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HESPERIA 76 (2007) THE BUST-CROWN, THE Pages 365-390 PANHELLENION, AND

A New Portrait from the Athenian

abstract

A marble portrait found in 2002 near the City Eleusinion, just outside the a man Athenian Agora, depicts the head of wearing a crown adorned with eight small busts. The busts appear to be imperial portraits representing male members of the Antonine and Severan dynasties, the latest of which is prob was ably , during whose reign the portrait presumably carved. The face crown or and beard, but not the hair, show signs of having been later reworked. a an The portrait may represent delegate to the Panhellenion, institution an or an closely associated with Eleusis. Possibly archon agonothetes of the hellenia, he may have been honored for his service with a statue inAthens.

INTRODUCTION

summer a was In the of 2002 well-preserved Roman portrait head (Fig. 1) on discovered in the vicinity of the City Eleusinion the northern slope of the Athenian , just southeast of the Classical Agora.1 The a man a crown portrait depicts wearing large decorated with eight tiny busts. Although bust-crowns of this type are known from other contexts, this is the first such portrait to have been found in . Nearly every a comes other example with recorded provenance from Asia Minor.2 A few

1. to ex to Landon for his Agora S 3500.1 would like special thanks Mark Hausmann, and Wegner 1966, p. 110, to II press my thanks John McK. Camp superb editorial contributions. pi. 39:c, d; Schwarz 1978, p. 188; Berg to 2. a few of mann for permission publish this portrait, Only representations and Zanker 1981, p. 388; Zanker and to the Solow Foundation for a bust-crowns are known from other 1982, p. 310; Rumscheid 2000, pp. 127 me to come to of the Roman world. in no. as as grant that permitted parts They 128, 27, pi. 17:1,2), well rep in summer 2003 such as a head of in a Athens the of and clude sculptures, resentations other media, including study it firsthand. Iwould also like to Antinoos from Ostia (, Museo mosaic from Aquileia (Aquileia,Museo thank those who read earlier versions Nazionale Romano 341:Meyer 1991, Nazionale 53 269: Rumscheid 2000, no. I no. a of this article: John Camp, Catherine pp. 74-75, 53, pi. 63; Aurenham pp. 118-119, 11, pi. 6:1) and bronze and the anon mer an deGrazia Vanderpool, 1996, p. 390; Rumscheid 2000, example of actual bust-crown from reviewers for Their no. and a inv. ymous Hesperia. p. 130, 31, pi. 20:1) portrait, Thera (Thera Museum [no no.]: from suggestions and advice strengthened probably of , Cyrene (Lon Aurenhammer 1996, p. 390; Rum of the article. British Museum 1404: no. many parts Finally, my don, Daltrop, scheid 2000, p. 139, 57, pi. 23:12).

? The American School of Classical Studies at Athens 366 LEE ANN RICCARDI

1 Portrait head of portraits wearing wreaths that include medallions decorated with busts in Figure (opposite). a man a bust-crown. relief have been found in ,3 but none wears the distinctive type of wearing Agora S 3500. Photos C. crown found in the present towhich the busts are attached, Mauzy, courtesy Agora portrait, direcdy Excavations without medallions and without the full profusion of leaves that would as a new characterize the headdress wreath. The portrait from the Agora is therefore unique in Athens, and nearly unique in all of Greece.4 a Although the archaeological context cannot provide date for the Agora portrait, stylistic analysis (presented in detail below) suggests that it was originally carved in the early 3rd century A.D., and probably underwent some a or two or reworking generation later, in the late second third quarter are more of the century. Other questions, however, puzzling. Whom does was a the portrait represent? Why he depicted wearing headdress other earn a wise unknown in Athens? What did he do to the honor of public was statue in the heart of the city?5Why the portrait reworked after its answer initial creation? I attempt to these questions, first by establishing a date for the portrait and presenting the evidence for its reworking, then by discussing the significance of bust-crowns and myrtle wreaths and their relationship to the Panhellenion and to Eleusis. This in turn will suggest a possible public role for the subject of the portrait.

THE PORTRAIT

a man The portrait- depicts bearded with thick curly hair. The head is over m slightly life-size, measuring 0.37 from the edge of the neck to the top of the crown, 0.21 m from the hairline to the top of the neck, and m across 0.235 the cheekbones. It is broken irregularly at the neck in such a way that its original setting cannot be determined. A small fragment of drapery is also visible along the right side of the neck. Because the top of the head ismuch less detailed than the rest and the back of the crown

is only roughly finished, it is clear that the sculptor expected that these areas would be above the eye level of most viewers. The head, therefore, a or a probably belonged to complete statue, at least to bust that would on a or a have been placed high base herm pillar. The central vertical axis on of the head and the remaining indications of musculature the right side of the neck suggest that the head was gently turned to the right. The surface of the eyes, nose, and much of the lower face, including the or entire mouth and chin, has been damaged destroyed, leaving original on a surfaces visible only the forehead, neck, left cheek, and small por tion of the right cheek. The upper portion of the eyes, including the up as as are per lids, well the brows, forehead, hair, and bust-crown largely intact.

3. a of kou in it remains was E.g., portrait the emperor Kynouria; unpub 5. Although the portrait found lished. Another from in a it is to from Dion: Pandermalis 2001. possible example disturbed context, unlikely mainland is a now in I thank Alexis Castor for bringing this Greece portrait have traveled far from its original loca to attention. a in or near portrait my (LouvreMA 4705), forwhich tion, somewhere the public 4. A a inMacedonia has been I portrait wearing bust-crown provenance space of the Agora. argue below that is to this see was a rumored have been found recently alleged. On portrait, below, the City Eleusinion particularly in villa of Atticus at Lou 373-374 and n. 11. the Herodes pp. appropriate spot for it. THE THE PAN H E L L E N IO N AND ELEUSIS BUST-CROWN, , 367

a b 368 LEE ANN RICCARDI

The marble is almost certainly Pentelic. Its color is yellowish white, some over with medium crystals and sparkling the surface caused by small runs across bits of mica. A vein of schist the top of the sculpture (faintly visible in Fig. l:c); it passes through the broken head of the seventh bust was no was over from the right, which doubt weakened because it carved this flaw in the stone.

The most remarkable feature of the portrait is the crown, which consists a or of three parts. The lowest is thin, undecorated round band, strophion, on which sits directly the curls above the head and terminates in the back or onto in two thick-ridged ribbons, taeniae, that hang down the neck. A partially preserved knot is visible above the left ribbon, but it is broken and crown the original surface is now missing. The second tier of the consists one of another thin, round band, this decorated with three overlapping rows of tiny, pointed, single-lobed leaves, all pointing toward the top of crown the head. The leafy portion of the is carved in relatively flat relief were and the leaves lack any sort of internal detail. As I suggest below, they probably intended to represent myrtle leaves. Finally, the upper portion of a narrow the crown consists of flat band, at the back but widening abruptly above the ears as itwraps around the front of the head. are ex Decorating the front and sides of this band eight small busts are not ecuted in relief (Figs. 1, 2). The busts equally spaced, but instead are a so crowded little to the right, that the fifth bust from the right is over nose. centered approximately the bridge of the The position of the crown some cm so on is also skewed by 3 that the rightmost bust is lower the head than the leftmost.

The busts on the crown were given individual characteristics. The one were artist clearly intended to distinguish from the next, and they as probably meant to be recognized members of the imperial family, de are spite their small size. All male, and each is depicted wearing Roman military dress, although the details of the costumes vary. Unfortunately, one much of the head of the fifth bust from the right, the occupying the as central position above the forehead, ismissing, is all of the head of the even on are are worn. seventh bust, and the heads that preserved, the faces Nevertheless, it is clear from the shapes of the heads and the treatment of the facial features that they were not intended to be identical. The busts are described here from right to left, with the letters a-h referring to the on designations Figure 2: a a a.Male, wearing cuirass with thick, squared neckline and shoul der straps. The hair is fairly short, and the head is square in was shape. The face probably bearded. a a or b.Male, wearing cuirass covered by military cloak, paludamen a tum, pinned at the right shoulder with circular fibula. The hair is curly, and the face is long and bearded. c. a a Male, wearing cuirass with thick neckline and shoulder straps. are or Incisions in the sleeves meant to suggest leather lappets, are pteryges. Both the hair and the beard short. A round bulge encircling the head suggests that the figure may have been a wreath or crown. wearing a a d.Male, wearing cuirass with central gorgoneion. The right over a shoulder strap is depicted; the left shoulder is fold of THE THE PA N H E LLE N IO N AND ELEUSIS BUST-CROWN, , 369

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2. Details of the crown show to a Figure drapery intended represent paludamentum. The right ing individual busts. Agora S 3500. sleeve has a horizontal incision meant to indicate the Photos C. Excava begin Mauzy, courtesy Agora The head is a oval with a beard. tions ning oipteryges. long e. a a Male, wearing cuirass with thick neckline and shoulder straps, and sleeves incised to suggest pteryges. The top of the head is to broken and the face is too damaged for details be distin guished, but the central placement of the bust suggests that it depicted the reigning emperor. a at f.Male, wearing cuirass and paludamentum pinned the right shoulder with a circular fibula. The head is small and rounded, with short hair and a short beard. a g. Male, wearing cuirass with prominent shoulder straps. The left strap may have a decorative motif at the end. The head is broken at the top and the face is almost entirely missing. No facial features or surface details are discernible. Because of the

irregular spacing, this bust has the widest field of the group. It is also the least well executed. The bust is twisted at an odd so angle: the left shoulder is raised well above the right, that the entire left sleeve with pteryges is visible, while the right disappears into the floor of the band, a at h. Male, wearing cuirass and paludamentum pinned the right a a shoulder with circular fibula. The head has curly hair, long, narrow a face, and long, curly beard. one most The hair of the portrait is of its dramatic features (Fig. 1). to amass It is carved represent of thick, curly locks, and drilled with long, deep channels throughout. On the front, the sides, and the back below the to use over mass crown, the sculptor chose the drill aggressively the entire were of hair: the voluminous curls plastically carved, then embellished 37? LEE ANN RICCARDI

Figure 3. Detail of the eyes and fore S 3500. Photo C. head. Agora Mauzy, courtesy Agora Excavations

one a with the thick, dark channels created by the drill. The effect is of at rich profusion of locks of hair protruding different angles below the level of the headdress. Three curls hang down onto the forehead, forming a forelock. The top and back of the head above the crown, on the other hand, were not treated in the same way. At the top of the head, the locks of hair radiate a a was from central point like the limbs of starfish. Here the hair finished a a with chisel instead of drill. The locks have been plastically rendered, are but they closer to the head, carved in much lower relief than the curls below the crown, and embellished with linear indentations of relatively use crown was little depth. No of the drill is apparent. The back of the even are given less consideration than the back of the hair. The surfaces at it is rough-picked and lack any detail all. From such indications clear was seen at at that the portrait not intended to be from the rear, least eye was aware level. The sculptor probably of the setting inwhich the portrait was to rear the be displayed, and knew that the top of the head and the of crown would not be visible to the viewer.

Although the lower part of the face is badly damaged, the upper por tions of the eyes remain intact (Fig. 3). The brows have been gendy modeled to show variation in the surface planes both above and below. Along the ridge of the brow the hair of the eyebrows has been incised haphazardly onto as a series of crescent-shaped lines. These incisions extend well down the nose on both sides and may have met in the middle to form a single area too continuous eyebrow, although the surface in this is badly dam aged to be certain. Deep drill channels separate the upper lids from the are tear underside of the brows. The eyes almond-shaped with prominent ducts. Although the original surface has been destroyed, the incised lines are that defined the inner limit of the and the wedge-shaped pupils visible where they disappear beneath the upper lid. The hair of the beard a (see Fig. 12, below) is represented by series of small, irregularly spaced, curved lines chiseled into the surface of the face from the lower half of to the cheeks down to the top of the neck. In contrast the emphatically plastic hair, the beard is completely incised and lacks any raised volume at all. I THE BUST-CROWN, THE PAN H E LLEN ON , AND ELEUSIS 371

DATE OF THE ORIGINAL PORTRAIT

As described above, the hair on the head of the portrait is full, thick, and to plastically carved, with dramatic drilling. Its style is comparable that of as Late Antonine and Early Severan portraits, such that of Lucius Anto nius Dometinus Diogenes from Aphrodisias, which is dated by an era inscription to the early 3rd century, in the Severan (Fig. 4).6 Like a the Agora head, the portrait of Diogenes has thick profusion of locks were under his crown, which created first with volumes of sculpted marble, and then embellished with drilled holes and channels. Unlike the Agora a portrait, however, the beard of Diogenes is full and plastically carved, in manner no consistent with the style and date of his hair. Here refashioning to appears have occurred. Among sculptures from Athens, the best comparandum for the hair on one a on the Agora head is of series of portraits of kosmetai display in the National Archaeological Museum (Fig. 5).7 This portrait is also dated era. to the first quarter of the 3rd century, in the Severan Although the on on kosmetes is balding top, the treatment of the hair the sides of the case head is instructive. As in the of the Agora portrait, the hair is swept back a little from the face so that the strands do not curl forward over the

skin. The rendering of the locks and the drill channels between them are treatment quite similar. The of the eyes, and in particular the shape and arc of the brows, is also similar. on a A second close parallel from Athens is the hair portrait of another to or kosmetes, dated the end of the 2nd early 3rd century (Fig. 6).8 The rows over comparison is particularly striking in the short of locks directly the forehead. The drilling is quite similar to that of the Agora head: the cases are one locks in both separated from another and channels have been to create drilled into each in order contrasting pockets of light and shadow. The similarity does not extend to the rest of the face, however, for the thickly curled beard of the kosmetes is very different from that of the Agora are a portrait, and the eyes also somewhat hooded by the brows, feature that an creates intense facial expression. The Agora portrait, of course, ismissing most of the face, but what remains of the eyes differs from the eyes of the kosmetes, although the lines on the forehead are somewhat similar. When compared with these parallels from Aphrodisias and Athens, on then, the treatment of the hair the Agora head suggests the late 2nd or as most early 3rd century the likely date for the original creation of the portrait. Diogenes inAphrodisias and the kosmetai inAthens were clearly members of the aristocratic upper class of society, not only because of the rank and position that they held within their respective communities,9 but

6. Museum no. Geyre, Aphrodisias 14, pi. 14:a, b; Rhomiopoulou 1997, administration of the city gymnasia, 79/10/257: ?nan and Alf?ldi-Rosen p. 62, no. 56. and the inscription on the base of the baum no. 8. National Museum 408: statue of 1979, p. 210, 186, pis. 138:1, Athens, Diogenes records the many no. 139,140:3; Zanker 1995, pp. 244-245, Graindor 1915, pp. 337-339, 14, offices and honors he held inAphro fig. 135; Rumscheid 2000, p. 118, fig. 19; Lattanzi 1968, pp. 48-49, disias. For further discussion of the no. no. status see 10, pis. 4:2-4,5:1. 15, pi. 15:a, b; Rhomiopoulou 1997, o? kosmetai, Graindor 1915, 7. Athens, National Museum 389: p. 58, no. 48. pp. 241-264; Lattanzi 1968, pp. 15-23; Graindor no. 9. Kosmetai were the 1915, pp. 334-337, 13, annually Bergmann 1977, pp. 83-85; Zanker fig. 18; Lattanzi 1968, pp. 47-48, chosen officials responsible for the 1995, p. 220. 372 LEE ANN RICCARDI

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4. Figure Portrait statue of Lucius Antonius Claudius Dometinus from Diogenes Aphrodisias. Geyre, Aphrodisias Museum 79/10/257. Photos courtesy Aphrodisias Excavations, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University THE AND BUST-CROWN, THE PANHELLENION, ELEUSIS 373

5. Portrait bust of a kosmetes. Figure also because of the in which are characterized in their Athens, National Museum 389. way they portraits. Photos Deutsches are as men courtesy Arch?ologisches All of them represented bearded with coiffures in deliberate dis Institut, Athens (negs. D-DAI-ATH-NM were array, features that by the 3rd century characteristics 517A,517B) early recognized manner of elite intellectuals, in the of Hellenistic philosopher portraits.10 new The portrait from the Agora, with its richly drilled, casually chaotic a locks, also fits into this type, and suggests that here too the subject was one member of the privileged class, who claimed admission to the intel lectual elite of society. Further evidence of the date of the original carving of the portrait is provided by the form and character of the bust-crown itself.While bust crowns on appear occasionally statues, busts, and heads of various dates worn a within the Roman era, the headdress by the Agora portrait is of peculiar and particular type. wears a crown The portrait of Diogenes from Aphrodisias (Fig. 4) that a is similar in form. It, too, is tripartite, consisting of lower strophion with taeniae at the back; a middle tier, in this case decorated with a vine scroll 10. Zanker 1995, pp. 220-226. a an a pattern rather than wreath; and upper tier shaped like Stephane, here 11. Louvre MA 4705: Rum Paris, 10 small busts. The central is the no. bearing image , patron deity scheid 2000, p. 144, 65, pi. 31:1-3. of the and the consist of both males and females who Izmir, Archaeological Museum 648: city, flanking images to be members of the Severan and the Antonine Inan and Rosenbaum 1966, p. 128, appear dynasty, perhaps no. as 151, pis. 83:4, 87:1,2; Rumscheid dynasty well. 2000, 123, no. 19, 5:2, 9,10. For crown on p. pis. Another parallel for the form of the is found two portraits a of see discussion both portraits, Dil a man of conventionally identified as the sophist Flavius Damianus from lon 1996, where the is identi subject the in the Louvre and in Izmir both wear fied not as Flavius Damianus but as a Ephesos; portraits, (Fig. 7), bust-crowns.11 The crowns are with a thin at the bot member of theAphrodisian family of tripartite, strophion an the Vedii Antonini. tom, wreaths of tiny leaves in the middle, and upper tier resembling a 374 LEE ANN RICCARD1

6. Portrait bust of a kosmetes. are to Figure and supporting 15 busts. These portraits dated the late 2nd Stephane Athens, National Museum 408. or 3rd and so further for the date early century, provide support original Photos courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Athens D-DAI-ATH-NM of the Agora portrait. Institut, (negs. crown 554A, 554B) Perhaps the closest parallel to the form of the of the Agora on a a portrait is that found the head of bronze portrait in private collec tion inNew York.12While the material and the number of busts differ, the crown elements of which the is composed?strophion, wreath, and Stephane decorated with busts?are the same, and in the relative proportions of its to crown are components it is closer the in the Agora portrait than those or worn by Diogenes and "Damianus," indeed any other published bust crown. cannot Although the New York head be precisely dated, the 15 busts on the crown include several males with long beards and long faces that almost certainly represent members of the Antonine and Severan dynasties, and the general style of the head is consistent with the second or third quarter of the 3rd century. crown a It appears, therefore, that the tripartite consisting of strophion, a or a sev wreath other decorated band, and Stephane bearing busts has eral parallels in early-3rd-century portrait sculptures. The weight of this a evidence, together with that provided by the style of the hair, suggests probable date for the original creation of the Agora portrait in the early 3rd century, with some lingering late-2nd-cenrury stylistic traits. on Who, then, were the busts the crown meant to represent? The 12. ShelbyWhite and Leon Levy date falls within the reigns of (193-211) and proposed Collection: Rumscheid 2000, pp. 142 his son, Caracalla (211-217), and the fifth bust from the 2:e), no. like to right (Fig. 143, 64, pis. 28-30.1 would which the central on the more resembles me to occupies position crown, closely thank Jennifer Chi for allowing examine this head. the standard portrait type of Caracalla, with its closely cropped beard and THE THE AND BUST-CROWN, PANHELLENION, ELEUSIS 375

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7. Portrait statue Figure from Ephesos ("Flavius Damianus"). Izmir Archaeo

logical Museum 648. Photos D. Johannes, courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, (negs. D-DAI-IST R 28.220,222, 224) 376 LEE ANN RICCARDI

one squarish head. The bust to the right of the central (Fig. 2:d), distin an guished by unusually elaborate costume, would then be that of Septimius a Severus, Caracallas father and predecessor in the imperial office, and on crown. likely candidate for this location the The other busts cannot be precisely identified, but potential candidates as include other members of the Severan and Antonine dynasties, such , , , , and Aelius or to as or Verus, those closely connected them, such , Trajan, Pertinax. , Caracallas brother, might also be represented, and if so, this near would place the creation of the sculpture the beginning of Caracallas reign, before he engineered Geta's murder and condemned his memory. one was a If of the busts indeed intended to be portrait of Geta, it must none have escaped the subsequent damnatio memoriae, since of the heads appears to have been deliberately damaged. In any case, the tiny size of the or busts and the absence of inscriptions specific characteristics, together as a was with the fact that the portrait whole evidently displayed above the eye-level of most ancient viewers, allowed the specific identities to remain somewhat vague. The general impression that they represented members of the imperial family would have been enough to establish the status of crown. the individual wearing the

EVIDENCE FOR RECUTTING

a Portraits that have been partially reworked often exhibit difference in proportions between the original parts and those that have been newly are carved. The proportions of the Agora portrait relatively harmoni ous was a and do not alone suggest that this portrait refashioned at are later date. Nonetheless, there other kinds of physical and technical were some evidence indicating that the face and beard retooled at point crown were after the original creation, while the hair and apparently left untouched. a cre One of the most diagnostic features is tension between forms ated by volume and forms created by line. This tension ismost evident in are the treatment of the hair and the beard, which sufficiently different to same not carve at same in style suggest that the sculptor did them the time. The contrast between the voluminous, plastically rendered hair and the incised, linear beard that is totally lacking in volume is striking, and unparalleled inAthenian portrait sculptures that have not been reworked. To be sure, several examples of early-3rd-century Athenian portraits with no case as plastic hair and linear beards do exist, but in is the facial hair as ex completely lacking in plasticity is that of the Agora head. A typical near ample is another portrait from the Agora, found the Tholos in 1935 a (Fig. 8).13 It has been dated to 210-220, and may represent kosmetes.While the hair is shorter than that of the new portrait, it exhibits similarities in workmanship, especially around the face. The beard is short and closely to means cropped the face; it is depicted by of incised and drilled lines, but nonetheless possesses a certain amount of volume aswell. contrast, By 13.Agora S 517: Shear 1935, the beard in the new lacks of raised volume: it is portrait any suggestion pp. 180-181, fig. 10;Agora I, pp. 49-50, no. entirely incised and completely linear. 37, pi. 24. THE THE PA N H E LLE N I N AND BUST-CROWN, O , ELEUSIS yjj

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Figure 8. Portrait head possibly rep a resenting kosmetes. Agora S 517. The linear of the beard with mid- or Photos C. Exca representation suggests parallels Mauzy, courtesy Agora or vations late-3rd-century portraits, rather than those of the late 2nd early 3rd century, the period suggested by the treatment of the hair. Unfortunately, can few examples of Athenian portrait sculpture be securely dated to the a mid-3rd century. An inscribed herm portrait of kosmetes (Fig. 9) is almost to ca. certainly later than the Agora head, and may date 240 (although its date has been disputed).14 A second, similar portrait (Fig. 10) probably same case dates to about the time.15 In each long, linear drill channels are used in both the hair and the beard to create dark lines that isolate and

separate the locks. The technique is very different from that of the Agora portrait, in which the hair has been plastically carved and then decorated with drilled lines, while the beard is incised. Therefore, at least in this are respect, the portraits unsatisfactory parallels for the Agora head. more The style of the beard in the Agora portrait is in keeping with as that found in portraits of mid-3rd-century emperors such Maximinus or Thrax (235-238) Philip I (244-247).16 In these portraits, the sculptors

14. redate the see Athens, National Museum 388: inscription by reexamining 16. For portraits of Maximinus, Graindor no. the dates for both the archon and the in 1915, pp. 349-352, 20, examples (Ny Carls own fig. 24; Lattanzi 1968, pp. 55-56, first Panathenaia. By his admission berg N. 818: Poulsen 1974, no. he was unable to no. 22, pi. 22:a, b; Fittschen 1969, (pp. 235-236), wholly pp. 161-162, 164, pis. CCLXII, pp. 230-236; Rhomiopoulou 1997, refute Graindor's dates for the head, CCLXIII) and Rome (Capitoline no. 62. Graindor but he a alternative p. 65, (1915) origi suggested plausible Museums, Stanza degli Imperatori 46, nally dated the inscription to 238/9 of 224/5 for the inscription (and thus inv. 473: Fitischen and Zanker 1985, or on the which no. 242/3 the basis of the archon portrait), Rhomiopoulou pp. 124-126, 105, pis. 128,129). and to has see named the reference the 29th (1997) accepted. For portraits of Philip, examples Panathenaia festival. Harrison 15. National Museum 390: in Rome Braccio (Agora I, Athens, (Vatican Museum, and Lattanzi ac Graindor no. pp. 61-62) (1968) 1915, pp. 353-354, 21, Nuovo 124, inv. 2216: Wegner 1979, these dates. Fittschen Lattanzi no. cepted (1969), pi. 21; 1968, p. 56, 23, p. 40, pis. 11,12) and St. Petersburg the however, thought that style of the pi. 23:a, b; Rhomiopoulou 1997, p. 63, (Hermitage Museum A31: Wegner head was to no. 58. earlier, and he attempted 1979, p. 36, pis. 13,14). 378 LEE ANN RICCARDI THE AND ELEUSIS ROWN, PANHELLENION, 379

Figure 9 (opposite, top row). Portrait bust of a kosmetes. Athens, National Museum 388. Photos courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Athens (negs. D-DAI-ATH-NM 74B, 74A)

Figure 10 (opposite, bottom row). Portrait bust of a kosmetes. Athens, National Museum 390. Photos courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Athens (negs. D-DAI-ATH-NM 518A, 518B)

a Figure 11 (right). Portrait head of man. S 1406. Photos young Agora C. Mauzy, courtesy Agora Excavations

not have represented the locks of the beard with any volume, but have a instead used stippling and lines gouged into the cheeks with chisel to create a was the impression of close-cropped beard. This technique also a used in Athens in the mid-3rd century, and close parallel is provided by another portrait from the Agora (Fig. II).17 Although the style and general a appearance of the head might suggest later, perhaps 4th-century, date, it was found in a context that indicates instead that it is likely to have been created before the Herulian sack of Athens in 280-282. The head was a built into the wall of 5th-century aqueduct constructed well after the Herulian invasion, but the wall contained many other fragments of sculptures and inscriptions destroyed by the Herulians. It is probable that was at same this portrait damaged the time; its linear, geometricized style as a is similar to that of other mid-3rd-century heads from the East, such now bronze portrait of Gordian III from Nikopolis ad Istrum, in Sofia.18 to The rendering of the beard in this Agora portrait is very close that of the new can portrait with the bust-crown, and a similar date for their creation or be postulated, probably late in the second quarter in the third quarter of the 3rd 17. S 1406: 65 century Agora Agora I, pp. no. In addition to the between the hair and the beard, 67, 51, pi. 33. stylistic incongruity 18. For the context another indication that the has been refashioned is the fact of Agora S 1406, Agora portrait see Thompson 1950, pp. 331-332; that all of the surviving surfaces intended to represent skin, including the for the of Gordian III (Sofia, area portrait earlobes and the around the ears, display harsh rasp marks that were see Archaeological Museum 1497), not oc smoothed away (Figs. 3,12). This kind of surface treatment does Wegner 1979, pp. 28-29; ?so Agora I, appear on Athenian from earlier eras, such as an p. 67. casionally portraits Early 19. S 1319: 25 Flavian of a man found in a Roman house on the Agora Agora I, pp. portrait young large no. 11. the Hill In is 26, 14, pi. northeast slope of of the .19 that portrait rasping 380 LEE ANN RICCARDI

apparent on the right side of the face and neck, but the face is otherwise or a smooth. In Late Antonine Early Severan portraits, rasping as deliber ate more surface finish becomes usual, but it generally remains confined to as less prominent areas, such the sides of the face and neck; in the case of on the kosmetes illustrated in Figure 5, for example, rasping is visible the on or right side of the face but not the forehead, nose, front of the cheeks. was more Rasping much prominently used inAthenian portrait sculpture from the second and third quarters of the 3rd century, when it clearly was was the preferred aesthetic for the rendering of skin surfaces, and not an was simply indication that the portrait unfinished. Two of the portraits of 3rd-century kosmetai illustrated above (Figs. 9,10) exhibit coarse, visible over as rasp marks the entire surface of the skin, does another portrait from to the Agora (S 2445) that is dated the third quarter of the 3rd century.20 A final piece of evidence for the reworking of the portrait is the fact that the left cheek is angular and awkwardly carved, so that the surface appears almost faceted into three separate horizontal planes (Figs. l:b, 12).While it is possible that the original sculptor left the surface in this state a because the anticipated height and angle of display would prevent clear view of it, or in order to "foreshorten" this side of the face, it ismore was a 12. Detail of left cheek. likely that the original surface stripped away by different, less skillful Figure Agora S 3500. Photo C. artist than the first, as a of the removal of the raised Mauzy, courtesy Agora perhaps consequence Excavations surface of the original beard. The remaining portions of the right cheek not do show this kind of abrupt faceting. The reworking of the portrait thus appears to have been restricted to the face and beard, while the hair and bust-crown were left alone. The original beard must have been removed, a process that resulted, either de or liberately by accident, in the faceting of the planes of the face, and the new was use same beard then created by the of incision. At the time, all of the visible skin surfaces were retooled with a coarse rasp, and the marks were not smoothed away, in with the fashion of the second and keeping 20. While, as noted above (n. 14), third of the 3rd in quarters century. the portraits illustrated Figs. 9 and There are a number of for the of the as as possible explanations reworking 10 might date early the beginning or of the second of the 3rd cen portrait. If the original honor?e his descendants had fallen out of favor, quarter are no statue to tury, they definitely earlier than the might have been altered and its identity changed reflect the and so are at least a decade later fortunes of the Such alterations were not unusual that, changed political family. than the with the bust-crown. in the Roman and well have been common portrait era,21 might especially during For S see Agora 2445, Agora Guide3, the mid-3rd when one another with 295. See for the century, emperors replaced dizzying p. Agora I, p. 53, dating as a speed, often result of foul play engineered by the incoming ruler. The of visible rasp marks in Athenian por one Conlin for favorite of emperor could quickly become the bitter enemy of the next, traiture; 1997, pp. 48-49, in as an a new a the aesthetic of rasped surfaces Hel and alternative to creating portrait from fresh block of marble, and Italian mon a statue ancestor an was no lenistic, Republican, honoring the of Athenian who longer in favor uments; Adam 1966, pp. 74-77, for some new be retooled to favorite. in might easily represent rasping Archaic and Classical sculp Another is that the honor?e was a who and for the possibility original foreigner ture; Palagia 2006, p. 260, a no of in marble had made benefaction to the city of Athens, but had descendants and technique rasping carving. notes no to a or more 21. , for example, long-term ties the city.When generation had passed, and (1.18.3) that the statues of Miltiades no one in Athens was still interested in him, honoring relatively simple and Themistokles that stood near could been made to in to the adjustments have the face order were change identity the Prytaneion in Athens later of the statue to one with more for Athenians. to a a significance contemporary changed represent Roman and more Reuse rather than destruction would have been all the appealing in Thracian. THE THE PAN H ELLE N I AND BUST-CROWN, ON , ELEUSIS 381

the difficult economic times of the mid-3rd century, when there is little evidence of sculptural activity inAthens. no Yet another possibility, involving change of identity, is that the statue was on still display and still represented the original honor?e, but were a that the full beard and smooth skin surfaces thought to give it dated, so was amore old-fashioned appearance, the face reworked and updated in contemporary style. This practice has precedent in the Roman world, as, women for example, in the surviving marble portraits of with detachable hair.22 One explanation for such portraits, especially those in which the hair and face are made of marble of the same color and type, is that the was so hair removable that the hairstyles could be altered relatively easily, in order to keep up with changing fashions.

THE BUST-CROWN: TYPE, FUNCTION, AND MEANING

Although portraits wearing bust-crowns have been known since the mid crowns 19th century, the meaning of such has recently been reevaluated. For decades, most scholars followed the opinion of G. F. Hill, the first to a crown. an author suggest meaning for the In article published in 1899, Hill based his conclusions partly upon the few passages in ancient crowns literature that mention decorated with busts, and partly upon the few representations in ancient art that were known at the time, among them four sculptures from Ephesos, several coins from Tarsos and An an a tioch, and actual example of bronze bust-crown from Ephesos that was a probably intended for the head of statue.23 From this evidence Hill was concluded that the bust-crown the privileged headdress of priests of an the imperial cult, opinion that generally prevailed in the literature for most next of the century, despite increasing evidence to the contrary from more recent finds.24

New evidence concerning the meaning of this type of headdress ap peared in the late 1980s and early 1990s with the publication by Michael two a W?rrle of important inscriptions. One is lengthy document from a an Oinoanda, small city in Lycia; the other is architectural block bearing an both inscription and relief images of wreaths and crowns, built into the side of the stadium atAizanoi in Phrygia.25 Then, in 2000, Jutta Rumscheid

22. See Fittschen and Zanker Hill's see Rum on statue 1983, accepted conclusions, groups and inscriptions bases n. for 34 of n. most pp. 105-106, 4, examples scheid 2000, p. 7, 47. The im demonstrate, however, familial group new such portraits, all dating from the late portant evidence to the contrary is ingswere in fact regularly displayed in to in notes. 2nd the middle of the 3rd century. cited the following Schwarz various contexts (cf. Fittschen 1999, 23. Hill 1899. The ancient also a principal (1978, pp. 187-188) suggested pp. 108-138, for variety of Antonine sources are Suet. Dom. which that the numbers of busts on a 4.4, large family groups). Such representation shows that some wore crowns some crowns priests of the argued against their would not, therefore, have been un decorated with busts of the divinities as the of or on interpretation insignia priests seemly unlikely the bust-crown deified of the since this would of a of they worshipped, including imperial cult, priest the imperial cult. and Tert. De idol. 18 and De not emperors; imply ritual honors only for the 25. Oinoanda: W?rrle 1988. Aiza cor. which that these crowns 13, suggest deified emperors, but also for the other noi: W?rrle 1992, pp. 349-368; see also were gold. members of their extended families Hoffman 1993, pp. 442,447-448. 24. For a list of authors who have were extant who represented. As statue 382 LEE ANN RICCARDI

a published monograph in which she meticulously collected all known a representations of bust-crowns in ancient art and carefully considered variety of issues related to their function and significance.26 new The discovery of the portrait from the Athenian Agora comple ments these recent studies. Rumscheid andW?rrle have argued that the was worn a bust-crown not to signify the office of priest of the imperial cult, as to to an an Hill had suggested, but rather refer agonothetes, official who arranged and financed agonistic festivals in honor of various gods, including a the deified emperors.27 The office of agonothetes could be separate and independent post, but those who held it frequently held other important as were as offices well. They chosen from the wealthy upper classes, and were on to such often called perform various civic and provincial duties.28 men While many of these might have been priests of the imperial cult as as well agonothetai, all of the archaeological, literary, and epigraphical evidence for the wearing of bust-crowns is found within the context of a wear agonistic contests.29 So, while priest of the imperial cult might such a seems to to as crown, it have been intended signify his role agonothetes, as rather than his role priest. men as a Statues of identified agonothetai provide good basis from which to reconstruct the original appearance of the Agora portrait. The portraits of Diogenes from Aphrodisias (Fig. 4) and "Flavius Damianus" from Ephesos wear costume (Fig. 7) both the Greek of chiton, himation, and sandals, not the Roman toga, and the inscription from Oinoanda reveals that the worn was statues himation by the agonothetes purple. The posture of these same projects the kind of intellectual and aristocratic status indicated by are on their hair and beards, which modeled Greek philosopher portraits or men. rather than those of Roman citizens military They do not have a as a or a any attributes that might suggest priest, such veil patera.30 The new on a statue head from the Agora might originally have been placed similar to these.

26. Rumscheid 2000. 28. These duties might include a as 27. The Oinoanda inscription is serving provincial and municipal an as lengthy record of endowment given priests, such Stephanephoroi, Pane to the city during the time of Hadrian gyriarchs, Archiprytaneis, Eparchikoi, in to even by C. Iulius order Archiereis, and Archiereiai, who an were women wives support the Demostheneia, agonistic (possibly the of the as as festival named after himself. Among Archiereis), well the chief priests other provisions, the inscription pre of the Roman provinces (Asiarchs, scribes the headdress that the agono Kilikiarchs, etc.). It is not certain that ... were thetes is to wear: "Iulius Demosthenes the latter officials separate from he will in at the Archiereis: scholars debate whether has promised that addition his own offices were once different and expense make ready and dedi the cate to a crown and if so the city golden carrying became amalgamated, when, more than one relief portraits of the emperor Nerva and whether person hold the at the same time. Trajan Hadrian Caesar and could post our See Aurenham leader the ancestral god , Kearsley 1986, p. 185; which the agonothete will wear" (III, mer 1996, pp. 390-391; Clinton 1997, lines 45-55; trans.Mitchell 1990, p. 169; Rumscheid 2000, pp. 38-39. p. 185). This suggests that the agono 29. Rumscheid 2000, p. 24. wore a as 30. Zanker thetes bust-crown specifically 1995, esp. pp. 203-205; a mark of his own office, not because he Rumscheid 2000, p. 41. was a priest of the imperial cult. THE THE PAN H E LLEN I AND BUST-CROWN, ON , ELEUSIS 383

POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CONTEXT OF THE PORTRAIT FROM THE AGORA

a aman a Why might statue of wearing bust-crown, possibly representing an most agonothetes, have been erected in Athens? The important piece on of evidence bearing this question is the inscription from the stadium on a at Aizanoi, mentioned earlier.31 The inscription appears long marble a block originally built into the side of the stadium in highly visible location text as cursus (Figs. 13,14). The essentially functions the honorum ofMarcus a son Ulpius Apuleius Eurykles, native of the city of Aizanoi, who lived a in the middle of the and held number of important offices. names seven are seven The of different offices inscribed within clearly or distinguishable types of wreath crown, each of which must correspond to to worn the type of headdress known have been by the holder of that as a an office. Thus, in his role priest of Dionysos, Eurykles wore ivywreath as (Fig. 14:b); in his role archiereus of Asia at the temple in , wore a so on. he bust-crown with 10 busts (Fig. 14:d); and The office of a crown Panhellene is inscribed in the center of bearing two small busts as (Fig. 14:f ).Although broken, these busts have been identified Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, the recently deified and reigning emperors, respectively, at the time when Eurykles held the office. The inscription does not specify nor any particular office held by Eurykles within the Panhellenion, is there any other evidence concerning his contributions to that institution. It is to therefore impossible be certain whether every delegate to the Panhel wore a or some lenion such bust-crown, if only those who served in special capacity received the insignia. What is clear, however, is that at least some Panhellenes, some of the time, wore bust-crowns.32 The absence of other evidence to support this conclusion is not sur prising because the institution of the Panhellenion is rarely mentioned in classical literature and is still not well understood.33 Information about it 31. See n. 25, above. has been pieced together almost entirely from epigraphical sources, many 32.W?rrle 1992, p. 357; Jones 1996, of them What can be said with is that p. 35; Spawforth 1999, p. 344. exceedingly fragmentary. certainty was s 33. For discussion of the Panhel the institution established during Hadrian rule and that its members function see an as or lenions and activities, met either in Athens, in yet unidentified building, elsewhere in Oliver 1970; and Walker at Spawforth , perhaps Eleusis.34 The purpose of the organization is not entirely 1985; Jones 1996; 1999, pp. 118-120; some are seem clear, but of its activities known. These to have been mostly Boatwright 2000, pp. 147-150. and ceremonial, with maintenance of the cult one of its 34. For the date, see Follet and religious imperial some or economic Peppas-Delmousou 1997, pp. 300-301. primary duties, although political, diplomatic, judicial, 35. Jones 1999, pp. 118-120; functions may also have been among its responsibilities. 149-150. Romeo were a Boatwright 2000, pp. Representatives drawn from relatively small geographical area, (2002) that a of related argues variety perhaps chosen principally to recognize and honor Greece's classical heri reasons and methods were used as and to validate a fictional heroic for some of the more criteria for admission. tage, past recently founded cities.35 cities of in Roman times, such as 36. Boatwright (2000, p. 147, n. 14, Major great importance and are from the list of known mem fig. 6) and Romeo (2002, p. 23, fig. 1) Pergamon, Ephesos, Smyrna, missing to a list all the cities known have been bers, highly unlikely circumstance if the body had any real far-reaching notes that or some as represented. Boatwright influence power.36 With exceptions (such Aizanoi itself), the is because the list drawn entirely from seem to come delegates have mostly from cities respected for their history sources, it is epigraphical certainly as even were and traditions, such Athens, , and Argos, if they not incomplete. in Roman times.37 It is also clear that not all cities who 37. Jones 1996, p. 34; Spawforth especially important same 1999, pp. 348-349. sent delegates sent the number, as some cities had several at the same 384 LEE ANN RICCARDI

- * " " ?v-"-;-.: \ ?. :;.';v.:. v

Figure 13. Inscription from Aizanoi while others had one. The reasons for this time, apparently only inequality honoring Marcus Ulpius Apuleius in are but it have been intended as a form Photo A. representation unknown, might Eurykles. Aydin, courtesy Deutsches Istanbul of recognition for past accomplishments. Arch?ologisches Institut, D-DAI-IST Ai. 87/213) The senior executive officer of the Panhellenion was the archon, whose (neg. term of office appears to have been four years. It is not known how he was was a chosen, but he normally member of the wealthy upper classes, al not were though usually of the senatorial class in Rome. The other delegates chosen in amore locally their home cities and had varied profile, although to meet they did have certain requirements of age and prior experience in to order be appointed.38 as an was The Panhellenion institution closely connected with the cult of the deified Roman emperors, and among their other duties, the delegates as acted priests of the imperial cult. It is therefore likely that a bust-crown featuring members of the imperial family and not the Olympian gods a would be part of Panhellene's official costume. Delegates came from all over own the Greek world, and each city had its patron deity and other common local gods. The focus for worship was therefore the cult of the deified emperors. The Panhellenion also sponsored regular athletic competitions known 38. andWalker as Panhellenia (Dio Cass. 69.16.2). The games were celebrated every four Spawforth 1985, pp. 79, 87-88; 1987, p. 56, years, in 137, five years after the Panhellenion itself was estab Kearsley beginning n.43. lished. victors' lists show that the games continued for over a Surviving 39. Follet 1976, pp. 135, 345; Spaw with the last to around 250.39 The of this festival century, dating agonothetes forth andWalker 1985, p. 82;W?rrle seems often, but not exclusively, to have been the archon of the Panhellenes: 1992, p. 341; Jones 1996, pp. 30-38; 345-346. Eurykles, for example, the man honored at Aizanoi, does not appear to Spawforth 1999, pp. as 40.W?rrle (1992, p. 357, n. 93) and have served archon of the Panhellenion, although it is possible that he Rumscheid n. was a a (2000, p. 13, 85) argue the agonothetes for celebration of Panhellenia.40 against Reynolds's assumption (1982, of the that information about the Panhel as Many inscriptions provide p. 186) that Eurykles served archon. are on lenion statue bases. A large number of these, honoring Panhellenic Rumscheid notes that the Panhellenia were delegates, have been found in Athens and elsewhere. The epigraphical established well before Eurykles' evidence also makes clear that a Panhellene could receive the honor of term of office (153-157), so he cer could have served as a statue in for service to Athens, even if he tainly agonothetes, public exchange important but at no evidence exists to no to even present had previous ties the city. Some received Athenian citizenship confirm this possibility. or residence.41 it is to associ 41. permanent Unfortunately, rarely possible Spawforth and Walker 1985, ate so surviving portraits with specific bases, the identification of these p. 91. THE BUST-CROWN, THE PANHELLENION, AND ELEUSIS 385

Figure 14. Details of the block from wreaths. Aizanoi, showing individual Photos A. Aydin, courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Istanbul (negs. D-DAI-IST Ai. 87/225,216, 217,220,229,221,223) g 386 LEE ANN RICCARDI

officials, and of their costumes and attributes, has been extremely difficult. This may be why the bust-crown has not until recently been linked with the Panhellenes. was Another important aspect of the Panhellenion its close connection with Eleusis. It appears that this was a characteristic feature of the institu as tion from the very beginning, and that Athens may have been chosen the meeting place of the Panhellenion specifically because of its relationship with and proximity to Demeters most important sanctuary.42 Although the exact nature of the relationship between the Panhellenion and Eleusis is unknown, inscriptions found in both Athens and Eleusis reveal that it was close. The Panhellenes paid for the construction and repair of certain even buildings at the sanctuary, and it appears that at times they may have taken over the administration of the annual festival.43 was Under normal circumstances, Athens responsible for the admin a istration of the , responsibility that would have been were so both profitable and prestigious for the city. Athenians intimately involved with the rituals that the procession with which the festival opened originated in the Athenian Agora and continued for several miles along a as the to Eleusis. In Athens itself, sanctuary known the was on City Eleusinion constructed the northern slope of the Acropolis serve as to both headquarters for the administrators of the sanctuary at as a area Eleusis and storage for sacred objects carried in the procession. Although the City Eleusinion has not been entirely excavated, finds from the area suggest that statues, reliefs, dedications, and decrees concerning were important individuals and events associated with Eleusis erected in the vicinity.44 were From the beginning, the mysteries at Eleusis administered by a sacred officials who held variety of different offices. Inscriptions attest to some cases the existence of several ranks of priests and priestesses, and in are or these officials depicted in sculptures, either in the round in relief. A inAthens for a portrait (Fig. 15), example, probably represents hierophant, 42. Clinton 1989, pp. 1520-1522; one of the priesdy offices held by the Eleusinian officials.45 The epigraphical Jones 1996, p. 36; Follet and Peppas Delmousou and sculptural evidence suggests that the customary headdress for priestly 1997, p. 303; Agora XXXI, p. 88; 1999, pp. 340-344. officials at Eleusis was a crown of myrde, which they received upon entering Spawforth 43. Clinton 1520-1522. wore crown 1989, pp. office and while performing their duties.46 In sculpture, this is 44. XXXI, pp. 187-209, as with a lower band tied around Agora normally represented bipartite, (strophion) 217-221. a the head, and above it myrtle wreath. 45. Athens, National Museum 356: were Datsouli In antiquity certain types of leaves and wreaths associated with Bergmann 1977, p. 81; or corona Stavridi 1985, 69-70, 85; specific offices honors. An example is the civica, made of oak pp. pi. 1997, p. 82, no. 83. leaves, which was awarded to a Roman who had saved Rhomiopoulou originally only Found in the Theater of in the life of a fellow citizen in but became the exclusive Dionysos battle, eventually a Athens together with portrait of the of the Roman tended to the leaves privilege emperor. Sculptors represent emperor Lucius Verus and dated to the on these and other wreaths with great accuracy, in order to ensure that the time of Marcus Aurelius. was to wore 46. Clinton meaning clear the viewer.47 Since sacred officials from Eleusis 1974, pp. 33,46,68, 82, 116; Baity 1982, p. 270. myrtle wreaths, the sculptors charged with creating their portraits took 47. RE IV, 1901, cols. 1639-1640, care to make the leaves both visible and recognizable. The hierophant in s.v. corona (G. Haebler); Heinen 1911, Athens for wears awreath of rows of (Fig. 15), example, consisting triple p. 152, n. 2; Alf?ldi 1935, pp. 10-12; meant to tiny, pointed, single-lobed leaves represent myrtle. A comparison Versnel 1970, pp. 74-77; Maxfield crown new 97. of this wreath with the leafy part of the in the portrait from 1981, pp. 70-81, THE THE AND ELEUSIS BUST-CROWN, PANHELLENION, 387

Figure 15. Head of a hierophant. Athens, National Museum 356. Photo courtesy Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Athens (neg. D-DAI-ATH-NM 114)

16. Figure Detail of the bust-crown, on showing myrtle leaves the second band. S 3500. Photo C. Agora Mauzy, courtesy Agora Excavations

a the Agora (Fig. 16) is instructive. Although confined to smaller field and more on crown are a crudely executed, the leaves the Agora depicted in manner on similar to those the head of the hierophant. These leaves, then, as was would also have been recognized myrtle, and the choice presumably not accidental. A myrtle wreath may have been part of the official head dress of a Panhellene, and its presence would have underscored the close relationship between the Panhellenion and Eleusis. It appears very likely, then, that the Agora portrait represents a man as a to who served delegate the Panhellenion in the early 3rd century. He was even an or an of the Panhellenia. His ser perhaps archon, agonothetes to or or vice Athens Eleusis both must have been distinguished enough to earn a statue him the honor of public erected in the city. He chose to be 388 LEE ANN RICCARDI

a to represented wearing bust-crown in order remind viewers of his service as a as delegate to the Panhellenion, and perhaps of his munificence ag as as onothetes of the Panhellenia, well to show his devotion to the imperial no was so family. It is probably accident that the portrait found close to the an City Eleusinion, which would have been appropriate place to erect such a even more statue. This assumption is plausible if the building where the Panhellenion met was not inAthens at all, but at Eleusis, as some scholars have suggested.48 If so, then the City Eleusinion is the most likely place in a a Athens itself for statue of Panhellene to be displayed. a was a If the portrait does represent Panhellene and part of statue set or up in the City Eleusinion somewhere nearby, might it be possible to an answer associate itwith existing statue base? Unfortunately, the to this no. some question, at least for the time being, is Although bases of the ap none can propriate date do exist, reasonably be associated with the Agora a or head, either because of difference in size, because the cuttings in the a top of the base reveal that it belonged to statue made of bronze instead or a of marble,49 simply because evidence to make plausible connection is lacking.50 The specific identity of the portrait therefore remains elusive, and it is impossible to say which city this official might have represented in the Panhellenion. a new Even if it lacks specific identity, the portrait from the Agora nonetheless provides valuable information about the sculptural practice and political institutions of Roman Athens. The portrait itself, originally created in the early 3rd century during the reign of Caracalla and partially refash ioned in the mid-3rd century, illustrates the way in which the appearance even statues and the identity of honorary marble erected in public spaces or or could be altered for political practical reasons, in order to keep up with changing sculptural styles. The headdress of the portrait provides evidence worn at some for the insignia by least of the delegates to the Panhellenion, with the bust-crown symbolizing the importance to the organization of the cult of the deified Roman emperors, and the strophion and myrtle wreath reflecting the close relationship between the Panhellenion and Eleusis. The new an our portrait, then, makes important contribution to understanding of Athens in the Roman period, and demonstrates the value of ongoing excavation and research in the Athenian Agora.

to 48. Jones 1996, p. 36; Spawforth definitely made of bronze, and the but redated 189-193 by Follet (1976, 1999, p. 347. other, for Flavius Cyllus, archon p. 128, followed by Spawforth and was was 49. E.g., IG IP 3712 was inscribed in 156, of uncertain material, but Walker 1985, p. 85) because he the on a statue in this date is too for the of the Panhellenia in the base the Roman Agora early Agora agonothetes an honoring Cassianus, archon of the head. 18th Panhelleniad and the first archon Panhellenes, ca. 211-218, but the base 50. Several archons of the Panhel from ; Casianus Antiochus, a were statues can is for bronze statue; Oliver 1934, lenion who honored with called Synesius, from Athens, who to pp. 191-193; 1970, p. 106. Also, Ben remain possible contenders, including be dated only the 3rd century (Oliver jamin (1968) published two statue Cocceius Timasarchus, from , 1934, pp. 195-196; 1970, pp. 105-106; bases for Panhellenic archons that had dating to 197-201 (Oliver 1970, 1981, pp. 224-225; Spawforth and as been used building material in the pp. 107-108; Spawforth andWalker Walker 1985, p. 85); andAristaeus, statue on one post-Herulian wall. The 1985, p. 85);T. Aelius Gemnius Mace who is undated (Oliver 1970, p. 104; of the bases, that of Claudius do, from Thessaloniki, dated to 201 Spawforth andWalker 1985, p. 85). in was Jason Magnus, archon 157, 205 by Oliver (1970, pp. 125-126), THE BUST-CROWN, THE PANHELLENION, AND ELEUSIS 389

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Lee Ann Riccardi

The College of New Jersey department of art

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