blyk dit dat verskeie faktore bygedra het tot die toestande wat nodig was vir die uitbreek van geweld. Hierdie studie fokus op twee van hierdie faktore – die natuurlike omgewingsfaktore wat die area beïnvloed het, en die regering se gebruik van die Janjaweed magte in sy pogings om die insurgensie teen te staan. Albei het in verskillende maniere daartoe bygedra om die samelewing in Darfoer te polariseer. Dit het die omstandighede in die area vererger en gehelp om die hoë vlakke van geweld wat kenmerkend van die konflik is, teweeg te bring. Dis belangrik dat, deur die konflik in Darfoer te analiseer vanuit ‘n oogpunt wat verder as die “etniese haat” verduideliking strek, dit moontlik is om kwessies (soos grondeienaarskap) te identifiseer wat aangespreek moet word om vrede te bewerkstellig. Soos die tesis bewys, is dit slegs deur ‘n breë begrip van die komplekse 5 oorsake van die konflik dat vredesonderhandelings kan slaag. Solank as wat hierdie oorsake geïgnoreer word, bly enige vredesooreenkoms of kanse op ‘n langdurige oplossing onrealisties. 6 Acknowledgments Writing on conflict theories has been a challenge for me and would not have been possible without my supervisor Dr. C Steenkamp, who introduced me to this field with much patience and dedication. I would also like to thank Professor Breytenbach, whose extensive knowledge of African conflicts helped me understand the complex situation in Darfur at the outset of this research project. Thanks to my boyfriend Dave Mottershead for always being present, despite the distance. Without his help and the many hours that he has spent proofreading my work, this thesis would not be the same. Thanks to my dad for supporting me financially and for always believing in my ability. And finally, I would like to express my gratitude to Audun Solli and Mads Hansen for being my flatmates and best friends during this year. In addition, I also would like to thank them for the long discussions in Political Science, which guided me through this new field. 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.........................................................................10 1.1 Introduction............................................................................................................ 11 1.2 Problem statement ................................................................................................. 13 1.3 Purposes and Significance..................................................................................... 16 1.4 Research Methods.................................................................................................. 19 1.5 Preliminary Contents Design................................................................................ 20 CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT ........................................23 2.1 The Main Actors – Rebels and Rulers ................................................................. 26 2.1.1 The Sudan Liberation Movement/ Army – SLM/A.......................................... 27 2.1.2 The Justice and Equality Movement (JEM)...................................................... 30 2.1.3 Sudan’s Government – A Short Account from Independence until Today...... 32 2.2 Response to the first Rebel Attacks...................................................................... 36 2.3 The North-South Peace Negotiations ................................................................... 38 2.4 The Abeche Talks................................................................................................... 40 2.5 The N’djamena Talks, Addis Ababa Negotiations and the AU in Darfur........ 43 2.6 For whom is the “Responsibility to Protect” in Darfur?.................................... 44 2.7 New Negotiations and a New Year of Conflict .................................................... 46 2.8 The DPA Agreement.............................................................................................. 48 2.9 The UN Peacekeeping Force heads to Darfur ..................................................... 49 CHAPTER 3: HEATING UP THE ROLE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN THE DARFUR CONFLICT..............52 3.1 The Land in Darfur ............................................................................................... 57 3.2 The Identity Formation Process ........................................................................... 59 3.3 Farmers and Nomads – A Time of Cooperation in Darfur................................ 63 3.4 Heating Up.............................................................................................................. 69 3.5 Government Policies Towards Land and Tribal Administration ..................... 74 3.6 Government Policy of Marginalisation................................................................ 76 8 3.7 Is the Environment a Root Cause of the Conflict in Darfur?............................ 78 CHAPTER 4: JANJAWEED – AN ETHNIC WEAPON OF WAR.....................82 4.1 Janjaweed – The Government’s Instrument of Ethnic Manipulation.............. 86 4.2 Janjaweed: On the Attack....................................................................................

Load more