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Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
7. Politics and Diplomacy
Hoover Press : Zelnick/Israel hzeliu ch7 Mp_119 rev1 page 119 7. Politics and Diplomacy as israeli forces were clearing recalcitrant settlers from their Gaza homes on August 16, 2005, Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in Ra- mallah, published a column in the Jerusalem Post headlined, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win.”1 Shikaki, a pollster and political analyst respected in Israel and the west, questioned the wisdom of Israeli unilateralism in Gaza and on the West Bank as opposed to Lebanon, where no one on the other side wanted to talk. Here, he argued, Hamas may be as close-minded as Hez- bollah, preferring to paint Israel’s withdrawal as a victory for Pal- estinian resistance, but Abu Mazen, supported by Palestinian pub- lic opinion, wanted to reduce tensions and negotiate. Make him look good by easing restrictions on Palestinian trade and move- ment, and he will help Sharon and Israel by defeating Hamas and talking about the terms for settling the conflict. In other words, let the PA rather than Hamas control the Palestinian narrative of withdrawal. Shakaki updated his survey data two months later for a con- ference at Brandeis University hosted by Shai Feldman, director of the Crown Center for Middle East Studies and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in Tel Aviv. By that October conference, 84 percent of Palestinians were convinced that violence had played a role in the Israeli withdrawal. Irre- 1. Khalil Shikaki, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win,” Jerusalem Post, August 16, 2005. -
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp By Uzi Baram In contemporary Israeli public discourse, the preoccupation with ideology has died down markedly, to the point that even releasing a political platform as part of elections campaigns has become superfluous. Politicians from across the political spectrum are focused on distinguishing themselves from other contenders by labeling themselves and their rivals as right, left and center, while floating around in the air are slogans such as “political left,” social left,” “soft right,” “new right,” and “mainstream right.” Yet what do “left” and “right” mean in Israel, and to what extent do these slogans as well as the political division in today’s Israel correlate with the political traditions of the various parties? Is the Labor Party the obvious and natural heir of The Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai)? Did the historical Mapai under the stewardship of Ben Gurion view itself as a left-wing party? Did Menachem Begin’s Herut Party see itself as a right-wing party? The Zionist Left and the Soviet Union As far-fetched as it may seem in the eyes of today’s onlooker, during the first years after the establishment of the state, the position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union was the litmus test of the left camp, which was then called “the workers’ camp.” This camp viewed the centrist liberal “General Zionists” party, which was identified with European liberal and middle-class beliefs in private property and capitalism, as its chief ideological rival (and with which the heads of major cities such as Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan were affiliated). -
Australian Politicians
Asem Judeh Melbourne 19 October 2009 The Hon Arch Bevis MP Chair Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Dear Mr Bevis Supplementary Submission on re-listing Hamas’s Brigades and PIJ As you know the politics of Israel-Palestine issue is always attracting the international community attention and always there are important development day-to-day basis. Because of that I am writing this supplementary submission that summarises the important developments in relation to re-listing the Brigades and PIJ since I submitted my original submission to PJCIS. The recent development supports all the facts, analysis and serious allegations included in my previous submission. These recent facts and reports show clearly the root causes of the violence and terrorism in Palestine. It proves that occupation is violence and terrorism; colonization is violence and terrorism. This new evidence proves that ASIO’s assessment report is politically motivated and misleading the parliament and public. Finally, when I appear before the Committee to give oral evidence, I will present more facts and answer all clarifications and questions from the Committee members. Sincerely yours, Asem Judeh Supplementary Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Review of the re-listing of Hamas' Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades and PIJ Page: 1 of 1 Asem Judeh’s Supplementary Submission on re-listing Hamas’s Brigades and PIJ 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 4 2. UN FACT FINDINGS MISSION ON THE GAZA CONFLICT ................ 4 WHY UN FACT FINDINGS MISSION ON THE GAZA CONFLICT REPORT IS RELATED TO PJCIS INQUIRY? .................................................................................................... 5 ISRAEL AND HAMAS RESPONSE TO UN FACT FINDING MISSION AND UNHR DECISION ENDORSING THE REPORT, OCTOBER 16. -
No Exit? Gaza & Israel Between Wars
No Exit? Gaza & Israel Between Wars Middle East Report N°162 | 26 August 2015 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Gaza after the War ............................................................................................................ 2 A. National Consensus in Name Only ............................................................................ 2 B. Failure to Reconstruct ............................................................................................... 4 C. Coming Apart at the Seams ....................................................................................... 5 D. Fraying Security Threatens a Fragile Ceasefire ......................................................... 8 E. Abandoned by Egypt .................................................................................................. 10 F. Israel’s Slight Relaxation of the Blockade ................................................................. 12 III. The Logic of War and Deterrence ................................................................................... -
מחלקת שפות זרות/FA & Defence/3953
c. Method As proposed by the Chairman, the task was given to the Sub-Committee for Intelligence and the Secret Services, comprising six members of the Knesset. The members of the committee are: MK Yuval Steinitz – chair, MK Ehud Yatom, MK David Levy, MK Haim Ramon, MK Eli Yishai and MK Ilan Leibovitch. MK Danny Yatom, who was replaced in the course of the committee’s work as part of the rotation of members of the Labor faction in the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, also contributed to the work of the committee at the beginning. Mr. Shabtai Shavit – a former head of the Mossad - served as a consultant to the committee. The committee takes this opportunity to thank him for his significant contribution. The senior professional assistant of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Colonel (res.) Shmuel Letko, served as the secretary of the committee. The work of the committee was closely accompanied by the incoming Director-General of the Committee, R. Admiral (res.) Avriel Bar-Joseph, and by the outgoing Director-General of the Committee, Mr. Baruch Friedner, who was also given the task of writing the report. The Committee began its work in July 2003 and completed it recently. The Committee held some 30 plenum sessions and scores of smaller work meetings, in the course of which the following, inter alia, appeared before it: The Prime Minister, Mr. Ariel Sharon The Minister of Defense, Mr. Shaul Mofaz The Deputy Minister of Defense, Mr. Zeev Boim The Chief-of-Staff, Lieutenant General Moshe (Boogy) Ya'alon The Head of Military Intelligence, Major-General Aharon (Farkash) Zeevi 13 The Head of the Mossad, Major-General (res.) Mr. -
Israel: Background and US Relations
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 1, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL33476 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Since Israel’s founding in 1948, successive U.S. Presidents and many Members of Congress have demonstrated a commitment to Israel’s security and to maintaining close U.S.-Israel cooperation. Common perceptions of shared democratic values and religious affinities have contributed to the strong bilateral ties. The question of Israel’s security regularly influences U.S. policy considerations regarding the Middle East, and Congress provides active oversight of executive branch dealings with Israel and other actors in the region. Israel is a leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid and a frequent purchaser of major U.S. weapons systems. By law, U.S. arms sales cannot adversely affect Israel’s “qualitative military edge” over other countries in its region. The two countries signed a free trade agreement in 1985, and the United States is Israel’s largest trading partner. Israel has many regional security concerns and aligning U.S. and Israeli policies to address these concerns has presented persistent challenges. By voicing criticism of international diplomacy on Iran’s nuclear program, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu may seek to give Israel a voice in an ongoing negotiating process in which it does not directly participate. As a June 2015 deadline nears for a comprehensive international agreement on the issue, Israel apparently seeks material assurances that the United States will bolster its regional security standing and self-defense capabilities. In addition to concerns over Iran, Israel’s perceptions of security around its borders have changed since 2011 as several surrounding Arab countries have experienced political upheaval. -
20141116 Herzliya ME WMD Report
Pugwash Workshop on “The Unchangeable Middle East” Herzliya, Israel 14-15 November 2014 MAIN POINTS: • The ISIS/Daesh threat has emerged as the most serious threat to regional stability given its penetration into Iraq and Syria. Although it does not explicitly focus on Israel, as it now stands there is concern as it nears the northern border of Israel. • The extremism of the ISIS/Daesh movement has perversely weakened the perceived extremism of other radical movements in the Middle East such as Hizbollah and Hamas. • Although it appears that a deal on the Iran nuclear issue is close, there is still significant difference over what constitutes a good deal from Israeli perspectives; concern persists over breakout, possible military dimensions to Iran’s past nuclear activities, and verification. However, there is the risk of torpedoing a reasonable deal on these grounds. • The ramifications of a deal on the Iranian nuclear issue include a possible regional problem of technological proliferation in other states, as well as concerns over emboldening Iran to act through proxies vis-à-vis Israel. On the flipside, it was pointed out a deal could help bring Iran on board with action to be taken against Daesh. • Some consider that the major threat to Israel today has become the decline of Israel’s status in international public opinion, particularly in the wake of the most recent Gaza war. • There has been a predominant Israeli narrative that has been sold very well, and it is continued today, that there is no partner for peace on the Palestinian side. • The Israeli-Palestinian peace process does not really exist at this time, and the prospects for it being reinvigorated are slim. -
The IDF in the Second Intifada
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Interest in Past Leaders Reflects the Crisis on the Israeli Left
Interest in Past Leaders Reflects the Crisis on the Israeli Left by Prof. Hillel Frisch BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 875, June 26, 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The crisis of the Israeli left is reflected in the sharply declining interest within Israel in Yitzhak Rabin compared to Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir. The opposite trend is visible abroad. The problem of the left is that it is Israelis who vote, not the world community. A search for the term “Yitzhak Rabin” in Hebrew in Google Trends reveals a sharp decline in interest since 2005, the tenth anniversary of Rabin’s assassination. The decline is precipitous in the years immediately following 2005 and then levels off. Still, the decline over time is substantial. If searches for Rabin in 2004 represent 100, the high point, this figure was down to 6 by October 2017 – less than one-twelfth the number of searches 13 years before. Interest in Rabin is also sharply correlated to the period of commemoration that occurs in November of each year on the anniversary of the assassination. Obviously, official remembrance days heighten awareness in any particular year, but they have done little to arrest the overall decline in interest in Rabin. “Yitzhak Rabin” in Google Trends The same exercise regarding Menachem Begin and Shamir shows a stark contrast. Whereas interest in Rabin has declined sharply, interest in Begin and Shamir remains surprisingly constant – not only over the years, but within the calendar year. These comparisons say nothing about the absolute number of searches over time among the three leaders. They do say something conclusive, however, about trends in interest and therefore in the collective historical memory. -
Experiential Learning: Role-Play
NON-CLASSROOM ENRICHMENT EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING How to Use Role-Play Role-play is a type of simulation that enables participants to step into the shoes of an historical or other figure and gain insight into the world in which they lived. For students or participants, assuming the role of another person allows for evaluating that individual’s ideology and viewpoint in the context of a specific moment in time as learners internalize key concepts. In addition, role-play can shed light on the emotional and psychological aspects of heroism and defeat and the struggles in decision-making at critical junctures. When working with students and assigning them roles, the more information that is learned about the individual’s experiences and views before the role-play commences, the better that person can be represented. Using this technique, participants will have the opportunity to identify with the individual and to make emotional connections with history. How does one facilitate role-play? If working with a group of participants for a role-play session or classroom activity such as a Mock Zionist Congress etc. where the participants will take in part in the role play: 1. First, identify the individuals who played a major role in shaping history in the period being studied. Then, determine sources of information that would inform a role-play (biographies, documents they authored such as diaries, memos or books, documents about them such as newspaper articles or memoirs, photos, etc.) 2. Assign each participant an individual to portray. That participant should research the individual in-depth to determine characteristics, views, experiences that influenced their expertise or opinions, etc. -
Four Strategic Options the Anti-Israel Toolbox
Volume 17 | No. 1 | April 2014 Israel vis-à-vis the Palestinians: Four Strategic Options | Amos Yadlin The Anti-Israel Toolbox: From Hard Power to Soft Tools | Abdullah Swalha The Jordan Valley in an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement | Ron Tira Who in Israel is Ready for a Peace Agreement with the Palestinians? | Olena Bagno-Moldavsky and Yehuda Ben Meir Civilian Service in Israel’s Arab Society | Nadia Hilou and Idan Haim Revolution at a Crossroads: The Struggle for the Nature of the Islamic Republic | Raz Zimmt The Kurdish Awakening and the Implications for Israel | Gallia Lindenstrauss and Oded Eran Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability? | Benedetta Berti and David Lee Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 17 | No. 1 | April 2014 CONTENTS Abstracts | 3 Israel vis-à-vis the Palestinians: Four Strategic Options | 7 Amos Yadlin The Anti-Israel Toolbox: From Hard Power to Soft Tools | 21 Abdullah Swalha The Jordan Valley in an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement | 33 Ron Tira Who in Israel is Ready for a Peace Agreement with the Palestinians? | 47 Olena Bagno-Moldavsky and Yehuda Ben Meir Civilian Service in Israel’s Arab Society | 57 Nadia Hilou and Idan Haim Revolution at a Crossroads: The Struggle for the Nature of the Islamic Republic | 69 Raz Zimmt The Kurdish Awakening and the Implications for Israel | 83 Gallia Lindenstrauss and Oded Eran Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability? | 95 Benedetta Berti and David Lee Strategic The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and ASSESSMENT enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, on Israel’s national security agenda.