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PEACE PRINTS South Asian Journal of Peacebuilding Vol. 4. No. 2. Winter 2012 Women in Security, Conflict Management and Peace Foundation for Universal Responsibility of His Holiness the Dalai Lama New Delhi, India Copyright© WISCOMP Foundation for Universal Responsibility of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, New Delhi, India, 2012. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by WISCOMP Foundation for Universal Responsibility Core 4A, UGF, India Habitat Centre Lodhi Road, New Delhi-110003, India WISCOMP is grateful to the Embassy of Finland, New Delhi for its support to this project. Disclaimer The views expressed in Peace Prints are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect those of WISCOMP or the Foundation for Universal Responsibility of HH the Dalai Lama, nor are they endorsed by them. Contact Information For queries regarding submissions and subscription, please write to [email protected] with “journal” in the subject line. We welcome comments and feedback on papers published in Peace Prints. The journal can be accessed free of charge on the WISCOMP website www.wiscomp.org/peaceprints.htm CONTENTS Building Peace between India and Pakistan: Opportunities and Challenges EDITORIAL Manjrika Sewak and Seema Kakran ACADEMIC PAPERS AND REFLECTION PIECES Processing Peace: To Speak in a Different Voice Meenakshi Gopinath Peace brew-ha-ha all over again? India and the Peace Process Rizwan Zeb The Road to Reconciliation with Pakistan: Sifting Causes from Consequences B. -
Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
Indian Inclusion in CPEC: a Path to Indo-Pak Threat Reduction Via Complex Interdependence
ISSN: 2664-8148 (Online) Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.2 Vol. 3, No. 2, (July-December) 2019, 11-19 Research Article https://www.ideapublishers.org/lassij ___________________________________________________________________________ Indian Inclusion in CPEC: A Path to Indo-Pak Threat Reduction via Complex Interdependence Sohail Ahmad1*, Areeja Syed1 and Muhammad Makkey Bhutta2 1. Department of Humanities, International Relations Program, Comsats University Islamabad, Pakistan. 2. Department of Communication Studies, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan Pakistan. Received: June 9, 2019 Published Online: January 21, 2020 ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. Abstract CPEC is a flagship project that can help India boost her economy to uplift the growing demands of infrastructural investment in the sector of energy, railroad connectivity and much more. As Pakistan and India get more economically integrated, the likelihood of any significant or minor war is going to be avoidable in the long run. India needs to understand that CPEC is not meant to destabilise any of the South Asian nations but to trigger the overall regional amalgamation. The addition of India to this global project is extremely industrious to take trilateral relations among China, Pakistan, and India towards new heights. With the backdrop of distrust, animosity, negative peace and zero political connectivity between India and Pakistan, CPEC is a feasible platform to eradicate these dilemmas if political connectivity is established. There is a need to have ideas and incentives which can convince India to be the part of CPEC. In addition, adverse reporting of media is also damaging this project by spreading false allegations. Therefore, the authors seek to explain how through CPEC, there can be less stress between India and Pakistan. -
Journalism Caught in Narrow Nationalism: the India-Pakistan Media War
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford Journalism Caught in Narrow Nationalism: The India-Pakistan Media War by Dwaipayan Bose Hillary and Trinity Terms 2011 Sponsor: Thomson Reuters Foundation Acknowledgments In a profession marked by tight deadlines, breakneck speed, long hours, intense competition and pressure from both above and below, it is absolutely essential that one takes a break, rejuvenates the brain cells and finds out what’s happening to journalism across the world. In order to do that, one needs a helping hand, a catalyst. That, for me, has been the Thomson Reuters Foundation, my sponsor and the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, my place of study. I am deeply grateful to both for giving me the opportunity to spend six months in Oxford and absorb all that this great university town has to offer. Writing this paper, researching for it, studying at the Bodleian, attending seminars was an ‘Experience Extraordinary’. I am thankful to RISJ director Dr David Levy, head of the journalism fellowship programme James Painter, and director of journalism John Lloyd for structuring the fellowship in a way that left me intellectually stimulated and enlightened. Life and logistics were taken care of by RISJ administrator Sara Kalim, staffers Alex Reid, Kate Hanneford-Smith and Amanda Armstrong – all of whom were extremely kind and helpful. I can never thank Dr Daya Thussu, my guide, enough for the great interest and commitment with which he helped me navigate through this delicate subject. Senior journalists, editors of India, Pakistan and beyond have helped me, spoke to me and gave their frank and free views on the subject. -
Florida State University Libraries
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2017 Nuclearization as National Security a Comparative Analysis of Framing and Frame Building in Indian and Pakistani Newspapers Awais Saleem Follow this and additional works at the DigiNole: FSU's Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION NUCLEARIZATION AS NATIONAL SECURITY A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRAMING AND FRAME BUILDING IN INDIAN AND PAKISTANI NEWSPAPERS By AWAIS SALEEM A Dissertation submitted to the School of Communication in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2017 Awais Saleem defended this dissertation on July 19, 2017. The members of the supervisory committee were: Stephen D. McDowell Professor Directing Dissertation Christopher Coutts University Representative Andrew Opel Committee Member Brian Graves Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii This effort is dedicated to the two most important women in my life - my mother, Nuzhat Saleem, and my wife, Ayiesha Awais - for always standing by me through every thick and thin. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is a culmination of a long and fulfilling academic journey. When I look back, there are so many people who have contributed to the successes that I have achieved and for shaping the course of my life. To start with, I must thank my teachers in Pakistan. Each one of them, in their own unique ways, have contributed to my academic career. -
State Capacity in Punjab's Local Governments
Final report State capacity in Punjab’s local governments Benchmarking existing deficits Gharad Bryan Ali Cheema Ameera Jamal Adnan Khan Asad Liaqat Gerard Padro i Miquel June 2019 When citing this paper, please use the title and the following reference number: S-37433-PAK-2 STATE CAPACITY IN PUNJAB’S LOCAL GOVERNMENTS: BENCHMARKING EXISTING DEFICITS Gharad Bryan, Ali Cheema, Ameera Jamal, Adnan Khan, Asad Liaqat Gerard Padro i Miquel This Version: August 2019 Abstract As the developing world urbanizes, there is increasing pressure to provide local public goods and local governments are expected to play an important role in their provision. However, there is little work on the nature of of capacity deficits faced by local governments and whether these deficits are acting as a constraint on performance. We use financial accounts data from Punjab’s local governments for 2018-19 to measure their ability to utilize budgets and find that there is considerable variation in this metric across local governments. We supplement this with a management survey with the top managers whose decisions affect budget utilization in a random sample of 129 out of 193 urban local governments in Punjab. We find that the capacity deficits in local governments are particularly challenging in terms of human resource capabilities, the adoption of automated systems, and legal and enforcement capacity. We also find that better human resource capabilities and the use of managerial incentives are positively correlated with budget utilization. Our evidence provides new insights on the importance of management and human resource capabilities and systems capacity in local governments in a developing country setting. -
Islamist Militancy in the Pakistan-Afghanistan Border Region and U.S. Policy
= 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38 +,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= _=1&3=74389&)9= 5*(.&1.89=.3=4:9-=8.&3=++&.78= *33*9-=&9?2&3= 5*(.&1.89=.3=.))1*=&89*73=++&.78= 4;*2'*7=,+`=,**2= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.10-= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38+,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= = :22&7>= Increasing militant activity in western Pakistan poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself; a growing threat to Pakistani stability; and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. This report will be updated as events warrant. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both cooperation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials have praised Pakistan for its ongoing cooperation, although long-held doubts exist about Islamabad’s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Pakistan is identified as a base for terrorist groups and their supporters operating in Kashmir, India, and Afghanistan. Since 2003, Pakistan’s army has conducted unprecedented and largely ineffectual counterterrorism operations in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan, where Al Qaeda operatives and pro-Taliban insurgents are said to enjoy “safe haven.” Militant groups have only grown stronger and more aggressive in 2008. -
From Burhan Wani to Abhi Nandan: a Comparative Analysis of India And
Article 41 FromNUST Burhan Journal Waniof International to Abhi NUST Journal of International Nandan: A ComparativePeace & Stability Peace & Stability Analysis2020, Vol. of IndiaIII (1) Pagesand Pakistan’s41-58 2020, Vol. III (1) Pages 41-58 njips.nust.edu.pk njips.nust.edu.pk Newspaper Coverage of Kashmir Conflict Ajmal Khan1 Azmat Khan2 Abstract This paper compares the coverage of Kashmir Conflict in four English language dailies: two from Pakistan; DAWN and The Nation, and two from India; ‘The HINDU’ and ‘Times of India’ by employing Galtung’s Model of Peace Journalism (Galtung, 1986; 1998) and Lynch & McGoldrick’s (2005) Two-Sided Conflict Model. The study pursues two research questions; is the coverage of these newspaper war or peace- oriented, and do they report Kashmir Conflict through Two-Party (Pak-India) or Multi- Party lenses. For data sources, seven major recent events; Burhan Wani’s killing (2016), Uri Attack, Indian Surgical Strikes, Pulwama Attack, Balakot Airstrike, and Abhi Nandan’s Capture and Release (2019) were chosen. A total of 56 stories, one lead story and one editorial from each newspaper about every event, were collected. Each story was evaluated according to Galtung’s 19 indicators; nine War, nine Peace and one Neutral, and accordingly categorized. The analysis revealed that DAWN had the highest (46.15%) peace-oriented coverage while The HINDU was second with only 23% peace content. In the war category, The Nation scored the highest (100%) while the Times of India was found second (92.85%). No story could qualify for the neutral category. Overall, the coverage of these newspapers was found grossly (81.13%) war- oriented. -
Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan's New Prime Minister
ISAS Brief No. 61 – Date: 25 March 2008 469A Bukit Timah Road #07-01,Tower Block, Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 6179 / 6516 4239 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan’s New Prime Minister Ishtiaq Ahmed1 Yousaf Raza Gilani (complete formal name: Makdoom Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani), was elected to the Pakistan National Assembly on 18 February 2008 on a ticket of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Benazir Bhutto. After several weeks of suspense and speculation, during which intense consultations and negotiations within the PPP and between the PPP and its coalition partners, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Awami National Party (ANP), the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-F and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) took place, Gilani was nominated on 22 March 2008 as the PPP candidate for the pivotal post of prime minister. On 24 March 2008, he was elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. He secured votes 264 votes of the newly elected legislators while his rival and leader of the opposition, Chaudhri Pervaiz Elahi, of the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), received only 42 votes. He is to be sworn in as prime minister on 25 March 2008 by President Pervez Musharraf. Gilani hails from a prominent landowning family of Multan in the Seraiki-speaking areas of southern Punjab. Multan is an ancient city and is known for the very large number of Sufi shrines located in it. Gilani’s family are custodians of one of the prominent Sufi shrines, that of their ancestor, Musa Pak. -
India-Pakistan Relations India Desires Peaceful, Friendly and Cooperative Relations with Pakistan, Which Require an Environment
India-Pakistan Relations India desires peaceful, friendly and cooperative relations with Pakistan, which require an environment free from violence and terrorism. In April 2010, during the meeting between Prime Minister and then Pak PM Gilani on the margins of the SAARC Summit (Thimpu) PM spoke about India's willingness to resolve all outstanding issues through bilateral dialogue. Follow up meetings were held by the two Foreign Ministers (Islamabad, July 2010), and the two Foreign Secretaries (Thimphu, February 2011). During the latter meeting it was formally agreed to resume dialogue on all issues: (i) Counter-terrorism (including progress on Mumbai trial) and Humanitarian issues at Home Secretary level; (ii) Peace & Security, including CBMs, (iii) Jammu & Kashmir, and (iv) promotion of friendly exchanges at the level of Foreign Secretaries; (v) Siachen at Defence Secretary-level; (vi) Economic issues at Commerce Secretary level; (vii) Tulbul Navigation Project/ Wullar Barrage at Water Resources Secretary-level; and (viii) Sir Creek (at the level of Surveyors General/ Additional Secretary). Since then several efforts have been made by the two countries to enhance people-to-people contacts. Cross-LoC travel and trade across J&K, initiated in 2005 and 2008 respectively, is an important step in this direction. Further, India and Pakistan signed a new visa agreement in September 2012 during the visit of then External Affairs Minister to Pakistan. This agreement has led to liberalization of bilateral visa regime. Two rounds of the resumed dialogue have been completed; the third round began in September 2012, when the Commerce Secretaries met in Islamabad. Talks on conventional and non-conventional CBMs were held in the third round in December 2012 in New Delhi. -
Prospects for Indo-Pak Confidence-Building Measures: the Role of Civil Society
International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development Online ISSN: 2349-4182, Print ISSN: 2349-5979 Impact Factor: RJIF 5.72 www.allsubjectjournal.com Volume 4; Issue 9; September 2017; Page No. 18-22 Prospects for Indo-Pak confidence-building measures: The role of civil society Arsala Nizami Ph.D. scholar at School of Interdisciplinary and Transdisciplinary Studies (SOITS), IGNOU, New Delhi, India Abstract Indo-Pak relations, which are marked by several issues of contention, are getting worse with each passing day. Despite myriad attempts to resolve the conflict, including adoption of a number of CBMs, the promised respite has not been witnessed yet. Against the failure of the states to resolve the conflict and build peace in the region, this paper examines the efforts of civil society in bridging the trust deficit and promoting normalcy between India and Pakistan. In addition, the strengths, weaknesses and the efficacy of CBMs adopted by civil society has also been discussed. It is asserted that society-led CBMs facilitate meetings and interaction of the populace of two countries that help in evading negative perceptions about the other, thereby building confidence and peace. Keywords: India-Pakistan relations, confidence building measures (CBMs), civil society, peace, conflict Introduction India-Pakistan Relations This paper attempts to analyse the role of civil society in India and Pakistan are arch rivals ever since their vivisection building confidence and reducing suspicion between India and in 1947. The two countries have fought three wars, a conflict Pakistan through various Confidence Building Measures and have encountered various crises owing to several issues of (CBMs). -
Benazir Bhutto.Pdf
BenazirBhutto Benazir Bhutto KATHERINE M. DOHERTY and CRAIG A. DOHERTY Reproduced in pdf form by Sani H Panwhar Introduction The first time that we saw Benazir Bhutto we were greatly impressed by her poise, beauty, and youth. Here was a woman a couple of years younger than us who had lived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, at the same time we did, appearing on the news as the leading opponent of the military dictator General Zia in Pakistan. It was exciting to listen to the accolades the press bestowed upon her. After she had become prime minister and our editor suggested that we do a book about her, we began to look more seriously at the first woman to head a modern Islamic state and the youngest head of state in the world. The more research we did, the more struck we were with the adversity that Benazir Bhutto had faced and overcome in her long struggle with the military powers of Pakistan. She has inherited her father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's political legacy and sits as only the second popularly elected head of state in her country's brief history. It is a precarious position, as she well knows. Military coups, assassinations, the exiling of leaders and, in the case of her father, kangaroo court sentences and executions are commonplace in the political arena in which she operates. The fact that she is a woman adds to the insecurity of her position. Many on Pakistan's religious right feel that women should be restricted to activities within the home. General Zia had done much during his eleven-year reign to reinforce that position.