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Virtus 2017 Binnenwerk.Indb 173 13-02-18 12:38 Virtus 24 | 2017 virtus 24 virtus Adel en heerlijkheden in Québec. De opkomst en het voortleven van een 9 sociale groep en een feodaal instituut (ca. 1600-2000) Benoît Grenier en Wybren Verstegen Handel in heerlijkheden. Aankoop van Hollandse heerlijkheden en motieven 31 van kopers, 1600-1795 virtus Maarten Prins Beschermd en berucht. De manoeuvreerruimte van jonker Ernst Mom binnen 57 2017 het rechtssysteem van zestiende-eeuws Gelre 24 Lidewij Nissen Prussia’s Franconian undertaking. Dynasty, law, and politics in the Holy 75 Roman Empire (1703-1726) 24 2017 Quinten Somsen | Gutsbesitzer zwischen Repräsentation und Wirtschaftsführung. Das Gut 105 Nordkirchen in Westfalen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert Friederike Scholten Adel op de pastorie. Aristocratische huwelijken van predikanten in de 129 negentiende eeuw Fred Vogelzang 9 789087 047252 9789087047251.pcovr.Virtus2017.indd 2 06-02-18 09:39 pp. 173-186 | Korte bijdragen Yme Kuiper and Huibert Schijf What do Dutch nobles think about themselves? Some notes on a 2016 survey on the identity of the Dutch nobility 173 In the late 1980s, the French sociologist Monique de Saint Martin started her research on no- bility in modern French society with a pilot study among noble families. Many of her noble interlocutors, she noticed, answered her request for an interview with the following puz- zling statement: ‘La noblesse n’existe plus.’ (The [French] nobility does not exist anymore).1 Over the years, the authors of this article have spoken with many people belonging to the Dutch nobility, but they have never heard this statement in their conversations with elder- ly or young nobles. What did strike us, however, was that many of the Dutch nobility do not use their titles in public, and that some hand over business cards both with and without their noble title (or noble title of respect) on it. Another observation: the current Dutch dep- uty prime minister and minister of internal affairs Kajsa Ollongren has a Swedish-Finnish noble background, but the general public is not aware of this biographical fact. In a recent interview she asserted: ‘I don’t feel noble. I don’t even know what it is or how it feels. It’s just there, I have always known it, there is a coat of arms in Stockholm, and that’s all.’2 Does the French nobility have an even more hidden character than its Dutch counter- part? Or did the French nobles who spoke with De Saint Martin give her a sort of socially acceptable (i.e. noble) answer? One of the crucial insights of her study, however, is that no- ble identity is not a permanent, monolithic and unchangeable phenomenon, but rather that 1 M. de Saint Martin, L’espace de la noblesse (Paris, 1993) 5. 2 Vogue, 26 Oct. 2017. Ollongren (1968) studied history and economics at the University of Amsterdam; she took a further degree at the École Normale d’Administration in Paris. ‘Stockholm’ refers to the House of Nobility (Riddarhuset) in Stockholm, built in Dutch classicist style in the 1640s. © 2017 Yme Kuiper and Huibert Schijf | Stichting Werkgroep Adelsgeschiedenis www.virtusjournal.org | print issn 1380-6130 Virtus 2017_binnenwerk.indb 173 13-02-18 12:38 virtus 24 | 2017 identification with being a member of the nobility is situation-bound and conditioned by meeting people at specific places and on specific occasions. In the past, nobles were ‘masters of visibility’ who cherished a particular, exclusive lifestyle; nowadays, in a more meritocrat- ic and individualistic society and culture, this group’s habitus no longer seems self-evident. The conditions under which a noble identity (or perhaps more adequately formulated, the identification of men and women with their noble birth and background) is currently con- structed, differ strongly from those of a few generations ago.3 Nobility in the Netherlands Today the Dutch nobility numbers around 10.000 individuals, of whom a fifth lives abroad.4 Recent statistics also show that no more than a quarter of the nobles living in the Nether- lands is a member of an exclusive noble organisation or order. This begs the question of 174 group identity among the Dutch nobility. How strong is the identification with their noble origins and status in modern, meritocratic Dutch society? What are the most important iden- tity markers among the Dutch nobility nowadays? And what about recent trends: is there a downward trend in noble group (or self) identity? Or, perhaps, is it the other way around: are more and more nobles becoming members of exclusive noble organisations, trying to hold on to or revitalise some sort of collective noble identity in the Netherlands? It is a remarkable fact that it is easier to find statistics and solid genealogical data about living Dutch noblemen and women than about their peers elsewhere in Europe. Viewed from a long-term historical perspective, this seems even more puzzling. In comparison to many other European societies, Dutch society was less strongly dominated by feudal con- ditions and noble families in the early modern period. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Dutch nobility profited significantly from the new political order in the young Kingdom of the Netherlands, created by the 1814 Congress of Vienna and ruled over by King William I. The Dutch nobility was reinvented as a political elite and the new king ennobled many rich and influential bourgeois families. After a liberal constitutional amendment, this privileged position ended formally in 1848; the noble and patrician presence in parliament 3 Compare Y. Kuiper, ‘Towards a comparative history of nobility in twentieth-century Europe’, in: idem, N. Bijleveld and J. Dronkers, eds, Nobilities in Europe in the twentieth century. Reconversion strategies, memory culture and elite formation (Leuven-Paris, 2015) 1-26. 4 In 2012 the total number of noble families was 566; E.J. Wolleswinkel, Nederlands adelsrecht. Wetteli- jke adeldom als historisch gegroeid instituut (’s-Gravenhage, 2012) 285. According to official statistics (2015), the Belgian nobility includes about 1200 families, that is 32.000 individuals; see B. Maus de Rolley, ‘La composition actuelle de la noblesse belge’, Driemaandelijks bulletin van de Vereniging van de Adel van het Koninkrijk België, CCLXXXIV (2015). In comparison to the Dutch nobility these numbers are striking. The crucial factor here is that Belgium is one of the few modern nation-states (and monar- chies) in Europe where hereditary ennoblement still occurs regularly. Ennoblement was already rare in the Netherlands in the twentieth century and nowadays is hardly possible anymore. The Belgian nobil- ity, including many wealthy ennobled entrepreneurial families, is also richer than its Dutch counterpart and more strongly represented in the national economic and landed elites. Virtus 2017_binnenwerk.indb 174 13-02-18 12:38 Korte bijdragen 175 Knight’s Day of the Order of St John in the Netherlands (Johanniter Orde in Nederland), Castle Zeist 2016 (private collection) withered subsequently, but very slowly.5 Even in the period 1888-1918, a quarter of Dutch ministers had a noble background. As a reaction to permanent threats to their original high position in society, and due to internal fragmentation and declining prosperity, the Dutch nobility began to organise themselves, including reinventing old chivalric orders, from around 1900.6 In 1899 the Dutch Nobility Association (Nederlandse Adelsvereniging; NAV) was found- ed. The main goal of the Association was to give financial support to impoverished nobles, usually noble widows who had great difficulty running their households without a serious drop in the noble lifestyle. The most prominent member of the Association was the young Queen Wilhelmina. It was her spouse Prince Hendrik of Mecklenburg-Schwerin who initi- ated the revitalisation of a Dutch branch of the German Protestant Order of St John in 1909. Two years later followed the foundation of a Dutch association of the Catholic Order of Mal- ta. In addition to the much smaller and very exclusive Bailiwick of Utrecht of the Teutonic 5 Y. Kuiper, ‘Eine rein bürgerliche Nation? Adel und Politik in den Niederlanden im 19. und 20. Jahrhun- dert’, in: J. Leonhard and C. Wieland, eds, What makes the nobility noble? Comparative perspectives from the sixteenth to the twentieth century (Göttingen, 2011) 201-217. 6 N. Bijleveld, ‘The revival of Dutch nobility around 1900’, in: Y. Kuiper, N. Bijleveld and J. Dronkers, eds, Nobilities in Europe in the twentieth century. Reconversion strategies, memory culture and elite forma- tion (Leuven-Paris, 2015) 97-116. Virtus 2017_binnenwerk.indb 175 13-02-18 12:38 virtus 24 | 2017 Order, which had already been saved from a state of decay in the mid-eighteenth century, these two orders still exist and together they currently have over 800 members.7 The Dutch Nobility Association experienced a growth spurt during the 1990s. This rise in popularity can partly be attributed to the foundation of a specific branch for young members of the nobility in 1991. Since the equity capital of the NAV had grown substantially thanks to major legacies, in about 1990 the board also decided to fund the extra costs for young members of the nobility who had plans to study abroad. At the same time the NAV began to cooperate financially with the three noble chivalric orders in the Netherlands by supporting charitable projects.8 In 2000 the NAV had 1000 members and it currently has about 1400. An- other astonishing fact is that an official registration of the Dutch nobility and of the Dutch patriciate started in 1903 and 1910 respectively. Many scholarly publications by sociologists, anthropologists and historians have been based on these series since the late 1990s. A last striking observation in this context is that since 2000 noblemen and especially noblewom- 176 en have started to write their recollections of family life in the nobility, even writing about dramatic scenes and events in the family during the Second World War.
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