DOCSLIB.ORG

Erdoğan's “New Turkey”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Erdoğan's “New Turkey” Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Erdoğan’s “New Turkey” WP Restoring the Authoritarian State in the Name of Democracy Günter Seufert S European and American commentators warn that Turkey is drifting back into authori- tarianism, citing excessive police violence against demonstrators, restrictions on free- dom of the press and internet, government interference in the judiciary, purges in the bureaucracy, and an anti-European policy shift. They note with astonishment that former prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was able to win the presidency on an in- creased share of the vote despite credible accusations of corruption, strife within the conservative camp and foreign policy failures. Erdoğan himself speaks of the “New Turkey” having succeeded the old, authoritarian Kemalist republic and brought forth a progressive democracy. How broad is support for Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) across society? What can be expected of the new government? How fundamental is the recon- struction of the political system, and what does the it mean for the future of democ- racy? How can and should Europe respond? Turkish and international observers agree Workers’ Party (PKK). The “New Turkey” is that the election of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said to have overcome the political tutelage as President of Turkey on 10 August 2014 that the old secular elites exercised over the marks a turning-point in the country’s po- majority with the backing of the army and litical development. The new president sees the judiciary. The new regime, it is claimed, himself not only as the head of state, but is therefore not only culturally authentic, also as guarantor of the will of the people. but also democratic. For the first time since the founding of the republic, it is asserted, the government, its policies and the personality of the presi- Erdoğan’s Electoral Success dent reflect the identity, the culture and Including parliamentary and municipal the political inclinations of the population. elections and constitutional referendums, And, it is also claimed, the cultural plural- Erdoğan’s presidential victory with 51.8 ity of the population is acknowledged for percent of the vote was his ninth successive the first time, as witnessed by the peace election win. His widely noted charisma negotiations with the banned Kurdistan alone cannot explain this prolonged series Dr. Günter Seufert is a Senior Associate in SWP’s EU External Relations Division SWP Comments 44 October 2014 1 of successes. What we are in fact seeing There are, admittedly, other reasons too under Erdoğan is the conclusion of a long- behind Erdoğan’s leap in support from term process in Turkish politics: the incre- 43.39 percent in the municipal elections to mental integration of the conservative almost 52 percent in the presidential. Firstly, religious majority and the Kurds into the Erdoğan succeeded in uniting behind him political system. Three military coups and the votes of smaller right-wing parties that the banning of 26 political parties are only did not put up candidates of their own, the most obvious examples of measures such as the Turkish-Islamist Felicity Party (SP), taken since 1960 to exclude Kurdish and the Turkish nationalist Great Union Party conservative Islamic actors from the Kemal- (BBP) and the Kurdish-Islamist Free Cause ist republic. Even the AKP only narrowly Party (HüdaPar). A repeat of that impressive escaped prohibition in 2008 – at a time result is therefore not expected at the June when it was governing with an absolute 2015 parliamentary elections. Secondly, majority. Prior to 2007, the political influ- many supporters of the “left-wing” Republic- ence of the generals through the National an People’s Party (CHP) and the “right-wing” Security Council and presidential vetoes Nationalist Action Party (MHP) were unable to had further restricted the options of con- bring themselves to give their vote to the servative governments. joint candidate of the two parties. Since the beginning of his career in the AKP, Erdoğan’s political discourse has con- sequently revolved around “democratisa- The New Government: Pro-European tion”, understood as asserting the will of Gloss on Authoritarian Reality the conservative majority against the politi- The new prime minister, former foreign cal control of the Kemalist elite. It was this minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, unveiled his project that gained Erdoğan his following first cabinet on 29 August 2014. A small across disparate classes, groups and regions sigh of relief was heard in Brussels, because and also found support abroad. foreign and European policy were entrusted During the clashes over the plans for to figures who are well-known in Europe. the Gezi Park in Istanbul in summer 2013 The new foreign minister, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, Erdoğan instrumentalised this established served briefly as European Union affairs “democratisation discourse” to legitimise a minister and was from 2010 to 2012 Presi- blunt strategy of retaining power. Erdoğan dent of the Parliamentary Assembly of the has replaced the real decades-long political Council of Europe. His previous post as tutelage of the generals with an only imagi- European Union affairs minister was taken nary political “tutelage of foreign powers over by the career diplomat Volkan Bozkır, over the Turkish nation and its govern- previously Turkey’s permanent representa- ment”. This has enabled him to present tive to the European Union. The appoint- authoritarian moves against the opposition ment of the previous economy minister Ali and interference in the judiciary as mea- Babacan as one of the four deputy prime sures in defence of democracy and directed ministers and the retention of Mehmet exclusively against foreign agents and Şimşek as finance minister were also wel- stooges, above all the cadres of the preacher comed as both are regarded as competent Fethullah Gülen within the bureaucracy in their field and unideological. Moreover, (see Günter Seufert, Is the Fethullah Gülen the new Government Policy Statement at- Movement Overstretching Itself?, SWP Research tributes the European Union central impor- Paper 2/2014). He employed this rhetorical tance for the country’s modernisation, brandmarking exceptionally successfully seeking accession for the republic’s cente- in the run-up to the municipal elections at nary in 2023. the end of March 2014 and also in his latest But the manner in which the new gov- campaign for the presidency. ernment presents itself to the population SWP Comments 44 October 2014 2 speaks a different language that fits more tle of Atatürk’s successor, likewise leading with the many passages in the Statement the fight to liberate his country from West- referring to Turkey as a civilisation in its ern domination. In fact he believes he sur- own right, quite stark distinct from the passes his predecessor in this respect, be- European, with its own distinct “national cause his endeavours for the national cause values” rooted in Turkish Ottoman history. always have the majority of the population These inherent values of Turkish civilisa- behind them. tion not only have to be renewed, it is con- This mixture of nostalgic yearning for tended, but must also be asserted through- former national greatness, anti-Western out all state institutions, and the state must nationalism and conservative morality convey these values to the public. cannot produce clear domestic or foreign With state and government working to policy programmes. But the “New Turkey” culturally and morally homogenise the discourse establishes a new hierarchy of population, the “democratisation” deployed political identities, with the government to break the power of the secular elite has seeking to secure a monopoly over central been replaced by a new authoritarianism, political concepts such as nation, national this time in the guise of conservative reli- interest, justice, progress and religion. Gov- gious identity. ernment rhetoric holds up Erdoğan and After his nomination as party leader, the AKP as indispensable for the existence Davutoğlu accordingly defined the AKP as and future of fatherland and nation and a “cadre movement” that had appeared on discredits the opposition. Erdoğan and his the stage to revive and resurrect a deeply circles have no qualms about labelling oppo- rooted state tradition rather than as the sition politicians saboteurs, traitors and representative of the interests of large parts foreign agents. This all serves to legitimise of the population. Under his leadership this curtailing rights and liberties and to secure “restoration” will be continued without power for the current government and the interruption, he said. After assuming the governing party. party leadership, Davutoğlu declared that From this point it is but a small step to Turks would in future have to exercise their open rejection of so-called European values civil liberties within the constraints of a and any orientation on Europe at all, as pro- particular “moral formation” that was ap- pagated by Erdoğan’s chief economic advisor parently to be prescribed by the government. Yiğit Bulut. As it has with Russia, Europe has The ideology used to justify this authori- undermined Turkey’s culture in order to ex- tarian state and the restriction of civil liber- pand its own influence, Bulut writes in the ties is a hotchpotch of Turkish nationalism, pro-government Star newspaper. The only religious piety and enthusiasm for the pan-
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Is Turkey's Foreign Policy Moving East?
    University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2013 Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? James Brodie LeBlue University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation LeBlue, James Brodie, "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" (2013). Senior Honors Theses. 50. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50 This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Unrestricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? An Honors Thesis Presented to the Department of Political Science of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University Honors and Honors in Political Science by James Brodie LeBlue December 2013 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank the incredible support system of friends and family for getting me through not only the last four years of undergrad, but also the times in writing this thesis when I thought I was just moments away from ripping my hair out because of constant rewrites.
    [Show full text]
  • Could Turkey's New Parties Change the Political Balance?
    POLICY BRIEF EUROPE IN THE WORLD PROGRAMME 13 MARCH 2020 Could Turkey’s new parties Amanda Paul Senior Policy Analyst European Policy Centre change the Demir Murat Seyrek Senior Policy Advisor political balance? European Foundation for Democracy New political trends are unfolding in Turkey. Recently of these two parties, coupled with the success of the established political parties have raised hopes for change opposition in the 2019 municipal elections, shows that in the country, impacting the political balance between Turkish democracy is not dead and buried. The EU must the government and the opposition. While this is not a continue to engage with and support those that are foregone conclusion, it is a development worth watching fighting for democratic change. closely, including for the EU. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has dominated BACKGROUND – DWINDLING AKP SUPPORT Turkish politics for over 17 years. Nevertheless, with mounting domestic headaches and a moribund economy, Just at the time when Erdoğan consolidated power the AKP seems to be running out of steam. Support for through the adoption of an executive presidential system, the party is at an all-time low, while President Recep following the 2017 constitutional referendum, he lost Tayyip Erdoğan’s popularity is also in decline. the ability to rule without alliances, due to the need for an absolute majority to be elected. That forced the AKP, which until 2017 did not need political alliances, to join forces with Devlet Bahçeli’s Nationalist Movement Party Turkish democracy is not dead and (MHP) and form the People’s Alliance. buried. The EU must continue to engage This alliance was successful in securing victory in both and support those that are fighting for the constitutional referendum and subsequent 2018 democratic change.
    [Show full text]
  • February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of The
    February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey CC: Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan, Deputy Undersecretary for Turkish Treasury Cavit Dağdaş, Ambassador Feridun Sinirlioğlu, and G20 Finance Ministers RE: Implementation of G20 Commitment to Phase-out Fossil Fuel Subsidies Dear Prime Minister Davutoğlu, In the spirit of your G20 Presidency’s outreach efforts with civil society, we – representing 39 civil society organizations – are writing in support of the Turkish Presidency’s “2015 Year of Implementation.” We share the Turkish government’s concern that G20 commitments are characterized by long delayed implementation. We were very pleased to see that the Turkish G20 Presidency Priorities for 2015 included discussions on the G20’s commitment to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and for the recognition that 2015 is a crucial year for climate change with the UNFCCC negotiations set to make a global agreement in December. We strongly agree that 2015 is the time to increase action on climate change. Thus, we request the following G20 outcomes towards implementing the phase out of fossil fuel subsidies: Agree to immediately eliminate all subsidies for fossil fuel exploration. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and the International Energy Agency (IEA), in order to meet the internationally agreed goal of limiting global average temperature increase to 2 degrees Celsius, at least two-thirds of already existing reserves of fossil fuels need to be left in the ground. A recent assessment found that G20 governments are spending approximately $88 billion a year on finding new oil, gas and coal reserves.1 The report shows that with rising costs for hard-to-reach reserves, and falling coal and oil prices, generous public subsidies are propping up fossil fuel exploration, which would otherwise be deemed uneconomic.
    [Show full text]
  • Dealing with a Rising Power
    Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich CREDITS Centre for European Studies Cover design: RARO S.L. Layout: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE – 1000 The Centre for European Studies (CES) is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP) dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.thinkingeurope.eu This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Centre for European Studies 2012 Photos used in this publication: Centre for European Studies 2012 The European Parliament and the Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies on the author of this publication. 2 Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU About the CES The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in 2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. It serves as a framework for national political foundations linked to member parties of the EPP, with 25 foundations currently members. The CES takes part in the preparation of EPP political platforms and programmes.
    [Show full text]
  • January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of The
    January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of the Prime Minister Başbakanlık 06573 Ankara, Turkey Via Email: [email protected] We write on behalf of more than 12,000 members of the American Sociological Association to express our grave concern about the actions that the Turkish government has taken against signatories to the Academics for Peace statement. The American Sociological Association has a long-standing position of supporting the free exchange of ideas across national, state, cultural, and social borders that is consistent with Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression [including the right] to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impact information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers.” The Academics for Peace statement, which calls for a halt to military action in the southeastern region of Turkey, a lifting of curfews in some Kurdish-majority cities, and the development of a roadmap to lasting peace, has been falsely depicted as supporting terrorism. The supporters were derided as traitors. We understand the Turkish government has arrested some of the scholars who signed the statement (charging them with treason) and filed a lawsuit against all those who signed, and that the Higher Education Council (YÖK) in Turkey has launched investigations into scholars who signed the statement with the stated purpose of removing those people from their university positions. This overall atmosphere of intimidation has culminated in a public campaign involving violent threats against the signatories. These actions are a violation of Turkey’s responsibility to protect freedom of thought, expression, and assembly as a member state of the Council of Europe, and as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights as well as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Balkans: a Europeanised Foreign Policy in a De-Europeanised National Context?
    JOURNAL OF BALKAN AND NEAR EASTERN STUDIES 2015, VOL. XX, NO. X, 1–17 http:/dx.doi.org/10.1080/XXXXXXXX.2015.XXXX Turkish foreign policy towards the Balkans: A Europeanised foreign policy in a de-europeanised national context? Birgül Demirtaş Department of International Relations, TOBB University of Economics and Technology, Söğütözü Cad. No: 43, Söğütözü, 06560, Ankara, Turkey ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY There has been and increasing number of studies in international Received 30 March 2015 relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and Accepted 31 March 2015 regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This article critically examines the impact of Europeanisation process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-europeanisation in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanisation on its Balkans policy continues. This article shows, among others, that not the internalisaton, but the instrumentalisation of ‘Europe’ has been the driving force of domestic and external foreign policy of Turkey. Introduction Following his party’s grandiose triumph at the local elections on March 30, 2014, despite all the turmoil in internal politics and allegations of wide-scale corruption, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the then Prime Minister of Turkey and leader of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) made a phone call to the mayor of Mamuşa, a village in Kosovo, populated mainly by Muslims. ‘I am sending all of you my greetings from İstanbul, dear people of Mamuşa’ he said at the beginning of his speech which was live transmitted to all the Turkish origin people in the village who came together to celebrate JDP’s victory.
    [Show full text]
  • Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
    WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu
    [Show full text]
  • BPC 150502 PG3 C National Security White Paper.Indd
    New Turkey or New Government? The June 2015 Parliamentary Election June 2015 Task Force Co-Chairs Ambassador Morton Abramowitz Ambassador Eric Edelman Former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Task Force Members Henri Barkey Aaron Lobel Bernard L. and Bertha F. Cohen Founder and President, America Abroad Media Professor of Internal Relations, Lehigh University Alan Makovsky Svante Cornell Former Senior Professional Staff Member, Research Director, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and House Foreign Affairs Committee Silk Road Studies Program Admiral (ret.) Gregory Johnson Ambassador Paula Dobriansky Former Commander of U.S. Naval Forces, Europe; Former Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs Senior Advisor, Bipartisan Policy Center John Hannah General (ret.) Charles Wald Former Assistant for National Security Affairs to the Vice President Former Deputy Commander, U.S. European Command; Bipartisan Policy Center Board Member Halil Karaveli Senior Fellow, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program David Kramer Senior Director for Human Rights and Human Freedoms, McCain Institute for International Leadership National Security Program Staff Blaise Misztal Jessica Michek Project Director Project Assistant 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report would not have been possible without the substantive contributions of Barın Kayaoğlu. We also gratefully acknowledge the assistance of BPC intern Seyma Akyol. DISCLAIMER This report is a product of BPC’s National Security Program. The findings expressed herein are those solely of the National Security Program, though no member may be satisfied with every formulation in the report. The report does not necessarily represent the views or opinions of BPC, its founders, or its board of directors.
    [Show full text]
  • New Political Parties and the Reconfiguration of Turkey's Political Landscape
    NO. 22 MAY 2020 Introduction New Political Parties and the Reconfigu- ration of Turkey’s Political Landscape Salim Çevik The recent emergence of two splinter parties from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) points to a deepening crisis within the party and growing discontent toward party leader and president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Although the leaders of the two new parties, Ali Babacan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, are both former high-ranking AKP politicians, they differ significantly in their style of politics and ideological leanings. Babacan is trying to position himself at the center of Turkey’s ideological spectrum and emphasize issues of good governance and the rule of law. Davutoğlu is aiming for the more conservative voters, focusing on the moral shortcomings of the current regime. Davutoğlu’s strategy has better chances in the short term, whereas Babacan is poised for a long game. The importance of both parties relies on their potential to attract votes from the AKP base. In a country that is deeply divided into two almost equal-sized camps that support Erdoğan and oppose him, even a small fraction of votes shifting from the AKP to the opposition can be a game changer. On March 11, former Deputy Prime Minis- The launching of the new parties fell ter Ali Babacan announced the formation short of expectations in terms of raising of his long-awaited political party. Former the public’s interest. Particularly DEVA President Abdullah Gül is known to be sup- attracted little attention on the day of its portive of the party, even though he and his founding.
    [Show full text]
  • "The World Culture Entered Turkey" New Conflict Lines and the Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Turkey
    PRIF Report No. 139 "The World Culture Entered Turkey" New Conflict Lines and the Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Turkey Idil Gögüs/Sabine Mannitz the © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2016 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27–31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49 69 959104-0 Fax: +49 69 558481 E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-946459-05-7 Euro 10,00 € Summary Turkish society is politically divided to an extent that made even German Chancellor Angela Merkel mention the necessity of overcoming internal divisions when she congratulated Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu on winning the election on 2 November 2015. Divergences within Turkish society involving different views concerning the best path of development have a tradition that reaches back into Ottoman times. When the republic of Turkey was founded in 1923 the modernization project of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his followers set the goals for the country’s development in the decades to follow. The sweeping Kemalist reforms met with resistance from different sections of Turkish society from an early stage because they excluded the existing plurality conceptually, especially religion as a legitimate source for public moral order: Ethnic minorities such as the Kurds, whose striving for their own sovereign state had been ignored in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, were not willing to subscribe to the nationalist construction of the Turkish citizenry. The radical version of secularism that state founder Mustafa
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Resolution: an Assessment of Possibilities, Opportunities and Problems
    TURKEY PEACE ASSEMBLY TOWARDS A RESOLUTION: AN ASSESSMENT OF POSSIBILITIES, OPPORTUNITIES AND PROBLEMS Assoc. Dr. Ayşe Betül Çelik Sabancı University, Department Member Murat Çelikkan Journalist-Centre for Truth Justice Memory Assoc.Prof. Evren Balta Yıldız Technical University, Department Member Assist.Prof. Nil Mutluer Nişantaşı University, Department Member Assoc. Prof. Levent Korkut Medipol University, Department Member Turkey Peace Assembly NOVEMBER 2015 [email protected] | [email protected] +90 (212) 249 2654 www.turkiyebarismeclisi.com /Baris_Meclisi 1 TOWARDS A RESOLUTION AN ASSESSMENT OF POSSIBILITIES, OPPORTUNITIES AND PROBLEMS This report covers the resolution/peace process that took place between the years of 2013 and 2015 in Turkey. It was the first time that the Turkish army and the PKK experienced bilateral ceasefire. This work aimed to contribute to the peace process in the transformation of the ceasefire into a negotiation process. After this report had been written, in President Erdoğan’s words the peace process has been put into deep freeze. And now, peace process had changed into a violent process in Turkey. There have been street clashes, deaths, bombings and all-out massacres. Local mayors and politicians were arrested by the state. More then hundred people were killed in Ankara and Suruç blasts. Diyarbakır Bar President Tahir Elçi was killed while he was making a press statement asking an end to violence. This violent atmosphere under- mined the efforts of democratic powers, NGOs, and peace groups. The report which was written before the start of the violence tried to draw the attention of the actors to the shortcomings and dangers in the peace process.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic
    Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic RECEP TAYYIP ERDOĞAN Israeli President, has given him heroic status among the general Middle Eastern public. Recently, at the Council of Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic since 2003 Europe Parliamentary Assembly, Erdoğan responded, with strong and clearly critical remarks to the questions of European Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is originally from Rize, a Black Sea parliamentarians about sensitive issues in Turkey, for example coastal city, was born on 26 February 1954 in Istanbul. In relations with Armenia, freedom of the press, and the ten 1965 he completed his primary education at the Kasımpaşa percent vote barrier. While Erdoğan’s rebukes tend to surprise Piyale Elementary School and, in 1973, graduated from the the international public, Turkish people are accustomed to his Istanbul Religious Vocational High School (İmam Hatip Lisesi). style. Moreover, many people believe that this belligerent style He also received a diploma from Eyüp High School since, at is the key to his success and popularity. the time, it was not possible for the graduates of religious vocational high schools to attend university. He eventually studied Business Administration at the Marmara University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences (which was then known as Aksaray School of Economics and Commercial Complete version of the Biography of Recep Tayyip Sciences) and received his degree in 1981. Erdogan at: In his youth, Erdoğan played amateur football from 1969 www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_ to 1982 in local football clubs. This was also a socially and politicos/europa/turquia/recep_tayyip_erdogan politically active period in his life.
    [Show full text]