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Goldcoastrevolution 1.Pdf KWAME NKRUMAH lnt the Assem without the fr bly slightest feeling of bitterness to Britain. I stand for no racialism, no discrim- ination agamst any race or individual, but I am unalterably opposed to imperialism in any form'-PRIME MINISTER NKRUMAH (The Times, 14.2.51) THE GOLD COAST REVOLUTION The Struggle of an African People from Slavery to Freedom GEORGE PADMORE London DENNIS DOBSON LTD FIRST PUBLISHED IN GREAT BRITAIN MCMLIII BY DENNIS DOBSON LIMITED, LONDON SWI ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PRINTED AND BOUND IN GREAT BRITAIN BY JARROLD AND SONS LTD, NORWICH 335/R Dedicated to Dorothy, who encouraged me to write 9 this account of Ghana s struggle for Freedom CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction i I European Settlements in the Gold Coast 1 1 II Early Development of Gold Coast Nationalism 26 III Aborigines' Society and National Congress 36 IV United Gold Coast Convention 54 V Convention People's Party 67 VI Constitutional Evolution, 1850-1950 - 87 VII First General Election 106 VIII The Government and the Opposition 118 IX Local Government Reforms 138 X Irredentist Nationalism 152 XI Comparative Study of Nationalist Movements 168 XII Pattern of Gold Coast Economy 194 XIII Problems of Economic Development 215 Appendix I 245 Appendix II 252 Appendix III 254 Index 267 COAST COMST 1fc*4 Wnihi >* "^-5^- y * i # 9 U L F tf % 6 tOO INTRODUCTION PURPOSE OF this book is to trace the evolu- tion of Gold Coast nationalism from thefoundation THEof the Ashanti Confederacy to the emergence of the Convention People's Party and after. It makes no pretence to be a detailed constitutional history of the Gold Coast. The emphasis of the book is upon the rise and development of post-war nationalism, in particular the economic and social unrest leading to the promulga- tion of the Coussey Constitution in 1950 and the methods of agitation used by the several nationalist pressure groups and political organizations in conducting the struggle for constitutional reforms and independence. While political consciousness among the masses is something quite recent. Gold Coast nationalism has deep roots and a long tradition founded in well-established political institutions. Present-day nationalism also draws emotional inspiration from the former Sudanic Empire of Ghana, whence, from the thirteenth century, migrated the Akan tribes to the territories they now occupy. Hence the new name Ghana which the nationalists have adopted for the Gold Coast. 'Having his origins in Western Sudan*, the Gold Coast c African has been described as a born individualist, virile and irrepressible by nature', who 'tends to be suspicious of outside influence and intolerant of dictatorial methods in any form.' 1 Thanks to their traditional spirit of independence, 1 Report on Gold Coast Constitutional Reform, Colonial No. 248, p. 8. 2 THE GOLD COAST REVOLUTION the Akans were able to evolve a high degree of political cohesion long before they came into contact with Euro- pean nations. Both the Ashanti and the Fanti branches of the Akans had created well-defined governments and states contemporaneous with the Stuart period in England. And although the hereditary system is recog- nized in the Gold Coast, 'democratic principles in the main underlie the traditional principles of this country. No chief, for example, speaks as the head of his state, except with the consent and approval of his councillors, 1 who are the acknowledged representatives of the people.' The elders and the people also reserve the sovereign right to get rid of an autocratic and dictatorial ruler by destooling him. The Stool (or throne) is the symbol of chieftaincy. The conception of democracy, therefore, is nothing new to Gold Coast Africans. The introduction ofWestern parliamentary democracy as part of the recent c constitutional changes is rather to emphasize its vital importance in a reformed system of government and to provide for a fuller realization of an imperfectly realized 5 2 idea . However, in attempting to create a more perfect demo- cracy, Gold Coast nationalist leaders traditionalists and reformers are agreed upon conserving the best of their country's political and social institutions and adapting them to the requirements of the twentieth century. For example, the Nkrumah Government are retaining the institution of chieftaincy and at the same time have restored to the common people those sanctions and powers of control over the chiefs which they exercised before the British transformed them from constitutional rulers into imperialist agents under the system of Indirect Rule or so-called Native Authorities. Although the chiefs will no longer play the role of political agents of the British Government, chieftaincy, 1 Report on Gold Coast Constitutional Reform^ Colonial" No. 248, 2 p. 15- Ibid. INTRODUCTION 3 as a socio-religious institution, still has strong roots in the, life of the people, especially in the rural areas and throughout the Northern Territories. Until recent official pronouncement, the role of chief- taincy in the rapidly evolving society of the Gold Coast was in doubt. Now that the status of the chiefs has been defined in relation to the democratically based central and local government, it may still be possible to make use of their prestige in their traditional capacity as fathers of their people, giving moral leadership and wise counsel to their subjects in the building of a healthy and virile modern democratic society. What they make of this new opportunity depends upon the chiefs themselves. For there is a substantial body of opinion among educated Africans, not only in the Gold Coast but elsewhere, that chieftaincy is a social anachronism that must adapt itself to the rapidly changing social order or disappear, if Africa is to take her place in the modern world. AIMS AND METHODS OF BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY While the ultimate goal of British colonial policy has been frequently enunciated and the broad lines of advance indicated, no Secretary of State for Colonies Tory, Liberal or Socialist has ever set a time-limit for a colony's emergence into complete self-government or independence. The rate of progress is set by the degree of pressure put upon the imperial authority by the natives themselves. This in its turn depends upon the degree of political consciousness in a colonial population, and the ability of the leaders to mobilize popular support behind the demands of the nationalist movement for rapid constitutional advance. It is only when mass pressure has assumed an explosive character that the imperialists grudgingly make any substantial con- cessions. If the people make no demands, their rulers make no changes. That has been the history of every subject nation, as I have shown in the comparative 4 THE GOLD COAST REVOLUTION study of nationalist movements in Chapter XI. In this respect the Gold Coast has been no exception. It has reached its present stage by long efforts of agitation, sometimes assuming the form of 'Positive Action'. Whatever the form and method resorted to as a means of accelerating the pace of constitutional advance, the colonial territories pass through five well-defined stages before reaching complete self-government. This pattern of British colonial policy evolved not as the result of a premeditated philosophy, but grew empirically as a former Under-Secretary of State for Colonies, Lord Cranborne, has pointed out. 'We have no cut and dried 5 he once admitted. c pattern , We have adopted and adapted existing systems, changing them readily as the 3 need arose and experience taught. This approach is typically British for, like the Romans, they are funda- mentally a practical people who despise theory. The first and longest stage of British colonial govern- ment is a form of benevolent dictatorship. The Governor is vested with all legislative and executive powers. In the performance of his duties he is usually advised by a council consisting of senior British officials and a few hand-picked prominent upper-class natives. Since the official can outvote majority always the unofficial (i.e. non-civil servant) minority members, all legislation pro- posed by the Governor to the Council is assured of adoption. The introduction of the elective principle ushers in the second stage. This concession is at first limited to the middle-class stratum of the population and is based on educational and property qualifications. Members elected on this limited franchise, together with certain nominated unofficial members, still constitute a minority in the Council. Legislative The Governor is still in a position to his endorsed. get policies Describing the Reichstag-like performance of ex-qfficio members, Sir Anton Bertram that 'the of a says sight long row of officials who scarcely INTRODUCTION 5 " otherwise open their lips, exclaiming "yes and "no" in succession, by official order, whatever their private opinions may be, moves the resentment of politically 3 1 minded spectators . By degrees the number of elected members is increased and the franchise is widened until the point of universal suffrage is reached. This process leads to the elected members becoming a majority in the Council and the official members receding. At this stage of constitutional advance, the Governor is no longer guaranteed an official majority vote in support of his policies* To counteract this position within the Legislature, the Governor's powers are sustained outside of it by the powers of certi- fication and veto which are conferred upon him. That is to say, he can refuse assent to any Bill passed by the unofficial majority or can make law any Bill presented to the Council but rejected by the unofficial majority. Such action is taken in the interests of public order, public faith and good government. These special powers of the Governor in effect neutra- lize the elected majority in the Legislature, and the emphasis moves from the Legislature to the Executive, which is the instrument of government.
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