Indian Corruption: Characteristics and Responses
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Anti-Corruption Movement: a Story of the Making of the Aam Admi Party and the Interplay of Political Representation in India
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2019, Volume 7, Issue 3, Pages 189–198 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v7i3.2155 Article Anti-Corruption Movement: A Story of the Making of the Aam Admi Party and the Interplay of Political Representation in India Aheli Chowdhury Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, 11001 Delhi, India; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 30 March 2019 | Accepted: 26 July 2019 | Published: 24 September 2019 Abstract The Aam Admi Party (AAP; Party of the Common Man) was founded as the political outcome of an anti-corruption move- ment in India that lasted for 18 months between 2010–2012. The anti-corruption movement, better known as the India Against Corruption Movement (IAC), demanded the passage of the Janlokpal Act, an Ombudsman body. The movement mobilized public opinion against corruption and the need for the passage of a law to address its rising incidence. The claim to eradicate corruption captured the imagination of the middle class, and threw up several questions of representation. The movement prompted public and media debates over who represented civil society, who could claim to represent the ‘people’, and asked whether parliamentary democracy was a more authentic representative of the people’s wishes vis-à-vis a people’s democracy where people expressed their opinion through direct action. This article traces various ideas of po- litical representation within the IAC that preceded the formation of the AAP to reveal the emergence of populist repre- sentative democracy in India. It reveals the dynamic relationship forged by the movement with the media, which created a political field that challenged liberal democratic principles and legitimized popular public perception and opinion over laws and institutions. -
Corrupt Practices in India: No Payoff
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review Volume 20 Number 2 Article 5 1-1-1998 Corrupt Practices in India: No Payoff Toral Patel Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Toral Patel, Corrupt Practices in India: No Payoff, 20 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 389 (1998). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol20/iss2/5 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CORRUPT PRACTICES IN INDIA: No PAYOFF I. INTRODUCTION Foreign investors constantly seek new business locations to increase profits and decrease expenses. With one of the fastest growing economies in the world, India is a popular site for foreign investment. 1 India, however, suffers from a major problem which threatens U.S. investment-corruption. A Gallup survey conducted throughout India reported that corruption is one of the most serious problems plaguing the country. 2 India's current anti- corruption laws are ineffective; hence, U.S. corporations find it increasingly difficult to follow the requirements of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) while doing business in '3 India, "one of the most corrupt countries in the world." This comment analyzes the FCPA and its relationship to foreign investment in India. -
'India Against Corruption'
Frontier Vol. 44, No. 9, September 11-17, 2011 THE ANNA MOMENT ‘India Against Corruption’ Satya Sagar TO CALL ANNA HAZARE'S crusade against corruption a 'second freedom movement' may be hyperbole but in recent times there has been no mass upsurge for a purely public cause, that has captured the imagination of so many. For an Indian public long tolerant of the misdeeds of its political servants turned quasi-mafia bosses this show of strength was a much-needed one. In any democracy while elected governments, the executive and the judiciary are supposed to balance each other's powers, ultimately it is the people who are the real masters and it is time the so-called 'rulers' understand this clearly. Politicians, who constantly hide behind their stolen or manipulated electoral victories, should beware the wrath of a vocal citizenry that is not going to be fooled forever and demands transparent, accountable and participatory governance. The legitimacy conferred upon elected politicians is valid only as long as they play by the rules of the Indian Constitution, the laws of the land and established democratic norms. If these rules are violated the legitimacy of being 'elected' should be taken away just as a bad driver loses his driving license or a football player is shown the red card for repeated fouls. The problem people face in India is clearly that there are no honest 'umpires' left to hand out these red cards anymore and this is not just the problem of a corrupt government or bureaucracy but of the falling values of Indian society itself. -
An Indian Summer: Corruption, Class, and the Lokpal Protests
Article Journal of Consumer Culture 2015, Vol. 15(2) 221–247 ! The Author(s) 2013 An Indian summer: Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Corruption, class, and DOI: 10.1177/1469540513498614 the Lokpal protests joc.sagepub.com Aalok Khandekar Department of Technology and Society Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Maastricht University, The Netherlands Deepa S Reddy Anthropology and Cross-Cultural Studies, University of Houston-Clear Lake, USA and Human Factors International Abstract In the summer of 2011, in the wake of some of India’s worst corruption scandals, a civil society group calling itself India Against Corruption was mobilizing unprecedented nation- wide support for the passage of a strong Jan Lokpal (Citizen’s Ombudsman) Bill by the Indian Parliament. The movement was, on its face, unusual: its figurehead, the 75-year- old Gandhian, Anna Hazare, was apparently rallying urban, middle-class professionals and youth in great numbers—a group otherwise notorious for its political apathy. The scale of the protests, of the scandals spurring them, and the intensity of media attention generated nothing short of a spectacle: the sense, if not the reality, of a united India Against Corruption. Against this background, we ask: what shared imagination of cor- ruption and political dysfunction, and what political ends are projected in the Lokpal protests? What are the class practices gathered under the ‘‘middle-class’’ rubric, and how do these characterize the unusual politics of summer 2011? Wholly permeated by routine habits of consumption, we argue that the Lokpal protests are fundamentally structured by the impulse to remake social relations in the image of products and ‘‘India’’ itself into a trusted brand. -
Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4158–4180 1932–8036/20170005 Fragile Hegemony: Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India SUBIR SINHA1 School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK Direct and unmediated communication between the leader and the people defines and constitutes populism. I examine how social media, and communicative practices typical to it, function as sites and modes for constituting competing models of the leader, the people, and their relationship in contemporary Indian politics. Social media was mobilized for creating a parliamentary majority for Narendra Modi, who dominated this terrain and whose campaign mastered the use of different platforms to access and enroll diverse social groups into a winning coalition behind his claims to a “developmental sovereignty” ratified by “the people.” Following his victory, other parties and political formations have established substantial presence on these platforms. I examine emerging strategies of using social media to criticize and satirize Modi and offering alternative leader-people relations, thus democratizing social media. Practices of critique and its dissemination suggest the outlines of possible “counterpeople” available for enrollment in populism’s future forms. I conclude with remarks about the connection between activated citizens on social media and the fragility of hegemony in the domain of politics more generally. Keywords: Modi, populism, Twitter, WhatsApp, social media On January 24, 2017, India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), proudly tweeted that Narendra Modi, its iconic prime minister of India, had become “the world’s most followed leader on social media” (see Figure 1). Modi’s management of—and dominance over—media and social media was a key factor contributing to his convincing win in the 2014 general election, when he led his party to a parliamentary majority, winning 31% of the votes cast. -
Enhancing the Effectiveness of Anti-Corruption Agencies
COMBATING ASIAN CORRUPTION: ENHANCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF ANTI-CORRUPTION AGENCIES Jon S.T. Quah* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 2 II. THE POLICY CONTEXTS OF ASIAN COUNTRIES ................ 8 A. Geographical Constraints ...................................................... I 0 B. Colonial Legacy .................................................................... 12 C. Economic Development ........................................................ 18 D. Population and Culture ......................................................... 20 E. Political and Legal Systems .................................................. 22 F. Difficult Governance Environment of Fragile States ........... 24 III. COMBATING CORRUPTION WITH A SINGLE ANTI- CORRUPTION AGENCY (ACA) .............................................. 26 A. Singapore's Effective Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau ( CPI B) ...................................................................... 26 B. Hong Kong's Effective Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) .................................................. 31 C. South Korea's "Toothless" ACAs ........................................ 35 IV. COMBATING CORRUPTION WITH MANY ANTI- CORRUPTION AGENCIES ....................................................... 41 A. China's Flawed A CAs .......................................................... 42 I. Reliance on Multiple A CAs ............................................. 43 2. Reliance on Anti-Corruption -
Studies of the Effect of Democracy on Corruption
Studies of the Effect of Democracy on Corruption Shrabani Saha and Neil Campbell Department of Applied and International Economics Massey University, Palmerston North New Zealand Corresponding author: Shrabani Saha Email: [email protected] Phone: 64 (6) 350 5999 Extn. 2663 Fax: 64 (6) 350 5660 Prepared for the 36th Australian Conference of Economists ‘Economics of Corruption Session’ Tasmania, Australia, 24-26 September, 2007 Draft: Please do not cite without authors’ permission. 1 Abstract This paper studies the influence of democracy on the level of corruption. In particular, does democracy necessarily reduce a country’s level of corruption? The growing consensus reveals that there is an inverse correlation between democracy and corruption; the more democracy and the less corruption. This study argues that a simple ‘electoral democracy’ is not sufficient to reduce corruption. The role of sound democratic institutions, including an independent judiciary and an independent media along with active political participation is crucial to combat corruption. To illustrate the ideas, this study develops a simple model that focuses on the role of democratic institutions, where it assumes that the detection technology is a function of democracy. Under this assumption, the active and effective institutions lead to careful monitoring of agents, which increases the probability of detection and punishment of corrupt activities and reduces the level of corruption. Keywords: Corruption; Bribery; Democracy; Development JEL classification: D73; K42 2 1. Introduction Corruption is viewed as one of the most severe bottlenecks in the process of economic development and in modernizing a country particularly in developing countries. Recent empirical research on the consequences of corruption confirms that there is a negative relationship between corruption and economic growth. -
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MONDAY, JUNE 9, 2014 (PAGE 4) DAILY EXCELSIOR, JAMMU From page 1 Mumbai Metro rolls out, over 1 New package for rehabilitation Govt may not hike plan outlay 3 cops among 7 killed, 22 injured in accidents social sector schemes such as mates of the Rs 5,55,532 crore, vehicle and it plunged into Govt Medical College Hospital lakh commuters take maiden ride of Kashmiri Pandits in offing Bharat Nirman, rural employ- for keeping a tab on the fiscal gorge. Jammu. MUMBAI, June 8: carrying around 11 lakh passen- for its approval. following militant activities has ment guarantee and National deficit. This was second year in On getting information, police The deceased were identified gers. Every coach can carry 375 Sources said soon after tak- increased by six-seven lakhs. Rural Health Mission. a row when UPA Government team from Udhampur Police as Ronika Rajput (22), daughter After a long wait, the first passengers, while the entire train ing over as Prime Minister, Like the previous one, "In present economic sce- cut Plan spending substantially Station led by SHO Mahesh of Jung Bahadur, resident of Metro service in the bustling can transport 1,500 commuters. Narendra Modi had sought returnee migrant families will nario, the new Government may to keep fiscal deficit under con- Sharma rushed to the spot and Bhagwati Nagar, Jammu and metropolis was rolled out today The introduction of Metro detailed information from be provided transit accommoda- not go for substantial increase in trol. started rescue operation. The Rohit Kumar (25), son of Mahesh with the Chief Minister services will revolutionise the Union Home Ministry about the tion during the interim period the Plan expenditure over what According to the latest locals also joined. -
In the High Court of Delhi at New Delhi
WWW.LIVELAW.IN IN THE HIGH COURT OF DELHI AT NEW DELHI % Judgment delivered on: 22.05.2020 + CRL.A. 1186/2017 MADHU KODA .....Appellant versus STATE THROUGH CBI ..... Respondent Advocates who appeared in this case: For the Appellant :Mr Abhimanyu Bhandari, Ms Gauri Rishi, Ms Srishti Juneja, Ms Aashima Singhal and Mr Vinay Prakash, Advocates. For the Respondent :Mr R. S. Cheema, Sr. Advocate (SPP) with Ms Tarannum Cheema, Ms Smrithi Suresh, Ms Hiral Gupta and Mr Akshay Nayarajan, Advocates. CORAM HON’BLE MR JUSTICE VIBHU BAKHRU JUDGMENT VIBHU BAKHRU, J CRL.M.(BAIL) 2273/2017 & CRL.M.A. 38740/2019 1. The appellant has filed the present applications, inter alia, praying that the operation of the impugned order dated 13.12.2017 passed by the learned Special Judge convicting the appellant of the offence of criminal misconduct under sub-clauses (ii) and (iii) of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of section 13 read with sub-section (2) of section 13 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 (hereafter ‘PC Act’), be stayed. CRL.A. 1186/2017 Page 1 of 35 WWW.LIVELAW.IN 2. The appellant desires to contest for election to public offices, including contest elections for the Legislative Assembly of the State of Jharkhand but is disqualified to do so on account of his conviction. The appellant states that he was elected as a member of Bihar Legislative Assembly for the first time in the year 2000. On 15.11.2000, the State of Jharkhand was carved out from the erstwhile State of Bihar. The appellant held the office of the Minister of the State for Rural Engineering Organization thereafter and continued to do so till the year 2003. -
From India Against Corruption to the Aam Aadmi Party: Social Movements, Political Parties and Citizen Engagement in India
Chapter 2 Prashant SHARMA From India Against Corruption to the Aam Aadmi Party: Social Movements, Political Parties and Citizen Engagement in India Introduction Anna Hazare, a well-known social activist, began a hunger strike in New Delhi in April 2011 to pressure the Indian Government to enact a strong and effective Lokpal (Federal Ombudsman) Act in order to root out corruption from the country, in response to the exposure of XQSUHFHGHQWHGÀQDQFLDOVFDPVDQGFRUUXSWLRQ1 3XEOLFWUXVWLQWKHJRYHUQPHQWVSHFLÀFDOO\DQGWKHSROLWLFDOFODVV LQ general seemed to be at an all-time low, which drew an impassioned response to Hazare’s fast, prompting the largest popular protest in India in recent memory. Thousands descended on the site of the fast in New Delhi in his support, leading some to call it ‘India’s Tahrir Square’ (Rajalakshmi 2011). Social media facilitated a huge outpouring of support for Hazare’s cause, the dominant tone of which was an anguished tirade against corruption. According to an editorial in The Indian Express: By now, it’s been compared to Tahrir, to 1968, even to Woodstock. For those who have never experienced the energy of a mass movement, the Anna Hazare-led movement over the Lokpal bill feels like catharsis, like revolution, a tidal wave that will sweep away the entire venal political class and replace it with those who feel their pain. What connects this crowd of ex-servicemen, yoga enthusiasts, auto-rickshaw unions, candle-light vigilantes, actors and corporate big shots and students? That they all feel let down, in different ways, by the political apparatus, and they are mad as hell (2011). -
Index of the Indian Police Journal Issues from the Year 1954 to 2016
The Indian Police Journal 1954 to 2016 1 Quarterly Commentary Vol. July-Sept. XXVII No. 1954 3 2 The Police and the Law 3 Recent Judicial Decision 4 Criminal Law and Practice in Scotland 5 The Murder at Diamond Street Detective Inspector E. Wild 6 Section 5, Public Order act, 1936 Detective Sergeant William Grindley 7 A Case of Homicidal Poisoning Dr. Donald Teare 8 Previous Conviction Records Sergeant P.J. Nichols 9 The Case of the Headless Corpse Superintendent D.A.L. Chase 10 The Specialist Officer Detective Sergeant W.A. Philip 11 Illicit Diamond Buying Acting Superintendent B.H. Nealan and Asst. Superintendent J.D. Doherty 12 A Latent heel Impression Detective Constable Frederick Owen 13 The Lari Massacre Assistant Superintendent J.H. Baker 14 Vagrancy (Continued) 15 Police Gold Medal Essay Competition 16 The Murder of Miss Cox I. Sobhanadri Vol. II No. July 1955 Naidu 1 17 A Jest of Fate Nag. K. Gupta, IPS 18 Disintegration of Certain Fibres on N. Pitchandi Burial 19 The Tarapore Murder S.M.A. Pathan 20 The Help of the Polygraph in P. Shivabasappa Police Interrogation 21 Police Notes from Abroad 22 Identification in Law M.M. Thapar 23 Aska Bank Murder Case S.K. Ghosh, IPS 24 Work of Scotland Yard‘s Press and Phillis Davies Information Deptt. 25 Murder or Accident L. Forstner 26 The Finger Prints of Bahadur Khan Shiam Narain 27 A Chain of Forensic V.R. Kher, I.P. Vol. II No. January Laboratories in India 3 1956 28 Belbad Colliery Dacoity N.S. -
Insurgency, Counter-Insurgency, and Democracy in Central India
CHAPTER 9 Insurgency, Counter-insurgency, and Democracy in Central India NANDINI SUNDAR The Naxalite movement began in India in the late 1960s as a peasant struggle (in Naxalbari, West Bengal, hence the name Naxalite). It represented the revolutionary stream of Indian Marxism which did not believe that parliamentary democracy would lead to the requisite systemic change and argued for armed struggle instead. While the Indian state managed to crush the movement in the 1970s, causing an already ideologically fractured movement to splinter further (currently 34 parties by official estimates),1 in 2004 two of the major parties, the Communist Party of India (CPI) (Marxist-Leninist) People’s War (formed out of the merger of the People’s War Group with Party Unity) and the Maoist Communist Center (MCC) of India, united to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist).2 The CPI (Maoist) is currently a significant political force across several states, especially in rural areas where state services have been inadequate or absent.3 Since about 2005-6, the Maoists have become the main target of the Indian state, with thousands of paramilitary forces being poured into the areas where they are strong, and the prime minister repeatedly referring to them as India’s biggest security threat. As a consequence, armed conflict is occurring across large parts of central India and is taking several hundred lives on an annual basis. In the state of Chhattisgarh, which is the epicentre of the war, sovereignty is contested over large parts of terrain. COMPETING PERSPECTIVES ON THE MAOIST ISSUE There are three main perspectives on the Maoist issue.