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REVIEW a Quarterly Magazine Devoted to the Study Oi Ukraine mmmmm R e vie w I t 9 *1 Ö ) ігііі»щци ШРояматісш aewvit-i; THE UKRAINIAN REVIEW A Quarterly Magazine devoted to the study oi Ukraine. EDITORIAL BOARD Mrs. Slava Stetsko, M A. Volodymyr Bohdaniuk, BA., B. Litt. Editor Associate Editor Marta Savehuk, M.A. Dr. Anatol Bedriy Associate Editor Associate Editor Professor Lew Shankowsky Oleh S. Romanyshyn, M.A. Associate Editor Associate Editor Cover designed by R. Lisovskyy Price: £1.00 or $2.00 a single copy Annual Subscription: £4.00 or $8.00 Editorial correspondence should be sent to: The Editors, “The Ukrainian Review” 200 Liverpool Road, London, N1 ILF. Subscriptions should be sent to: “The Ukrainian Review” (Administration). c/o Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain, Ltd. 49 Linden Gardens, London, W2 4HG. Overseas representatives: USA: Organization for Defence of Four Freedoms for Ukraine, Inc. P.O. Box 304, Cooper Station, New York, N.Y. 10003. Canada: Canadian League for Ukraine’s Liberation. 140 Bathurst Street, Toronto, Ont., M5V 2R3 Printed in Great Britain by the Ukrainian Publishers Limited 200 Liverpool Road, London, N1 ILF Tel.: 01-607-6266/7 THE UKRAINIAN REVIEW A Quarterly Magazine Contents D r. Svyatomyr Fostun: — THE GREAT ANNIVERSARY ................................................................. 3 D r. Volodymyr Kosyk: — WAS UKRAINE RECOGNISED BY THE ALLIES IN 1918? 7 Igor Shankovsky: — THE POETRY OF COURAGE AND ANGER (Extract from the book SYMONENKO — A STUDY IN SEMANTICS) ................................................................. 16 * * * T H E R U D E N K O -T Y K H Y T R IA L .................................................................................................... 36 A. Shifrin: — FOREIGN NATIONALS IN SOVIET CONCENTRATION CAMPS ....... 58 *** DOCUMENTS AND NEWS FROM UKRAINE PRISONERS’ CONDITIONS IN THE CAMPS ................................................................. 64 S T A T E M E N T B Y V A S Y L F E D O R E N K O ............................................................................. 68 L E T T E R O F V . O V S IY E N K O .................................................................................................... 70 P R O T E S T B Y D . K V E T S K O ................................................................................................................ 72 T H E C A S E O F S T E P A N S A P E L Y A K ......................................................................................... 74 KGB BLACKMAILS PARENTS OF S. SAPELYAK ..................................................... 77 FAMILY IN DEFENCE OF L. LUKYANENKO ................................................................. 79 MALVA LANDA IN DEFENCE OF S. SHABATURA ..................................................... 81 IN D E F E N C E O F N A D IA S V IT L Y C H N A ............................................................................. 84 S T A T E M E N T B Y IV A N S V IT L Y C H N Y ......................................................................................... 87 P R O T E S T O F O K S A N A M E S H K O ......................................................................................... 89 A N O P E N L E T T E R T O P E N -C L U B ......................................................................................... 92 A N U N D E R G R O U N D L E A F L E T .................................................................................................... 93 UKRAINIAN WORLD NEWS: U S D E L E G A T IO N IN B E L G R A D E ......................................................................................... 94 US SENATOR DOLE ON POLITICAL PRISONERS CARTER CENSURES REDS ------------ O------------- Published by The Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain, Ltd. in cooperation with Organizationition for Defence of Four Freedoms for Ukraine, Inc. (U.S.A.) and Canadian League for Ukraine’s Liberation. 2 THE UKRAINIAN REVIEW The St. Sophia Square in Kyiv where the Independence of Ukraine was proclaimed on the 22nd of January 1918. 3 Dr. Svyatomyr M. FOSTUN THE GREAT ANNIVERSARY The Revolution in the Russian Czarist empire astounded and disturbed a large section of the Ukrainian nation due to the unexpected development of events. The Russian Revolution was a spontaneous revolutionary movement which endeavoured to replace the czarist autocracy with a republican regime and which attempted to change existing social conditions. Social forces played an important role in the mood of the revolutionary masses. The peasants demanded land reform, the workers a socialist economic system in place of the capitalist system, and the end of exploitation of labour by industry. Socialist parties and their nationally conscious ideas had a significant effect on the course of the revolution in the whole empire and also in Ukraine. In the works of Vynnychenko and of other leading socialist activists, the assertion is often made that there were few nationally conscious Ukrainians at the time of the outbreak of the Ukrainian National Revolution and it is further stated that this was one of the reasons for the failure of the revolution. However the thousands of nationally conscious soldiers, students, intelligentsia, peasants and insurgent soldiers who worked and fought for a Ukrainian state throughout the War of Liberation show that despite centuries of national oppression national consciousness remained. At the end of March 1917, during the co-operative congress, when delegate Vasyl- chuk ended his address with the appeal: “For a free Ukraine, for independence, for our mother tongue and native school!” , he was greeted with thunderous applause from the numerous delegates. The Ukrainians of Katerynoslav demonstrated with the Ukrainian na­ tional blue and yellow flag at the “Celebration of the Revolution” on on the 13th March 1917. The revolutionary demonstrations held in Kharkiv, Poltava, and Chernihiv had a definite Ukrainian national character. The Second All-Ukrainian Soldiers’ Congress, which took place from the 18th to the 23rd June 1917, attended by 2,500 delegates representing almost 1,700,000 soldiers, demanding the immediate implementation of autonomy, and the Third All-Ukrainian Congress which took place from the 2nd to the 12th November in that same year demanded not autonomy, but the proclamation of a democratic Ukrainian republic and the complete Ukrainianisation of the army and navy. “The national will, the instinctive consciousness of the potentially massive revolutionary creative forces of the Ukrainian nation brought about a great enthusiasm in wide circles of Ukrainian society . .. 4 THE UKRAINIAN REVIEW Everywhere where there were Ukrainian forces, culturally enlighten­ ing organisations (Prosvita), libraries, reading rooms, societies, na­ tional committees and councils were established; Ukrainian books, pamphlets and newspapers were published .. The cultural life in Ukraine, especially amongst the peasants and workers, started to quickly take on a national form. The co-operative weekly “Komash- nya”, printed in Kyiv, immediately began using the Ukrainian langu­ age again, which had been forbidden during the war, when the paper was forced to print in Russian; soon after the collapse of the old regime, the democratic paper “Nova Rada” appeared, and a little later “Robitnycha Hazeta”, “Narodna Volya” (a socialist peasant paper) and then the weekly of the socialist revolutionary party — “Borot'ba” , appeared . This we read in the materials of Pavlo Khrystyuk in “The Ukrainian Revolution” , p. 15. The beginning of the Ukrainian National Revolution in 1917 was an event of great significance. It was an event which occurs once in a century. Unfortunately this moment was not utilised by the Ukrai­ nian political activists of the time. Of course, no one denies that the Ukrainian Centralna Rada had great difficulties to overcome: it was not easy to create a state in the chaos of revolutionary reality. But a clear and precise concept of Ukrainian statehood did not exist within the political circles of the time. Instead they reached out to “Russian democracy” and deceived themselves with the illusion of co-operation with the new Moscow regime. “All separatism, all detachment from the Russian revolution appeared as being absurd, senseless. What for? Where will we find more than we already have in Russia? .. And as for independence, we even thought the very idea dangerous for the Revolution because it would destroy all the revolutionary forces in all of Russia” — this is what Vynnychenko and his companions thought at the time. (“The Rebirth of a Nation” , vol. I, p. 43-44). It was with such political ideas that the Ukrainian socialists took the leadership of the building of the nation into their hands. How­ ever, the nation was not satisfied with the Second Universal because it did not give clear and precise perspectives for national order. Although the Third Universal proclaimed the Ukrainian National Republic, its initiators nevertheless still dreamed of peaceful co-exist­ ence with the Moscow regime and were concerned with the salvation of Russia: “Without separating from Russia and conserving its unity, we will firmly stand on our land to help Russia with all of our strength, so that the Russian republic becomes a federation of equal and free nations” . Thus proclaimed the Third Universal of the Ukrai­ nian Centralna Rada. However, Lenin and the Bolshevik government were not thinking of friendly co-existence with Ukraine, but on the contrary, were intend­ ing to capture her. On the 25th December 1917, on the initiative
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