The impact of the Netherlandish art on Persian Miniature in Safavid

era 1588 - 1722

by Forough Sajadi

Supervisor

Professor Antoni Ziemba

Warsaw of University

Department of history

February 2020

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Abstract

This dissertation focuses on the impact of Netherlandish art on the development of Farangi Sāzi in the Safavid period during 1588-1722.

This impact was examined in two parts: first, examining a group of the Europeanized artworks that were executed by Persian royal painters, and second, the sojourn of eleven Netherlandish painters in Persia, specifically the service of three painters in the royal library. The study will then argue to what extent these two stories are correlated or independent.\

Key words: Muhammad Zamān, ʿAli Quli Jabbādār, Farangi Sāzi, Safavid painting,

Netherlandish art.

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Acknowledgement

I wish to show my gratitude to my supervisor, professor Antoni Ziemba, who sustainably supported me during my Ph.D. research since February 2014.

I would like to pay my special regards to professor Frans Grijzenhout at the University of

Amsterdam, who allowed me to carry out my research at Amsterdam Centre for the Study of the Golden Age (ACSGA) during 2017-2018. Moreover, I owe a special debt of gratitude to the Andrew Mellon Foundation and the Rijksmuseum. Within September 2018- September

2020 Rijksmuseum hosted me as the Andrew Mellon Fellow, wherein I was honored to have two advisors; Dr. Gregor Weber and Dr. Jan de Hond. Relying on the financial support of the

Andrew Mellon foundation I could visit different collections worldwide and examine my case studies.

Also, I would like to recognize the invaluable assistance that I got from my immediate family, in particular, my mother Zahra, my sister Sarah and my friend Dr. Soheil Damangir who generously supported me within six years of my Ph.D. research.

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Table of Content

Abstract ...... 2

Acknowledgement ...... 3

Chapter One The impact of the Netherlandish art on Persian Miniature in Safavid era 1588 -

1722 ...... 7

1.1: Historic backdrop ...... 7

1-2: Approach ...... 11

Chapter 2 From Shāh ʿAbbās I (r.1588-1629) to Shāh Sultān Husayn (r.1694-1722) ...... 14

2-1: Safavid: Pre-ʿAbbās Period ...... 14

2-2: Shāh ʿAbbās I and his successors ...... 20

2-3: ʿAbbās’successors ...... 22

2-4: Shāh Sultān Husayn (1694-1722) ...... 25

Chapter three Farangi Sāzi: Roots and development ...... 27

3-1: Farangi Sāzi: definition and background ...... 28

3-1-1: Sādeqi Beyg (died. 1609-10) ...... 30

3-1-2: Rizā ʿAbbāsi (c. 1565-1635) ...... 33

3-1-3: Shāfi ʿAbbāsi (died 1670s) ...... 35

3-1-4: ʿAli Quli ...... 37

3-1-5: Muhammad Zamān ...... 40

3-1-5-1: Muhammad Zaman and European art ...... 41

3-2: Case studies ...... 45

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3-3: Patron of the Europeanized art ...... 51

Studying the European artworks ...... 53

Chapter Four The age of discovery: Netherlandish painters in Persia ...... 56

4-1: Sources: VOC archive ...... 57

4-2: Sojourn of the painters ...... 58

4-2-1: Jan Luicassen Hasselt (died after 1653) ...... 58

4-2-1: Travel to Persia ...... 60

4-2-1-1: Hasselt in the royal library ...... 61

4-2-1-2: Hasselt and Shāh Safi ...... 66

4-2-1-3:Jan Luicassen Hasselt’s artworks ...... 68

4-2-2:Joost Lampen (d.1617) ...... 71

4-2-3: Barend Van Sichem (died c. 1639) ...... 73

4-2-4: Hendrick van Lochorst (died after 1648) ...... 74

4-2-5: Phillips Angel (died c. 1664-5) ...... 75

4-2-6: Romaijn (died after 1655) ...... 77

4-2-7: Michael Sweerts (1618-1664) ...... 77

4-2-8: Jan de Hart (died after 1660) ...... 77

4-2-9: Adriaen Gouda (d. 1667) ...... 78

4-2-10: Hofstede van Essen (died after 1703) ...... 78

4-2-11: Cornelis de Bruijn (d.1726-7) ...... 78

4-2-11-1: De Bruijn in Persia ...... 80

Chapter Five Conclusion ...... 84 5/93

Bibliography ...... 89

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Chapter One

The impact of the Netherlandish art on Persian Miniature in Safavid

era 1588 - 1722

The aim of this thesis is examining the impacts of the Netherlandish art on Persian painting in the Safavid period the interval between the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās I during 1588-1629 to the reign of Shāh Sultān Husayn within 1694-1722. The hypothesis of this research relies on two sets of phenomena that occurred in this interval: (1) reproducing a group of the Europeanized artworks by Persian royal painters and (2) sojourn of eleven Netherlandish painters in Persia.

This research examines each of these phenomena separately at first step, then it scrutinizes whether or not there is a correlation between these two stories. Following the discussion, I will argue whether there was a tutorial connection between any of the Netherlandish painters in

Persia and royal Persian painters? whether one can pinpoint the impact of Netherlandish art on the development of Europeanized painting or it should be generally considered as European art?

1.1: Historic backdrop

In 1978 Willem Floor and later in 2013 and 2015 Gary Schwartz researched the sojourn of the

Netherlandish painters in Persia. Based on them, in the Safavid period, eleven painters traveled

7/93 to Persia. Their names and the time of their residency are as follow; Jan Luicassen Hasselt

(1617-c.1640s), Joost Lampen (c.1630), Barend van Sichem (1635-1639), Hendrick Boudewijn van Lockhorst (1643-1647), Philips Angel (c.1650-55), Romaijn (c.1655), Jan de Hart (c.1657),

Adriaen Gouda (1660-61) Michiel Sweerts (1660s), Hofstede van Essen (c.1693) and Cornelis de Bruijn (1703-1705). Of those three painters; Hasselt, Lockhorst, and Angel joined the royal workshop of three kings of Persia during the 1610-1650s. Meanwhile, in the 1630s the Persian court requested Dutch East India Company (VOC) for painting equipment. The same documents say that during 1653, the Dutch talented painter, Philips Angel established an atelier in Isfahan. After a while, in 1664 a French traveler, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689), who visited the Persian court wrote: “...the king [Shāh ʿAbbās II] has learned how to draw very well from two Dutch painters, one named Angel and the other Lokar, whom the Dutch Company had sent”. 1

Meanwhile, turning the seventeenth century until the end of the Safavid period, Persian painters increasingly inclined to study and reproduce the European artworks. This trend led to form a specific Europeanized painting style, that scholars knew that as Farangi Sāzi. In the very late

1590s, two royal painters Sādiqi Beyg Afshār (died 1610) and Rizā ʿAbbāsi (died 1630s), were pioneers in copying a handful of European artworks. Circa 1590 Sādiqi reproduced The

Annunciation (c. 1590) after a Flemish engraving and Rizā ʿAbbāsi, executed A maiden reclines

(d. late 16th century), after the Italian engraving.2 In the next generation of the royal painters,

Shafi ʿAbbāsi (died 1660s), led the Europeanized style toward the flora genre. The fifty-five drawings (d. 1633-1674) in an album in British Museum reflects his virtuosity in this style.3

Finally, the Europeanized style reached its apex in the second half of the seventeenth century

1 Tavernier (1678), p. 562-53. 2 The miniatures are held at the Harvard Art Museums (nr. 1999.289) and (nr.2011.536) respectively. 3 The album is at the British Museum (nr. 1988,0423,0.1). 8/93 through the career of two royal artists: ʿAli Quli (died 1690s) and Muhammad Zamān (died

1700s).

In 1649, ʿAli Quli depicted a painting European Landscape after the Flemish print Inn and a few houses at a bridge (d.1580-1629 and/or 1624-c. 1650).4 This single folio is one of a few samples, if not the first, of the Persian painting in the landscape genre at this time. In the next decades, ʿAli Quli remained intrigued with European landscape and he painted Summer, from a series of the four seasons (c.1660-70), after a Flemish print.5 Meanwhile, his counterpart

Muhammad Zamān reproduced a number of superb Europeanized artworks in the third quarter of the seventeenth century. He illustrated Venus and Cupid (d. 1676-77) and The Sacrifice of

Ibrahim (d. 1682-83), after the Flemish prints.6 These are only a few artworks form several paintings which he innovatively executed after European artworks, in which he rendered the linear and atmospheric perspective.

Since the 1920s until these days the scholars have been significantly been fascinated with these artworks. They have strived to explain how this Europeanized style appeared and developed.

In the 1990s, scholars such as Anatoli Ivanov, Anthony Welch, Eleanor Sims, Muhammad Ali

Karimzadeh Tabrizi, Sheila Canby and Layla Diba did the valuable research on this subject matter.7 Recently during the 2000s-2010s, Amy Landau, Axel Langer and Negar Habibi did the worthwhile extensive study on the subject. 8 These studies significantly shed light on our

4 The Persian work is held at the State Hermitage Museum (VР-950) and the print is at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P- OB-5181). 5 The painting is preserved with the accession number (30.95.174.24). 6 The paintings are in the St. Petersburg Album, at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and F. R. Martin’s collection, respectively. 7 Anatoli Ivanov (1962): Alʹbom indijskich i persidskich miniatjur XVI-XVIII vv, Anthony Welch (1973): Shāh ʿAbbās & the arts of Isfahan, Eleanor Sims (1983): “The European print sources of paintings by the seventeenth- century Persian painter, Muhammad Zamān Ibn Haji Yusuf of Qum”, Karimzadeh Tabrizi (1990): Ahval va Asar- e Naghashan-e Ghadim-e Iran va barkhi az Mashāhir-e Negharghar-ye Hind va Usmani, vol, 1, 2, and Sheila Canby (1996): “Farangi saz: the impact of Europe on Safavid painting”, Layla Diba (1994), Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia and Its Relationship to Persian Painting. 8 Amy Landau (2009): Farnagi-sāzi at Isfahan: the court painter Muhamad Zamān, the Armenians of New Julfa and Shah Sulaymān (1666-1694), Landau (2011): “From Poet to Painter: Allegory and Metaphor in a Seventeenth- Century Persian Painting by Muhammad Zamān, Master of Farangī-Sāz”, Landau (2014): “Reconfiguring the 9/93 perception of the roots and development of Farangi Sāzi painting from different perspectives.

Following the present literature, my dissertation intends to examine the development of Farangi

Sāzi from Sādiqi Beyg in the late sixteenth century to Muhammad Zamān in the late seventeenth century. Besides the art historical discussions, for the very first time, in chapter 3, I pay attention to underdrawings of a few paintings of the two accomplished painters of this style; ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān to unravel their method in reproducing the Europeanized artworks.

To this aim, the research will be carried out in five chapters. In the first chapter, the questions, hypothesis and the scope of the research are depicted.

The Second chapter focuses on the history of Persia during 1588-1722 that covers the reign of

Shāh ʿAbbās I (r. 1588-1629), to the time of Shāh Sultān Huseyn (r. 1694-1722). This period indicates the most glorious period of Persian culture, economic and politics to the recession and deterioration of the Safavid dynasty.

The third chapter focuses on Farangi Sāzi from emergence to its apex. This issue will be investigated through the career of five royal painters namely Sādiqi Beyg Afshār (died 1610),

Rizā ʿAbbāsi (died 1630s), Shafi ʿAbbāsi (died 1660s), ʿAli Quli (died 1690s) and Muhammad

Zamān (died 1700s). These painters were the forerunner in their time and they significantly enhanced Farangi Sāzi through their innovations and creativities.

Chapter four is devoted to reconstructing the sojourn of ten Netherlandish painters to Persia.

This residency starts by Flemish painters Jan Luicassen Hasselt (died 1640s) who stepped

Persian in the 1610s and ends by Cornelis de Bruijn (died 1726-7) who arrived in 1700s. Besides writing the career of these painters in Persia, my overriding aim is to argue how the cultural

Northern European Print to Depict Sacred History at the Persian Court”, Negar Habibi (2018): Ali Qoli Jebādār et l'occidentalisme Safavide: une étude sur les peintures dites farangi sāzi, leurs milieux et commanditaires sous Shāh Soleimān (1666-94), Axel Langer (2013): “European Influences on Seventeenth-Century Persian Painting: Of Handsome Europeans, Naked Ladies, and Parisian Timepieces”. 10/93 milieu in Persia, as a Muslim country, was prepared in the 1610s to accept the European-

Christian painters? What was their possible influence on the royal workshop, for example through transferring some European art techniques or changing the taste of Persian patrons?

Also, I will try to scrutinize the trace possibility of a tutorial connection between Persian royal painters and Netherlandish painters.

Finally, the fifth chapter will be discussion and conclusion. In this part, I will discuss whether we can pinpoint the impact of Netherlandish art on the development of Farangi Sāzi. If so, how and in which way.

1-2: Approach

It was mentioned scholars have studied about masters of Farangi Sāzi in Safavid period.

Nevertheless, most of them focused on one specific artists, for example Canby paid attention to

Rizā ʿAbbāsi, Landau worked about Muhammad Zaman and Habibi focused on ʿAli Quli. I use all these literature, while I examine Farangi Sāzi in a wide span 1590s-1700s, from Sādiqi Beyg

Afshār to Muhammad Zamān to pinpoint the progress of Farangi Sāzi through career of three generations of royal artists. Meanwhile, I narrow down my case studies to paper paintings that either inspired or copied after the European artworks. In this study, I would like to distinguish my approach from Amy Landau in two points. Firstly, I consider Armenians of Isfahan, as a puzzling factor in development of Farangi Sazi.

In the seventeenth century, Armenians were a prominent non-Muslim community, who resided in Isfahan in district of New Julfa. They played the pivotal role in international trade between

Persia. Landau in several publications paid attention to Armenians’ artistic role in development of Farangi Sāzi, however, I would believe she overemphasized on their role. For example,

Landau reiterated the tie between the Armenians artists and ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān.

Nevertheless, she did not raise up any document indicating the Armenian painters were actively

11/93 commuted to royal library or any of them carried out the training task there. Also, as it will be shown ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān studied the European prints, while to the best of my knowledge, there is no evidence proving any Armenian painter followed the similar artistic route.

Meanwhile, I would believe that Landau proposed a subjective interpretation form Muhammad

Zaman’s works. She correlated the meaning of biblical paintings of Muhammad Zamān to theology of Muhammad Bāqir Majlisi (1627-1698). Also, she tied technique of tenebrism in his work to philosophy of Shahāb al-Din Suhrawardi (1154-1191). While Landau did not present any document proving Muhammad Zamān was in contact or affiliated with theology of

Muhammad Baqir Majlisi or his circle. Neither do we have any clue to discover the intention of the patron and painter as she was claimed. Similarly, Habibi proposed that depiction of female portraits in paintings of ʿAlī Qulī and Muhammad Zamān signifies the power of women in court. I would believe these symbolic and metaphorical explanations significantly overshadowed the discussion about virtuosity of the painters. Alternatively, I propose to look at the paintings per se and delve into the artistic value of the works. Therefore, I partially focus on technical part and try to unravel the method they used to produce their paintings that will be presented in chapter three.

1-3: Sources

This research is benefited three groups of materials; (1) Archival and historical documents (2)

The rich literature that have been done by researchers (3) My personal study on artworks through my visit from different collections and museums during 2018-2019.

For historical context I referred to the historical books and documents which were compiled since the late sixteenth century to the eighteenth century by Persians, or non-Persians who sojourned or resided in Persia. Meanwhile this research used the valuable literature that was

12/93 made by study of scholars in the field, specifically the recent studies of art historians of Persian art.

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Chapter 2

From Shāh ʿAbbās I (r.1588-1629) to Shāh Sultān Husayn (r.1694-1722)

In 1588, ʿAbbās I, was enthroned at the age of seventeenth years old, in Qazvin, the capital of the time. He takes up the power while the country underwent political chaos for twelve years, since the death of Shāh Tahmāsp (r. 1524-1576). This chaos deeply had affected the career of the eminent painters who served for the royal library and courtiers. However, ʿAbbās I could overcome the situation and soon his library turned out to be the art hub of the country. In this chapter, the history of the Safavid dynasty will be briefly reviewed. As my focal point is painting, the argument will be developed through the royal patronship.9

2-1: Safavid: Pre-ʿAbbās Period

In 1501, the first Safavid king Ismāʿil I (r. 1501-1524), raised the power at the age of fourteen.

He appointed Tabriz, located in the north-west of the country, as the capital. The reign of Shāh

Ismāʿil I, was basically focused on stabilizing the territory. He was fighting with the Uzbeks

9 There is a rich literature about history of Safavids, either by historians and literatis of the Safavids periods or our contemporary scholars. For our contemporary books look at: Safavid Dynasty in Encyclopædia Iranica. Roger Savory (1980), Iran under the Safavids, Rudolph Matthee (2012), Persia in crisis: Safavid decline and the fall of Isfahan, Edmund Herzig (ed) & Willem Floor (ed) (2011), Iran and the World in the Safavid Age. Willem Floor (2000), The Economy of Safavid Persia. Form the books that were compiled in the seventeenth century look at: Mirza beyg Jonabodi (1999), Rozat al-Safaviye. Eskandar Beyg Munshi (1998), Tarikhe ʿAlam Araye Abbasi. Budaq Munshi Qazvini (2004), Javahir al-Akhbar. 14/93 and remnants of the Timurids dynsaty10 (1370-1507) in the east, and the Ottomans and Āq

Quyunlu (1378-1501) in the west.11 Meanwhile, inside Persia he mounted domestic campaigns in different areas. However, the shāh did not disregard the arts, and in 1501, when he conquered the territory of the Turkomans in the west, he confiscated the exquisite books held in their library. Likewise, when he conquered Herat in 1510 he seized the precious books in the library of the Timurids and Uzbeks, and brought artists back to his capital at Tabriz. In 1522, the shāh appointed the eminent painter, Kamāl al-din Behzād (d. 1535-36) as the director of his library.

In this library Behzād cooperated with other masters such as Sultan Muhammad (d. 1540s-50s) and Āqā Mirak (d. 1560s-70s) on different projects. Among the projects carried out in this library were a copy of Divan-e Khatāi12 d. 1524, a copy of Masnavi Jamāl u Jalāl13 d. 1502-

1503, as well as a copy of Khamseh Nizami d.1481.

In 1524 Ismāʿil passed away and his son Tahmāsp ascended the throne. Shāh Tahmāsp ruled for 52 years, and during this long reign the art of painting experienced a brilliant period. From the outset of his accession, Tahmāsp showed a great passion toward painting. He maintained the royal library and made the eminent masters serve in different projects of book decoration.

These projects resulted in the production of numerous exquisite works such as Shāhnāma Shāh

Tahmāsp,d.1520s-1540s, and Khamseh Shāh Tahmāsp d. 1539-1543.14

10 The Timurid dynsaty, were the Turco-Mongol origin people who governed Persia, modern-day Uzbekistan, the southern Caucasus, Mesopotamia, Afghanistan, much of Central Asia, as well as parts of contemporary India, Pakistan, Syria and Turkey. For further study look at Historiography v. Timurid period in Encyclopædia Iranica: www.iranicaonline.org/articles/historiography-v. 11 Aq Qoyunlu (meaning white sheep), was a confederation of Turkman tribes who ruled in eastern Anatolia and western Iran until the Safavid conquest in 907-08/1501-03. For more information look at Encyclopædia Iranica: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/aq-qoyunlu-confederation. 12 Divan-e Khatai is a collected poem of Shāh Ismāʿil. 13 Masnavi Jamāl u Jalāl is a Masnavi by Muhammad Nazl Ābādi, circa 1451. This copy initially was done in 1502-3 in Herat and later transferred to Safavid’s library. The first miniature of the book is in Timurid style and the rest images are in Safavid’ style: Sheila Canby (1999), The Golden Age of Persian Art 1501-1722. 14 Khamseh is preserved in British Library (Or 2265). However, the folios of this Shāhnāma are widely dispereserd in different collection, including The Metropolitan Museum of Art (1970.301.2) and (1970.301.14). 15/93

Beyond mere patronage, Shāh Tahmāsp was also a painter himself. His expertise was mentioned in many Safavid documents such as Gulestān-e Hunar dated 1596 and 1606, and

Javāher al-Akhbār, d.1608. Gulestān-e Hunar asserted that the shāh’s prowess equalled that of contemporary masters.15 It is believed that the young king was trained by the accomplished painter Sultān Muhammad (d. 1540s-50s), and enjoyed the company of other masters such as

Āqā Mirak.16 The travelogue of Italian envoy Michele Membré (d. 1595) confirms the interest of the young king in keeping painters in his company. When Membré talks about his first meeting with the shāh, in 1539 he mentions a special tent used as a residency for painters.17

Meanwhile, shāh’s brother, Bahrām Mirzā (d. 1549) patronized the artists while his library was the most prominent, second only to the library of the shāh himself. He was described by Qāzi

Ahmad (b. 1546) in the following terms:

His Majesty had an extreme inclination toward painting and perfected the

practice of drawing. In His Majesty’s library the calligraphers and painters

were proficient and they were always working and making manuscripts.18

The Dust Muhammad album, d.1544-45, is this library’s masterpiece, studied in depth by David

Roxburgh.19 Simpson has also discussed two additional works made in this library: an album with 28 folios and a copy of Khamsa Dehlavi.20

Nevertheless, apparently Tahmāsp’s enthusiasm in the arts and maintaining the royal library slightly diminished. The time and the reason for this change are not certain, but scholars

15 Qāzi Ahmad Qumi (1953), Gulestān-e Hunar, p.137. 16 Eskandar Beyg Munshi (1998), Tārikh-e ʿAlam ʿArāy-e Abbāsi, vol 1, p.273. 17 Michele Membré (1999), Mission to the Lord Sophy of Persia 1539-1542, p.20. They met in Marand that is located to the north west of Tabriz. 18 Qumi (1953), p.139. 19 David Roxberg (2000), Prefacing the Image: the Writing of Art History in 16th Iran. 20 This album now preserved in Topkapi Saray Museum. The album has a sarlawha carrying the name of Bahram Mirzā, however, the album does not have a colophon. Marianna Shereve Simpson (1991), “A Manuscript Made for the Safavid Prince Bahram Mriza”, pp. 378. 16/93 explained mostly this matter in relation to Shāh’s repentance, his odd psychic personality or his eyesight problem. The common opinion attributes this change to what has been called the shāh’s

“repentance”. This interpretation argues that around 1532-33, when Shāh Tahmāsp was 20, he had dreams that made him decide to repent all his sins and lead a pious life. Descriptions of this event are quoted in various histories. 21 Later, in 1556 shāh issued “Edict of Sincere

Repentance”. Around this span, the royal library became less active and a number of painters left the royal library. The coincidence of these events has convinced some scholars that the shāh’s repentances were the main reason behind his disenchantment with painting.22

Also, Abolala Soudavar claimed that Shāh Tahmāsp got an eyesight problem in the 1540s. I believe, it is very difficult to accept his idea assuredly as no detailed medical evidence has been presented about the eye problem of Shāh Tahmāsp. Also, it is quite improbable to assume he suffered a serious eyesight problem for 33 years, between 1543-1576 as Soudavar assumed, and historic chronicles were written either in his time or posthumously not to point it out.23

Sheila Canby correctly highlighted that the interest of the shāh in 1550s may shift from book decoration to the wall-paintings.24 The shāh commissioned the paintings in his palace in Qazvin sometime during 1540s-1550s and the poet, ʿAbdi Beyg Shirāzi (d. 1580) described them in his

Based on this book the subject of paintings was some scenes .(دوحة االزهار) book Duhat al-Azhār from romance stories of Shirin u Farhād, Khusruw u Shirin and Yusuf u Zuleykhā and some images of feast, Polo and hunting scenes.25 Muzaffar ʿAli (d. ca. 1576) was one of the painters, who worked on these images and Shāh Tahmāsp himself presumably cooperated in painting.26

21 For example look at: Shāh Tahmāsp (1921), Tazkereh Shāh Tahmāsp: Sharhe Vaqāye va Ahvālat-e Zendeganiyei Shāh Tahmāsp Safavi be Qalam-e Khudash, p.30. 22 To see the discussion on this subject look at: Stuart Welch (1979), Wonders of the age: masterpieces of early Safavid painting, 1501-1576, p.27. Anthony Welch (1976), Artists for the Shah: Late sixteenth-century painting at the Imperial Court of Iran, p.4. 23 Abolala Soudavar (1999), “Between the Safavids and the Mughals: Art and Artists in Transition”, p. 51. 24 Thompson&Canby (2003), Hunt for paradise: court arts of Safavid Iran 1501-1575, p. 19. 25 Zeyn al-ʿAbedin ʿAli ʿAbdi Beyg Shirāzi (1974), Duhat al-Azhār. 26 Munshi (1998), vol 1, p. 174. Qumi (1953), p.138. 17/93

In 1560s, a few works were executed in the royal library. Of those there is a copy of Haft

Awrang of Jāmi (1414-1492) dated c.1560.27

In 1570s the shāh patronized a copy of Garshāsp Nāma in which painters such as Sādeqi Beyg

(d. 1609-10) collaborated.28 The last document about patronage of Tahmāsp appeared in a letter dated November 1575 in which he appointed the calligrapher, ʿAbul Hasan Muzzaheb, to the head of royal library in Tabriz (Dar al-Saltane Tabriz).29 This letter is in a gentle and humble tone and shāh reiterated his support of all artists, illuminators, calligraphers, binders, painters, paper makers. Alongside this letter shāh sent some pieces of his artworks for ʿAbul Hasan. The content of the letter indicate that the shāh may possess more than one active library by the end of his life.

It is worth to mention that parallel to the shah’s library some princes owned their own library and patronized the painters there. Ibrāhim Mirzā (d. 1577) was artistically inclined prince from this period. Ibrahim, the son of the aforementioned Bahrām Mirzā, is mentioned in several

Safavid histories. Khulasat al-Tavvārikh offers the following description of him:

In theory of music and singing and playing he was a master, and unrivalled

in his time … and in painting and drawing he was skilled and quick as the

virtuosos of the Mani style; indeed, spellbinding painters from Tarrazan in

China, from Frankish lands, from Iraq and from Azerbaijan were in awe of

him.30

27 Some miniatures of this manuscript preserved at Los Angeles County Museum of Art (M.73.5.11), (M.73.5.577). Also presumably a copy of Shahnama was executed in 1560s in Qazin. The two folios of this copy are available on Christie's Auctions Rustam tries to lasso Afrasiyab dated c.1563 and Bahram Gur slays the dragon dated 1565. 28 The book preserved in British Library (Or 12985). The folio of f.5r and f.45v carry the name of Muzzafar ʿAli and Sādeqi Beyg respectively. Meanwhile there are some folios that are attributable to Qazin, for example the miniature Princely Hawking Party dated c.1570 preserved at Metropolitan Museum of Art (12.223.1). 29 Abul Hussein Navai (1971), Shah Tahmasp Safavi: Majmi-ye Asnad va Mukatibat-i Tarikhi, pp 24-26. The letter is preserved in Majlese Showraye Eslami, in Tehran (nr. 606, fol. 133-136). 30 Tarrazan is the name of a city in Turkestan. Qumi (2004), vol 2, pp.635-637. 18/93

Ibrahim Mirzā ran his own library and sponsored a number of splendid works such as the exquisite copy of Haft Awrang by Jāmi (died 1492), d. 1556-1565, that is preserved in Freer

Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery.31

Shāh Tahmāsp died in 1576 and his son Ismāʿil II (r. 1576-1577) was enthroned. Similar to his successors, Ismāʿil II was interested in book decoration, and collected masters from different provinces to his library in Qazvin. Nonetheless, his policies in governance did not allow the arts to flourish under his patronage. The reign of Ismāʿil II was short lived, and laden with bloodshed and chaos. The shāh launched his accession by eliminating all of his probable rivals for the throne. Thus, he killed his brothers and many other princes, namely the aforementioned

Ibrahim Mirzā. After two years, this fratricidal conflict was brought to an end by Ismāʿil’s own death, which in turn caused the royal library to be shut down and projects such as a copy of the

Shāhnāma, known as Shāhnāma Shāh Ismāʿil II, were stopped. This incident significantly affected the life of the royal painters, as not only did their employment come to an abrupt end, but also all other potential patrons had been eliminated by the shāh.

After him, the potential heirs to the throne were confined to Muhammad Khudabande (r. 1578-

1587), and his four sons. Khudabande was enthroned in 1577 and remained in power for ten years. Sādeqi Beyg (died. 1609-10) describes him as:

“A king who possessed generosity and chivalry and had an extreme expertise

in the arts of painting, poetic composition and music terminology”.32

Despite his enthusiasm for the arts, there is no explicit documentation on the activities of his library. We do know that he suffered from impaired eyesight, since the chaos and instability of his reign has often been ascribed to this fact, which may also explain his lack of patronage in

31 The manuscript is preserved with inventory (F1946.12) 32 Sadeqi Beyg Afshar (1948), Majmaʿ al-Khavas, p10. 19/93 this field. Nevertheless, the crown prince, Hamza Mirzā (d. 1586), must have possessed a library, as Iskandar Beyg (d. 1628-9) reported that two painters, Farrukh Beyg (died c.1619) and his brother, were in the prince’s service up to his death in 1586.33 Furthermore, it is likely that another painter, namely Muhammadi, also worked for the prince.34 Other royal painters joined local libraries throughout the country. Two noblemen, Khan Ahmad Khan Gilani (d.

1596) and Salman Jabere Esfahani (d. 1583), sponsored several painters. Khan Ahmad was ruler of Gilān for several years and Mawlana ʿAbd al-Jabbar Astar Abadi was one of the painters who served in his library. 35 Likewise, grand vizier Salmān Jaberi Isfahāni (d.1583), commissioned book decorations. Abolala Soudavar believes Salman owned the library where a copy of Sefat al-ʿAsheqin was executed in 1582.36

2-2: Shāh ʿAbbās I and his successors

In 1587 Shāh ʿAbbās I ascended to the throne. The long and powerful reign of him paved the way for a prosperous era. Also, ʿAbbas was art enthusiast and the accomplished painters such as Sādeqi Beyg Afshār and Rizā ʿAbbāsi (died 1630s) reached their apex under his patronage.

In 1597-98, the shāh officially transferred the capital from Qazvin to Isfahan. This transfer heralded a golden era in Persian history. The historian of the court, Iskandar Munshi provides us with the preparation of Isfahan in this time. According to him in 1590-1610s the shāh ordered to build up Chahar Bagh Boulevard, Hezār Jarib Garden, Gulestān Garden, ʿAbbās ʿAbād

Garden and Sʿadat ʿAbād Garden (fig 2-1).37 They were only a few of many mansions that were executed in Isfahan and described by European travelers; Pietro Della Valle (1586-1652),

Jean Chardin (1643-1713), Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689), Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-

1716), Cornelis de Bruijn (1652-1726/1727).

33 Munshi (1998), vol1, 275. 34 Abolala Soudavar (2000), “The age of Muhammadi”, pp.65-66. 35 Munshi (1998), vol 1, p.273. 36 Soudavar (2000), p.153. 37 Munshi (1998), vol 2, pp: 544-5. 20/93

Soon the royal library was established in Isfahan and the painters perused their works. The shāh’s taste and the activities of the royal painters led to forming a specific style that is known as the Isfahan School. This style significantly affected the art of the entire seventeenth century.

Of works in this library it can be mentioned a copy of Shāhnāma dated 1590-1600. 38

Simultaneously, a non-royal market flourished. This market had already existed at the time of

Shāh Tahmāsp.39 However, during the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās the non-royal market throve to such an extent that the eminent painter Rezā ʿAbbāsi decided to leave the royal library and work in the market from 1605 to 1615.40 Single pages were the most demanded product, as they reduced the price of production and were much safer to transport abroad. Based on a known story, we know that the royal painter Sādeqi Beyg sent his drawings to India for selling.41

Meanwhile, the new capital gradually became a cosmopolitan city. The reason of this phenomenon was due to three mutual point of the interest between Shāh ʿAbbās and Europeans: coalition of anti-Ottoman warfare, activities of Christian missionaries in Persia and expansion of the international network trade. Throughout these bilateral contacts the merchants, missionaries, diplomats and travelers from around the world flocked into Persia and the East

India English, French and Dutch Companies established their trade affairs in Persia. 42

Following their presence the western objects including textile, mirror, porcelain, watch, crystals, artworks, etc. reached Isfahan.43 Interestingly, the Italian nobleman, Pietro Della Valle reported that in 1610s in the main Bazaar of the Isfahan “one could easily buy the Italian

38 Some minitures of this manuscript are preserved in Chester Beatty (Per 277.14), (Per 277.5) and (Per 277.15). 39 Iskandar Munshi (d. 1628-29) remarks that in the time of Shāh Tahmāsp “pupils of Mir Zayin al-ʿAbedin set up a painting workshop, but he himself always worked for the rich and the affluent”, Munshi (1998), vol 1, p.274. 40 Welch (1974), p.481, p.485. 41 Mirzā Muhammad Taher Nasr Ābādi (1938), Tazkereh Nasr Abadi, pp.39-41. 42 To read about the activities of the British East India Company and the Dutch East India Company see Matthee, The politics of trade in Safavid Iran, 91-118. For a history of French East India Company in Persia see Iranica at: https://bit.ly/2OHK6JA. 43 Landau (2009), pp. 184-198, Langer (2013), Babaei (2009). 21/93 paintings in this market”.44 Meanwhile, the court frequently was received western artworks by

Europeans. For example in 1618 the ambassador of Spain presented the extravagant gifts including the valuable textile, hat, gold and silver plates and two portrait paintings of the oldest daughter of the king of Spain and the queen of France.45

Another striking occurrence in this time was congregation of the Armenians in Isfahan. Form the outset of the Safavid Nakhijevan, located these days in Azerbaijan, was the matter of the constant conflict between Persia and Ottoman Empire. In 1604, while Shāh ʿAbbās recaptured

Nakhijevan, including the Armenian village of Julfa, he decided to move the residence to

Isfahan. Soon, Armenians were settle down in the capital, in a district that was named New

Julfa. These Armenians played a pivotal role in trade between the shāh and the West and became a prominent non-Muslim community in Isfahan. Their success in trade gave them increased leverage in the court, and in 1614 the shāh issued a decree to build for them “a large, magnificent, high, and elegantly adorned church in the Capital”.46 From then until the end of

Safavid rule, New Julfa was to add some 27 more churches and decorated with wall-paintings.47

Shāh ʿAbbās died in 1629 and his grandson Shāh Safi (1629-1642) enthroned at the age of eighteen.

2-3: ʿAbbās’successors

The art of painting in the reign of Shāh Safi was reflected throughout the activities of Rizā

ʿAbbāsi and his students Muin Musavvir (active c. 1630s-90s), Muhammad Qasim (active c.

44 “Le pitture, che eran quasi tutte ritratti di principi, di quei che si vendono in piazza Navona uno scudo l'uno, ma qui dieci zencchini l'uno almeno”, Pietro Della Valle (1843), vol 2, p. 26. 45 García de Silva y Figueroa (1667), L'ambassade de D. Garcias de Silva Figueroa en Perse, pp:231-2. To read about the gift that the Safavid court recieved by Europeans look at chapter three of this thesis pp: 27-8. Ghougassian, p. 84. For the full decree of Shāh ʿAbbās I, see Vazken ,”کلیسای عالی در کمال رفعت و زیب و زینت“ 46 Ghougassian (1998), The emergence of the Armenian Diocese of New Julfa in the seventeenth century, pp. 204- 207. 47 Based on some European and Armenian reports in late 1617-19, 12 churches were active in New Julfa and inside the city of Isfahan, and this number rose to more than 20 churches in 1634. In 1666, the number of churches in New Julfa increased to 24. Ghougassian (1998), p. 85, 94, p. 101. Ghougassian has mentioned seven additional churches, whose date of construction is however unknown: Ghougassian (1998), p. 291. 22/93

1600s-1650s), Muhammad Yusuf. From the works of this period it can be mentioned a copy of

Shāhnāma d. 1630-40.48 In these times Rizā ʿAbbāsi executed many single pages, meanwhile, he introduced a new figurative motif in Persian painting; the Europeans. These figures are illustrated mainly men, with the European hat and customs, that reflects the flock of the

Europeans in the capital (fig 2-2).49

Following the death of Shāh Safi in 1642, his ten-years old son Shāh ʿAbbās II (1642-1666) raised the power. The French traveler, Jean Chardin (1643-1713) described him as a king who always so wisely governed, and his courage and good conduct provided his people with prosperity.50

During the reign of the second ʿAbbās, the art of painting experienced the prolific and splendid time. While Rizā ʿAbbāsi passed away circa 1635, his students led the art of the time. From the works of these time it can be mentioned a copy of Shāhnāma d. 1650, in the David Collection,51

Suz and Gudaz, d. 1659 in Chester Beatty,52 and Khamseh Nizami d.1665 in British Library.53

They are only a few manuscripts and more projects were commissioned by the shāh. Next to the shāh, the noblemen and courtiers actively patronized the painting. 54

Moreover, in this time the royal palace of Chihil Sutun were decorated with wall-paintings. The palace was constructed at 1647.55 Ernst Grube and Sussan Babaie expounded on the paintings

48 The manuscript is preserved at British Library (I.O.Islamic 1256). To see the miniature look at Project Website. 49 The work is at Detroit Institute of Arts Museum (58.334). 50 Jean Chardin (1811), Voyages de Monsieur le chevalier Chardin en Perse et autres lieux de l'Orient, vol 9, pp:397-8. 51 The manuscript is preserved with (Inv. no. 217/2006). 52 The manuscript is preserved with nr. (MS 268). 53 The manuscript is with inventory nr. (Add MS 6613). 54 Of those it can be mentioned to Shahnama of Qarajaghay Khann d. 1648, preserved at The Royal Collection at Windsor Castle (MS Holmes 151) and Rashida Shahnama, dated the middle of the seventeenth century, preserved in Gulistan palace of Tehran (Ms 2239). 55 In this book Qazvini explicitly dedicated a section to the description of the exquisite palace of Chihil Sutun (Sharh-i Sakhtan-i Emarat-i Mobarakey-i Doulatkhan-i Mosom be Chihil Sutun)”, Muhammad Taher Vahid Qazvin (1951), Abbasnama, p. 90-91. 23/93 of the palace. As Grube suggested the painting may be executed during 1649-1666, while the artists are unknown. The paintings thematically are in four categories:56

(1) The big size historic paintings that are located in audience hall and narrated the glorious moments from the Safavids’ political history. These paintings are depicted the scenes from

Shāh Ismāʿil I, Shāh Tahmāsp, Shāh ʿAbbās I and Shāh ʿAbbās II.

(2) The small size paintings, that are depicting the hunting and feast scenes.

(3) The large paintings that are depicting the royal feasts. These works are stylistically close to the Persian miniature styles.

(4) The big size paintings, that are depicting figures with the European, Persian, Armenians and the hybrid customs.

Besides the activities of the royal artists, Armenian painters were engaged with decoration of the churches and houses in New Julfa, in Isfahan. John Carswell did the comprehensive study on these wall-paintings.57 Later Amy Landau discussed about the Armenian art milieu and

Armenian artists in Safavid.58

In 1666 Shāh ʿAbbās II passed away and his son Suleyman was enthroned at the age of nine.

His given name was initially Sām Mirzā. In the first year of the reign he contracted an unknown illness and his health rapidly became deteriorated. There was a fear that he will not survive.

Nevertheless, he got over the illness and therefore he decided to take a new name, Suleyman, and he enthroned for the second time in 1668.59 As the European travellers in this time stated,

56 Sussan Babaei (1994), “Shah ʿAbbas II, the Conquest of Qandahar, the Chihil Sutun, and Its Wall Paintings”,pp: 127-128. pp: 523-28. Ernst Grube (1974), Wall Paintings in the Seventeenth Century Monuments of Isfahan. 57 John Carswell (1968), New Julfa, the Armenian Churches and the Other Buildings. 58 Landau (2012): European Religion Iconography in Safavid Iran: Decoration and Patronage of Meydani Bet'ghehem. Elsewhere Landau extensively discussed about the Armenian art milieu and Armenian artists in Safavid, look at Landau (2009), pp. 199-218. In chapter three, p.28, I retrun back to Landau’s discussion and the connection between them and Persian royal painters. 59 Chardin was in Persia in 1666-67 and also in 1672-77. He was in cornoation of Shāh Suleymān: Chardin (1811), vol 9, pp: 397-573. The section Le couronnement de Soleimaan. Look at Iranica: SOLAYMĀN I. Rudi Matthee (2012), Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan, pp: 226-254. 24/93

Shāh Suleyman, was an incompetent king in governing of the state.60 However, in art his time was one of the most brilliant era in the Safavid art.61

Two accomplished painters of Safavid, ʿAli Quli (died 1690s) and Muhammad Zamān (died

1700s) were flourished in this time. In 1670s, Shāh Suleymān order to completion of the extravagant copy of Khamseh Nizāmi that was initially started for Shāh Tahmāsp (r.1524-

1576). 62 Also in the same year, Shāh Suleymān commissioned completion of a copy of

Shāhnāma that was presumably commissioned by ʿAbbās I, during 1590-1600.63 In 1680s,

Shāh Suleymān, commissioned decoration of a historic book Tārikh-e Jahāngushā-ye Khāqān

Sāhebqiran (A History of Shāh Ismāʿil).64

Next to the book decoration of the literary books, ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān, executed significant number of the Europeanized paintings. Their achievements are reflected in St.

Petersburg Album that will be discussed in chapter three.65

2-4: Shāh Sultān Husayn (1694-1722)

Similar to Shāh Suleymān, Shāh Sultān Husayn was an unsuccessful in ruling the country. The

Dutch traveler in Isfahan, Cornelis de Bruijn (d. 1726-27) wrote:

“The monarchy of his great kingdom is one of the most despotic and most

absolute in the world. the king knows no rule for his conduct but his will...He

(…) is born in the seraglio, which is guarded by black eunuchs within, and

by white spados, and there is brought up between four walls without

60 Chardin (1811), vol 9, p. 411. 61 Landau (2009), pp: 12-19. 62 The manuscript is in British Library (Ms. Or. 2265). To read about the miniatures look at chapter three, p. 15. 63 The miniatures are in Chester Beatty (Per 277.16), (Per 277.3) and (Per 277.9). To read about the miniatures look at chapter three, p. 15. 64 The miniatures are hosted in David Collection (Inv. no. 28/1986, 84/1980 & 27/1986). 65 St. Petersburg Album, at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. 25/93

education and without the least knowledge of what is stirring in the

world...”.66

Many scholars described this time as the decline and recession of the Safavid. Rudi Matthee believed that following the Shāh Suleymān, Shāh Sultān Husayn did not have the interest in state affairs and “this lack of interest signalled increasing corruption and inefficiency in provincial government”.67 The weakness of shāh pushed the country to turmoil and eventually the capital was officially captured by the Afghans in 1722 and Shāh Sultān Husayn surrendered to Mahmūd Afghān (1697-1725).68

Despite of the chaos in governing, the royal library was active and the two eminent artists

Muhammad ʿAlī and Āqā Yusuf worked there. From their works it can be mention the painting

Distribution of presents for the New Year (d. 1720-1), signed as Muhammad ʿAlī son of

Muhammad Zamān, and the painting Bird Perching on a Blossoming Branch, dated 1696 and

1697, signed as Yusuf-Zamān.69 Also, form the book decoration it can be mentioned a copy of

Jarunnuma, a book that is about historic moment of recapturing of Hormuz, located in the south of Persia, from the Portuguese’s occupation in 1622.70

66 Cornelis de Bruijn (1711), Cornelis de Bruins reizen via Moskovië, deur persië en Indië, p.155 67 Matthee (2012), Persia in crisis: Safavid decline and the fall of Isfahan, p. 241. 68 To read about fall of Isfahan the look at Matthee (2012), Persia in crisis. Also, to read about that by the pen of the contemporary witnesses look at; Muhammad ʿAli ibn ʿAbi Taleb Hazin (2003), Tarikh-e Hazin: Avakhere Safavid, Fetneye Afghan, Avayele Saltanat-e Nadir Shah. Judasz Tadeusz Krusinski (1973 ), Histoire de la derniere revolution de perse. 69 The paintings are preserved in British Museum (1920,0917,0.299) and the State Hermitage Museum (VР-715). Besides the painting on the paper, some paintings on pen-box (Qalam dan) are available by them. Look at chapter three, p. 15. ,is book composed by unknown writer (جرون نامه) The miniatures is at the British Library (MS 7801). Jarunnuma 70 during 1622-32. The Strait of Hormuz is a strait between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. 26/93

Chapter three

Farangi Sāzi: Roots and development

In 1597-98, Shāh ʿAbbās I (r. 1588-1629) transferred the capital from Qazvin to Isfahan. This transmission heralded the golden era in the all forms of art, including the painting. The royal library in Isfahan fostered the new-emerged Europeanized paintings style, that is known as

Farangi Sāzi. This chapter focuses on this style, and it will examine Farangī Sazī from appearance and developments through career of five eminent royal painters; Sādeqi Beyg

Afshār (died 1610), Rizā ʿAbbāsi (died 1630s), Shafi ʿAbbāsi (died 1660s), ʿAli Quli (died

1690s) and Muhammad Zamān (died 1700s). Each of these painters were forerunner in their generation and enhanced Farangi Sāzi to a new phase through their activities and innovations.

I would like to emphasize that I do not aim to reconstruct their biography, I rather would like to focus meticulously on their Europeanized style and examine how each of them studied

European art and rendered in their own works. The discussion will be pursued in five steps. (1)

Definition and the background of Farangi Sāzi, (2) Career of the five royal painters, (3)

Presenting the case studies, (4) Patron of these paintings and (5) Studying the European prints.

27/93

3-1: Farangi Sāzi: definition and background71

The word Farangī Sazi is combination of Farangī and suffix of Sāz/Sāzi (making). Farang or

Frank refers to Europe and Christians territories. This word has a long usage in historic and literature, which was discussed by Rudi Matthee. In painting scope, including art treatises and inscriptions this word were appeared. In two Safavid treatises preface of Amir Gheyb Beyg album dated 1564-65, and Qanun al-Suwar by Sādiqi Beyg Afshār, dated c.1597-8, Farangi, was considered as one of the design principles (Asl), meaning the non-figurative European motif such as acanthus and lotus plant. In this order, Farangi comes after Eslimi (Islami) and

Chatai, or “Cathay” that is the motif of Chinese art.72

Meanwhile, a few artworks prove that Persian artists were acquaintance with and practiced

European paintings well before the Safavids period. The best sample of these works can be found in three sources; an album known as Diez album A, in the Berlin State Library, and the two albums known as Topkapi album (H.2152) and (H.2153) in Topkapı Palace Museum. The dates of works are the late fourteenth century and the early fifteenth century that refer the late

Ilkhanid (c.1260 until about 1335), Jalyerid (in the late 1330s until the early 15th century) and the early Timurid period (1370-1507). In 2017, Gülru Necipoğlu and Massumeh Farhad described extensively the Persian-European paintings of these three albums and suggested the

Byzantine, Italian and French art as the main sources of these works.73 These pictures illustrate how Persian artists studied European art and fused that into their own manner. As the paintings

71 Negar Habibi recently proposed that Farangī Sāzī is an inaccurate term and should be replaced with the term “Occidentalism”. Similarly, Mika Natif proposes this same term in the sphere of Mughal art. However, I will follow scholars such as Landau, as I believe the term “Occidentalism” still requires further discussion. Habibi (2018), pp: 152-157. Mika Natif (2018); Mughal occidentalism: artistic encounters between Europe and Asia at the courts of India, 1580-1630. Landau (2009), pp: 44-51.

72 For study about the design principles look at Yves Porter (2000), “From the ‘Theory of the Two Qalams’ to the ‘Seven Principles of Painting’: Theory, Terminology, and Practice in Persian Classical Painting”, pp. 109-118. David Roxburgh (2001), Prefacing the Image: the Writing of Art History in 16th Iran, pp. 142. 73 Gülru Necipoğlu (2017), pp: 531-591, Massumeh Farhad (2017), pp:484-512, the articles are both in the book The Diez album: contexts and contents. 28/93 signify, Persian painters were mainly concerned for practicing European iconography, and if there is any background scene in the work, it was drawn under inspiration of Chinese art (fig3-

1).

Among all the paintings of these albums, the drawing Eight figures in European attires, is outstanding (fig 3-2). The work is a practice of European figures and custom while the drawing carries a short inscription; Kar-i Farang (work of Farang). The meaning of the inscription can be understood in two ways: (1) in the manner of the European work or (2) copied after a

European model.

From the second half of the fifteenth to the late sixteenth century there is very few sample of

Persian-European painting, while the reason of the possible disinterest of the Persian artists or patrons to the European art has not be scrutinized. Of those few works it can be mentioned

Virgin and Child, which painted by an anonymous artist before 1563, in the album of Bahrām

Mirzā (fig3-3).74 The picture signifies that Persian artists still inclined to practice the European iconography.

Since the late sixteenth century by the end of the seventeenth century the European art gained increasingly more attention and the number of works copied or inspired by the European art raised. Besides the European iconography, Persian painters practiced European landscape and some European art techniques such as perspective and chiaroscuro. The development of this style in this time span has been known as Farangi Sāzi. The style was promoted through the activities of five royal painters within the late sixteenth century to the late seventeenth century:

Sādeqi Beyg Afshār and Rizā ʿAbbāsi, Shafi ʿAbbāsi, ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān. To have a better idea about their achievements in formulating the Farangi Sāzi, their career and artworks in Europeanized style will be reviewed.

74 The painting is part of Istanbul Album, that is preserved in Istanbul University Library (F.1422, f.17b). 29/93

3-1-1: Sādeqi Beyg (died. 1609-10)

Sādeqi Beyg Afshār, was a genius and unique character in the history of Persian painting.

Beside the painter, he was poet, writer and calligrapher. He served for three kings; Shāh

Tahmāsp during 1560s-70s, Shāh Ismāʿil during 1576-1577 and Shāh ʿAbbās I during 1588-

97. The interval between 1577-1588, Sādiqi worked for some noble people of the time in different territory from Aleppo, Baghdad, Hamadan, Khurasan and Yazd and therefore, he established his career in a unique wide network of patrons.75

Because of his versatile talents and vast network, his name was mentioned in many Tazkira, chronicles and other books by his contemporaries and after his death. Meanwhile he himself presented remarkable amount of information from his life dispersedly in his books, specifically two books Qanun Al-Suwar dated c.1597-98 and Majma’al-Khawass dated 1601-02. Based on these documents Anthony Welch, wrote the biography and career of Sādiqi Beyg brilliantly and comprehensively in 1976. 76 Despite of the valuable biography and analyses that Welch performed, he did not pay attention to Sādiqi’s Europeanized artworks that dated 1580s-1610s, and these works are exactly the interest of this research.

Sādeqi Beyg belonged to the Afshar tribe, located in district of Tabriz, in the north west of Iran.

Contrary to many of royal painters he did not come from artist lineage, rather had the military family of Qizilbash (tribal forces).77 Around 1540s, Sādiqi started his apprenticeship as a painter. He had the privilege to be trained by one of the eminent master of his time, Muzzafar

ʿAli (flourished c. 1540-1576), who also had the prestigious kinship with Bihzād (died c. 1535), the legendary master of Persian painting.

75 At the moment, Hamadan, Khurasan and Yazd are three provinces located in north-west, north-east and south- east of Persia, respectively. 76 For biography of Sadiqi, besides the work of Welch, I used Martin Dickson & Stuart Welch (1981), The Houghton Shahnameh, vol 1, appendix I, pp: 259-269. 77 To read about Qizilbash in Safavid look at Roger Savory (1980), Iran Under the Safavids, pp: 31-34. 30/93

In 1573, Scdiqi was a recognized royal painter, who contributed in decoration of a manuscript of Garshaspnamah.78 Later, in 1576-77, he played a key role in preparation of Shāhnama Shāh

Ismāʿil II. Although the project did not finish due to the sudden death of the shāh, 50 survived miniatures of this project prove his skills.79 As it was mentioned in chapter two, since the sudden death of Ismāʿil II in 1577 to the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās, in 1588, the country underwent the political turbulence, and consequently artists hardly could find a patron. Therefore, Sādiqi travelled to different regions to find the patron. In 1680s, he served for some noblemen such as

Iskandar Khān and Badr Khān, the two Afsharid brothers who governed in northeastern Persia and Ghiyāth al-din Naqshband (born c. 1530) in Yazd, in southwestern part of the country.80

Shāh ʿAbbās’s reign in 1588 augurs well for the career of Sādiqi. During 1596-97, he was appointed as the head of royal library and since this time onwards, he proudly signed number of folios with Sādiqi, the Librarian. Simultaneously Sādiqi started to deviate from the style of his contemporaries. Circa 1590, he executed one of his superb Europeanized painting; The

Annunciation. 81 The painting carries the extensive inscription that says:

These two figures are in the manner of the Farangi’s masters, drawn while

in the service of the one giving asylum to those seeking the right path, the

Wonder of the Age, Khawje Ghiyāth Naqshband. Written by the servant [of

God] Sadiqi, the Librarian.

As Gauvin Bailey proposed the painting was reproduced after a Flemish engraving by the

Master of the Banderoles dated c. 1450-70.82 The scene depicted the famous biblical story of

78 This manuscript is preserved in British Library (Or 12985). The folio 45v is signed as Raqam Sadiqi. 79 To read about miniatures of this manuscript look at Basil Robinson (2005), “Shah Ismāʿīl II's Copy of the Shāh- Nāma: Additional Material”, pp. 291-299. The miniatures are available at the Cambridge Shahnama Project website: http://shahnama.lib.cam.ac.uk/. 80 Welch (1976), 64-66. To read about Ghiyath al-Din Naqshband look at: Robert Skelton (2000), “Ghiyash al- Din Ali-yi Naqshband and and Episode in the Life of Sadiqi Beg”, pp: 249-263. 81 The miniature is held at the Harvard Art Museums (1999.289). 82 Gauvin Bailey (1994/1995), “In the Manner of the Frankish Masters: A Safavid Painting and its Flemish Inspiration”, pp: 29-34. 31/93

Annunciation, wherein Mary is informed that she will become the mother of Jesus. This story also mentioned in Quran.83 Sādiqi reproduced the scene in his manner. From the original work he took the two figures of the Virgin and Gabriel, while he eliminated the wings of Gabriel.

Sādiqi delicately depicted the shadow on faces and wrinkles of the cloths.

At the end of this decade, in 1597, Sādiqi was dismissed from his position in the royal library.

However, he remained active in his field by his death. Circa 1597-8, he compiled Qanun Al-

Suwar (Canons of Arts). The book is a treatise in painting, however, that is distinguished from the similar books.84 It is in verse and includes 206 couplets. No surprise from the verse form as we know Sādiqi was known as a poet and his contemporaries reached him out to ask his expertise.85 Qanun Al-Suwar imbues with figure of speeches that makes the book difficult to be understood and therefore, non-Persian art historians seldom paid attention to this book. Nor they tried to interpret this book in relation to Sādiqi’s paintings. As the book did not commission by patron, it could give the chance to Sādiqi to write it concise and without hyperbole and bonds. 86 He wrote:

“You may well incline toward figural painting. If this be your intent, then

Mother Nature alone must serve as your guide”.87

His naturalistic approach reflected in two miniatures that he executed in the early seventeenth century; Dervish leading a dog and Old man and a child (fig 3-4).88 The works carry the Kufic inscription Painted [Raqim] by Sādiqi. The figures are very realistic, personalized and far from

83 Look at Surah Maryam, Āyah 16,17 and 18. 84 To read the English translation of the book look at Dickson & Welch (1981), vol 1, appendix I, pp: 259-269. For Persian and Russian translation see Sadig Bäj Äfšar(1963), Ganun ös-sövär, ed. Adil Jusif oǧlu Gazyjev. 85 For example look at Muhammad Qudrat Allah Gupamuy (1957), Tazkira Natayej Al-Afkar, pp: 537-8. 86 For instance in preface of the Bahrām Mirzā’s album dated 1544, Dust Muhammad dedicated the pages to the story of Māni (died 274), the prophet of Manichaeism, and the painter, whose name mentioned as the first great painter. Roxburgh explained the narration of Mani in this part is legendary. Roxburgh (2000), pp: 174-6. 87 Dickson & Welch (1981), vol 1, p.264. 88 The works are preserved in The Walters Art Museum (album W.668, fol. 69a), and Chester Beatty (Per 260.8) respectively. 32/93 stylistic form of his counterparts. It is not clear whether Sādiqi depicted them from life model or the Flemish works, as the figures are reminisced the early Flemish paintings.

In the seventeenth century Sādiqi still was attracted with the European art.89 The result of his experience can be found in A sybil. The work carries the text painted [Raqim-i] by Sādiqi the librarian [Kitabdar], Isfahan 1609-1610 (fig 3-5). The women is in Italian-Netherlandish formula in the sixteenth century. Bailey specified that this work reproduced after by engraving of two Sybils by a Dutch artist Hendrick Goltzius (died 1617), after the Italian artist Polidoro da Caravaggio (died 1543).90 I would believe that this work reproduced after another work, even though, I could not recognized it yet. Apart from the original European source of this work, it is striking to know that this women was quite new figure at that time; new physiognomy, body and attire.

3-1-2: Rizā ʿAbbāsi (c. 1565-1635)

Rizā ʿAbbāsi, has been known as one of the most eminent painters in the history of Persian painting. Rizā was from artistic lineage and his father Maulana ʿAli Asghar Kāshi, was the royal painter in the service of Shāh Tahmāsp and Shāh Ismāʿil II. Rizā himself served for Shāh ʿAbbās

I and Shāh Safi. His expertise was acknowledged by his contemporaries and he was honored with title of ʿAbbāsi. He is the only painter who touched a few paintings of the legendary painter, Bihzād and proudly mentioned his adjustment in the inscriptions.91 Qāzi Ahmad in the book Qulistān Hunar, d. in 1597-98, wrote about him:

“…the present age should be proud of his existence [Rizā], for in the flower

of his youth he brought the elegance of his brushwork, portraiture, and

likeness to such a degree that, if Mani and Bihzād were living today, they

89 The work is hosted in the Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (S2014.21) 90 Gauvin Bailey (2000), Supplement: The Sins of Sadiqi’s Old Age, pp: 264-5. 91 For example look at the miniature Majnun in desert, d. 1626, preserved in Museum of Art and History, Geneva (1971-0107-0068) 33/93

would praise his hand and brush a hundred times a day. In this age he has

no rival; master painters, skillful artists who live in our times regard him as

perfect”.92

Sheila Canby has done a brilliant and comprehensive study on Rizā ʿAbbāsi’s biography and his artworks.93 As Canby mentioned beside his works on traditional Persian style, Rizā turned to the European art and invented his own hybrid style. He worked in the time that Europeans increasingly flocked into the court and the European artworks became much more available in the royal library and the market. His style got a significant attention and was followed by many of his contemporaries and successors.

In late 16th century, Rizā depicted A maiden reclines. The Italian engraving Cleopatra has been suggested as a source of this work (fig 3-6).94 This work opens up a new form of figurative style of naked women, inspiring by European prints, that developed within seventeenth centuries.

Also, Rizā was pioneer in depicting the Europeans in his art. Young Portuguese Man, is par excellent (fig 2-2).95 The image portrayed a man in a European attire, lounging on two decorated cushion, feeding a little white dog on his feet. The inscription of the text say:

Completed on Tuesday, 22 March 1634 for [...]. Love compels me to run

bare-foot and -headed in that alley [of desire] like [those] western slaves

(ghulāmān-i farangi). Work of the humble Rizā-ye ʿAbbāsi.

However, as Canby correctly mentioned

92 Vladmir Minorsky (1959), Calligraphers and Painters: A Treatise by Qāḍī Aḥmad, Son of Mīr-Munshī, p. 192. 93 Canby (1996), The Rebellious reformer: the drawings and paintings of Riza-yi Abbasi of Isfahan. 94 The miniature attributed to Rizā ʿAbbasī is at the Harvard Art Museums (nr.2011.536); The Italian work is at the Metropolitan Museum (nr. 17.50.16.30). Canby (1996), p.49. 95 The work is in Detroit Institute of Arts (58.334). 34/93

“Rizā himself did not choose to adopt the style of European painting, only its

trappings. He remained true to his own treatment of space, definition of form,

and palette”.96

Similar to Sādiqi and Rizā both were intrigued with depicting the ordinary people. However,

Rizā surpassed Sādiqi in quality and quantity, as he depicted a wide range of people from a wrestler, a dervish, a court servant and etc. One of the samples is drawing of A man with spindle, d. 1633 (fig 3-7).97 The inscription in the image states:

“On January 22, 1633), for a renowned physician named Shamsa, 'the Galen

of his time,' by Rizā-ye ʿAbbāsi.”98

3-1-3: Shāfi ʿAbbāsi (died 1670s)

Shāfi ʿAbbāsi is the delegate of the second generation of the royal painters in Europeanized style, who was specifically focusing in flora genre. Unfortunately, we know almost nothing about his life and education. However, according to the inscription of his works, he was a recognized painter in the court in 1630s who had the honorable epithet of ʿAbbāsi.99 A few scholars such as Canby conjectured that he was son of Rizā ʿAbbāsi.100 While Canby did not mention any document about this kinship, I assume, her discussion relied on the inscription of a miniature Man with a Pitchfork dated 11 July, 1634.101 Rizā ʿAbbāsi signed the work and mentioned the painting was done for my dearest son Muhamad Shāfi.102 However, Rizā put the

96 Canby (1996), p.51. 97 The work is preserved in Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (F1953.25). 98 Esin Atil (1978), The brush of the masters: drawings from Iran and India, p.66. 99 To see the list of his works look at Karimzade Tabrizi (1984), vol 1, pp: 243-246. 100 Sheila Canby (1996), The Rebellious reformer, p.21. 101 The artwork is in Los Angeles County Museum of Art (M.73.5.474). It would be very unusual if Rizā had a son, a known painter like Shafi ʿAbbāsi, and no historic book mentioned this lineage. بجهت اعزی فرزندی محمد شفیع مشق شد :The original text says 102 35/93 same inscription addressing to Muhammad Bāqir and Muhammad Qasim.103 To me, these inscription signify that these three artists were Rizā’s students.

In 1654 Shafi ʿAbbāsi must have been known as the eminent artist, who was allowed to finish a painting which designed by the legendary artist Rizā. The miniature The rubber, the poet and the dog was executed after a painting by Bihzād and it contains two inscriptions, by Rizā and

Shafi ʿAbbāsi.104 Rizā’s inscription is located in the lower part and says:

“On Wednesday, 13 Jan 1619 this group by the deceased master Bihzād, may

God save him, was well and successfully completed by the humblest servant

of the court, Riza the painter ʿAbbāsi”.

The text in the upper part says: “On Friday, 21 March 1654, on the day of the turn of the year, this majlis of the deceased Āqā Rizā was colored. The humble Shafi ʿAbbāsi”.

Similar to his predecessors Shafi ʿAbbāsi had access to European art pieces. He was intrigued with flora genre and an interesting miniature illustrates him engaging with a painting in this genre (fig 3-8)105. There are many folios by him in this genre, while we do not know how Shafi

ʿAbbāsi acquired his European sources and how he studied them. The best sample of his works are fifty-five drawings date 1633-1674 in the British Museum album.106 Following Basil Gray,

Sheila Canby suggested the British book, Therd Booke of Flowers, Fruits, Beastes, Birds, and

Flies, d. 1643, illustrated by John Dunstall (died. 1693) as the source of study of Shafi

ʿAbbāsi.107 Contrary to them, I would suggest that the painter may have had access to the book

103 The miniatures are preserved in Brooklyn Museum (35.1027) and The Walters Art Museum (W.687), respectively. 104 The miniature was previously preserved in Demotte collection in Paris. 105 The work is hosted in Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (F1953.17a-b). 106 The Persian album is at the British Museum (nr. 1988,0423,0.1). Canby argued that works were copied from the British book, Therd Booke of Flowers, Fruits, Beastes, Birds, and Flies, illustrated by John Dunstall. Despite of Canby’s assumption I would incline to suggest that Shafi Abbasi had a access to a wide group of the European flora artworks including Netherlandish prints. Soon I return back to this issue. Canby (1996), pp.54-55. 107 Canby (1994), p. 54. 36/93 entitled Avium Vivae Icons, dated c. 1580-1600, that is published in Antwerp and was decorated with prints of the Flemish artist, Adriaen Collaert (c. 1560-1618). The reason is the similarity between some of Shafi ʿAbbāsi’s painting and the prints of that book. For example Hoopoe dated 1634-35 might be reproduced after the print Two birds in a landscape (fig 3-9).108

3-1-4: ʿAli Quli

ʿAli Quli Jabbādār was a talented artist who flourished during the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās II and

Shāh Suleymān. Similar to his predecessor, we do not know anything about his life and education more than his father’s name, Muhammad, and his epithet, Jabbādār and Jubbi dār.

His works reveal his expertise in different styles of Persian, Persian-Indian and Europeanized art. His art and career have been discussed by many scholars and in recent years Negar Habibi extensively has focused on his biography and career. ʿAli Quli’s signatures are mostly followed

which means “keeper of the armory”, and scholars have ,(جبادار) by the epithet Jubbādār unanimously interpreted that this suffix refers to his or his family’s tenure in the royal armory.

However, in a few cases, such as Two shepherds with sheep and goats and Portrait of a French

.which is a small village close to Ardabil ,(جبه دار) prince, the epithet appears as Jubbi dār

Therefore, it can refer to his origin and hometown, rather than his tenure in the royal armory.

At the court of Shāh ʿAbbās II and Shāh Suleymān, ʿAli Quli enhanced Farangi Sāzi to the new level. Of his works is European Landscape (d. 1649).109 The work carries an inscription on the stone in the foreground on the right edge of the stream that reads, “By ʿAli Quli Ibn Muhammad, d. 1649”. This folio is striking, as it is executed with the European watercolor technique.

Meanwhile, this painting is of a few samples, if not the first and the only sample, of Persian painting in the landscape genre in this time. It is reproduced after the Flemish print Inn and a few houses at a bridge (1580-1629 and/or 1624-c. 1650) by Flemish printmaker Aegidius

108 The folio is in National Library of Russia (Dorn 489, fol.61), the print is preserved at Rijksmuseum (RP-P- 1892-A-17430). 109 The miniatures is held at the State Hermitage Museum (VР-950). 37/93

Sadeler II (1570-1629), designed by Roelant Savery (1576-1639).110 When ʿAli Quli took up the composition of the Flemish work, he changed several details, adding a wild boar to the image and replacing the peasant just past the bridge with a person crossing it, leading a mule and trailed by a dog. Interestingly, the person and his mule are quite similar to a detail from another print by Aegidius, Wooden bridge in a forest landscape, suggesting that ʿAli Quli may have had access to more than one of Aegidius’s prints.111

In 1650-60, ʿAli Quli’s eyes remained intrigued with European artworks. Circa 1650-60, he depicted Woman by a Fountain and signed it as “[The painting] was done by the humble ʿAli

Quli Jabbadār”.112 In foreground there is an allegorical figure of a woman who is holding fruits on her garment. She is surrounded with a fountain in the right side and a jar in the left. I believe that this figure is inspired by the emblem book entitled Atalanta Fugiens Emblem, d.1617, by

German artist Michael Maier (1568-1622), emblem 42 (fig 3-10). The background consists of two scenes; on the right side it is depicted a woman sitting on a donkey, while a man accompanies them with a beast, presumably a dog. The figures are approaching a bridge. The scene well reminisces the famous biblical scene in Flight to Egypt depicted in the early

Netherlandish paintings, for example the one painted by Joachim Patinir (died. 1524) or Lucas van Gassel (died. 1568-9). ʿAli Quli must have seen some sample of these subject matters, and then he reproduced this hybrid scene.

Later, in 1660-70, ʿAli Quli executed one his superb Europeanized artwork, Summer, from a series of the four seasons dated 1660-70.113 I would like to propose that the main figure, the woman in the foreground at the center, is reproduced after the print of Martha, designed by

Flemish artist Maerten de Vos (1532-1603) and printed by Flemish artist, Karel van Mallery (c.

110 The print at Rijksmuseum (RP-P-OB-5181). I have to note that this analogy was firstly introduced by Anatoli Ivanov in 1962. Anatoli Ivanov (1962): Alʹbom indijskich i persidskich miniatjur XVI-XVIII vv, pp. 55-58. 111 The print is at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-OB-5180). 112 The work is in Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, the Smithsonian Institution (LTS 1995.2.118). 113 The wok is preserved in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (30.95.174.24). 38/93

1595-99) (fig 3-11).114 This print belongs to the series of prints, Icones Illustrum Feminarium

Novi Testamenti, depicting famous women from the New Testament. This image narrates the story of Martha of Bethany based on the Gospel of Luke and John, however this story is not mentioned in the Quran. From this print, ʿAli Quli is inspired by the main figure: Martha’s custom, hairstyle, physiognomy and gesture. These are all very fresh patterns in Persian painting of the time. Meanwhile, he modified the print; in Persian painting the left hand of the figure is quite lower than in the print and she holds the skirt from her hip. What she holds in the right hand is replaced by basket presumably of cucumbers. While in the print the right foot is invisible, the Persian artist adds this to his artwork. ʿAli Quli also manipulated the background innovatively. In the Flemish print, Jesus is sitting in the backdrop. However, the Persian artist replaced this biblical story with a completely secular painting that does not carry any reference to the biblical story, most likely to please the tastes of the Persian and Muslim patron.

In the background, ʿAli Quli turned to a common Netherlandish landscape: The windmill and house with a gable. For these scenes he may have been inspired by Netherlandish prints, for example print Rock landscape with a water mill by Flemish artist Aegidius Sadeler II after

Pieter Stevens (II), c. 1597-1629.115

In 1670s ʿAli Quli copied more European works: A lady with a wineglass (d.1674-75), Two ladies and a page (d. 1674-75), Two shepherds with sheep and goats (c. 1675), Susanna and the Elders (c. 1670-80) and Mary Magdalene (c. 1670s).116

The inscriptions on paintings such as A lady with a wineglass and Two ladies and a page indicate that the works were patronized for a royal patron, while the borders of some paintings,

114 The wok is preserved in the Rijksmuseum with accession number (RP-P-1887-A-11784). To see the inscription of this print look at Christiaan Schuckman (1996), vol 2, p. 118. 115 The print is preserved in the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1969-178). 116 The works are respectfully preserved in Hossein Afshar Collection, St Petersburg Album (E-14, fol. 93r), Aga Khan Museum (AKM78), Private collection, John Rylands Library (Indian Drawings Album No. 6). 39/93 like European Landscape, are neither luxurious nor carry the name of any royal patron. Thus,

Welch has suggested that ʿAli Quli may have produced these works for the local governors or nobles.117

3-1-5: Muhammad Zamān

Muhammad Zamān was the last and the most prominent painter of the Europeanized style in

Safavid. The Europeanized style reached its apex through his career. Similar to many Safavid painters, there are few documents relating to his biography, and our knowledge of him mostly relies on the inscriptions that show up on his and his family’s artworks.118

Muhammad Zamān was the son of Hajī Yusuf Qumī. Based on what we know from the inscriptions, he belonged to an family that bore two generations of artists. His brother,

Muhammad Ibrāhim, was a celebrated calligrapher of the time, with works that include a pen box signed as Muhammad-Ibrahim [ibn] Yusuf Qumi (d. 1681).119 Some scholars, such as

Anatoli Ivanov and Karimzadeh, believe they had another brother named Haji Muhammad.120

Muhammad Zamān had two sons, Muhammad ʿAli and Āqā Yusuf, who followed in their father’s footsteps. Muhammad ʿAli was the royal painter to Safavid Shāh Sultān Huseyn (r.

1694-1722). Of his works there is a painting, Distribution of presents for the New Year (d. 1720-

1), signed as Muhammad ʿAli son of Muhammad Zamān. This is further supported by his signature on a pen box, which reads Muhammad ʿAli son of the late Muhammad Zamān (d.

1700-1).121 Muhammad Zamān had another son, Āqā Yusuf, with whom art historians seem to

117 Welch (1973), p.149. 118 Many scholars have written about Muhammad Zamān and his family life. For a summary of this literature see Landau, Farnagi-sāzī at Isfahan, pp. 60-75. 119 The work is preserved at the State Hermitage Museum with accession nr. VР-17. Also, for more information about his works, see Bayani, The Decorated Word, vol 1, 154. Karimzadeh Tabrizi, Ahvāl va Asār-e Naghāshān, vol 2, 743. 120 Ivanov, “Persidskie miniatiury”, 44-48, Karimzadeh Tabrizi, Ahvāl va Asār-e Naghāshān, vol 2, 742-744. They refer to a signature on the miniature in a copy of the Khamseh-ye Nizāmī preserved at the Morgan Library & Museum. Folio 120v carries the inscription By Haji Muhammad, ibn HajīiYusuf, 1086. 121 The pen box is held at the State Hermitage Museum (VР-126) and the painting is at the British Museum (1920,0917,0.299). Also, there are two other pen boxes in the Nasser Khalili Collection (LAQ373), (LAQ374), 40/93 be less familiar. Our information about him relies on two pen boxes signed as Muhammad Yusuf ibn Muhammad Zamān, and dated 1708-9 and 1719.122

3-1-5-1: Muhammad Zaman and European art

Muhammad Zamān’s vast oeuvre demonstrates his talent in different styles of Persian, Persian-

Indian and European-Persian art.123 Nothing is known about his apprenticeship. However, by the 1670s he had become established as a gifted painter serving in the royal library. Shāh

Suleymān commissioned him to add three miniatures, dated 1675-6, to an extravagant copy of the Khamseh Nizāmi: Bahrām Gur Killing the Dragon (f.203v), Fitna Astonishes Bahrām Gur

(f.213r) and Bahrām Gur and the Indian princess (f.221v).124 In the same year, he added two miniatures to a copy of Shahnama; Salm and Tur order the murder of their brother Iraj (Per

277.16), The simurgh arrives to assist with the birth of Rustam (Per 277.3).125 Zamān, also retouched one miniature The White Div captures and blinds Kay Kavus (Per 277.9). These works testify to his status as an eminent royal painter who stood out among his peers. The paintings embody all his innovations, using a new physiognomy, applying naturalism, executing linear and atmospheric perspective and depicting night scenes. Shortly after these miniatures, he worked on various single pages with European subject matters, such as Venus and Cupid (d. 1676-77) and Elizabeth visiting the Virgin (d. 1678-79).126 Toward the end of his career he still painted a few more European-style artworks, such as Judith with the Severed

Head of Holofernes, dated c. 1680s, The Sacrifice of Ibrahim (d. 1682-83), The Descent of the

which carry the inscription “Painted by the son of Muhammad Zamān, Muhammad ʿAli”. For more information see Lacquer of the Islamic lands, vol 1, 66-67. 122 The pen boxes are preserved at the Rietberg Museum (2017.529) and a private collection. To the best of my knowledge, Karimzadeh Tabrizi is the only researcher who has considered Āqā Yusuf as the son of Muhammad Zamān, Karimzadeh Tabrizi, Ahvāl va Asār-e Naghāshān, vol 2, 725, 745. 123 For a list of the artist’s works see Karimzadeh Tabrizi (1990), Ahvāl va Asār-e Naghāshān, vol 2, 782-813. Also, it is worthwhile to see the concise note in Schmitz, Islamic and Indian manuscripts and paintings in the Pierpont Morgan Library, 49-58. 124 The manuscript is in British Library (Ms. Or. 2265). The book is an exquisite manuscript initially prepared for Shāh Tahmāsp (r.1524-1576). Landau has analysed at length these three miniatures, Landau (2011). 125 The manuscript is in Chester Beatty. This manuscript presumably was commissioned by ʿAbbās I, c. 1590- 1600. 126 The works are in St. Petersburg Album (E-14, fol. 86r) and Fredrik Robert Martin collection, respectively. 41/93

Holy Spirit (d. 1682-83) and The Return from Egypt (d. 1689).127 In his paintings he surpassed his counterparts by rendering the atmospheric and linear perspective. 128 Interestingly, he depicted atmospheric perspective in the Netherlandish manner; three colour layers of grey, green and blue, while the border of colours are distinctively visible.129 Of these works I would like to focus on the two paintings; Elizabeth visiting the Virgin (d. 1678-79) and Judith with the Severed Head of Holofernes, dated c. 1680s.

Elizabeth visiting the Virgin (d. 1678-79) carries two inscriptions at the top and bottom. The top text says, “For his royal highness, the noblest, most pious, exalted, loftiest Majesty”, and the bottom text states, “[The painting] was finished in 1678-79, by the humblest of servants, the son of Hāji Yusuf, Muhammad Zamān”.130

Mary, and Elizabeth’s husband Zechariah, are two figures revered by Muslims, and their story appears in several instances throughout the Quran, most notably in the nineteenth Surah, entitled Maryam (Mary).131 I propose that this particular painting was copied after Visitation (c.

1586-1650) by Cornelis Galle I, (fig 3-12).132 Galle was a famous artist from a well-known family of printers and publishers in Antwerp. He was known for his numerous prints after works by Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640), including this print.133 The Persian artist respected the content of the print, though various discrepancies can be seen in the details: for example, Mary’s bonnet is eliminated, and her right leg is depicted in a crude and unnatural position.

127 The works are respectively preserved in the Nasir Khalili Collections, St. Petersburg Album (E-14, fol. 89r), St. Petersburg Album (E-14, fol. 94r), and Harvard Art Museums (1966.6). 128 Karimzadeh Tabrizi discussed about linear perspective in Zaman’s works: Tabrizi (1990), vol 2, 725, 745. 129 To see the difference between Netherlandish and Italian atmospheric perspective look at Ulrike Kern (2014), Light and Shade in Dutch and Flemish Art. برقم کمترین بندگان ابن حاجی یوسف محمد زمان “ :and the original text is ,”جهت سرکار نواب اشراف اقدس ارفع هم یونی اعل ی“ 130 .”صورت اتمام ی افت سنه 1089 131 A Surah is the term for a chapter of the Quran. The names of Mary and Zechariah appear in other Surah as well, including al-ʻImrān and al-Anbiyāʼ. Moreover, in the Quran, Elizabeth’s name is mentioned only as Zechariah’s wife. 132 The work is held at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-OB-6582). 133 For more information about Galle’s family workshop and its activities, see Karen Bowen (2009): Workshop Practices in Antwerp: The Galles, pp. 123-142. 42/93

Some years after Muhammad Zamān depicted Judith with the Severed Head of Holofernes, dated c. 1680s. The work has a short inscription, “O Lord of Time (Ya Sāhib al-Zamān), just located below Judith’s feet”. The painting refers to the Book of Judith, from the Old Testament.

The painting tells the story of an Assyrian commander, Holofernes, who besieges the Jewish city of Bethulia. A beautiful Jewish widow named Judith leaves the city to save her people. She charms Holofernes to get invited into his tent. There she had the opportunity to behead

Holofernes after he falls asleep drunk. With the help of her servant, Judith then puts the head in a bag and brings it back to her city. Contrary to the subjects of Elizabeth visiting the Virgin, the story of Judith is not represented in Islamic literature. There is, however, a Persian-Turkish translation of the story of Judith which was made c. 1634 in Isfahan, translated from the Torah by Father Gabriel of Paris (c. 1595-1641). 134 I believe the painter and his patron got acquaintance with that. For the visual inspiration of this specific artwork, I suggest a French

Felletin tapestry (fig 3-13). The anonymous tapestry was made in the first half of the seventeenth century in the southwestern French commune of Felletin, which at that time was a hub of European tapestry making.135

The tapestry was designed after a painting dated 1625-26 by Italian artist Guido Reni (1575-

1642), preserved in the Sedlmayer collection. This painting was widely reproduced through several prints and paintings in the seventeenth and eighteenth century in Europe.136 While the

French tapestry maker’s main inspiration was Guido Reni’s painting, he completed the story by adding the servant on the right side holding out a bag for the severed head. Interestingly, the

134 The manuscript is preserved at the National Library of France, Turc 2. The story of Judith is mentioned on folio 103v. Father Gabriel of Paris (ca. 1595-1641) was in Isfahan from 1628-1636. For further reading about him see the note “CAPUCHINS IN PERSIA” available on the Iranica website: goo.gl/fvWRZP. 135 The work is available on the Christie’s website: goo.gl/7e6eh7. To read about the tapestries of Felletin, see Chevalier (1988): Les tapisseries d’Aubusson et de Felletin: 1457-1791. It should also be mentioned that in 1994 Layla Diba wrote: “figural tapestries most specifically from the French Gobelins manufactories, would have presented new models for the Persian painters to adopt”. I agree with Diba and believe a few more Persian paintings were inspired by European figural tapestries. Diba, Lacquerwork of Safavid, 261. 136 Two examples are (1) a print in the British Museum, dated 1650-1750, nr. 1874,0808.658, and (2) a painting by Juan Carreño de Miranda (1614-1685), in the Museo Nacional del Prado, nr. P000226. 43/93 artist has also morphed Holofernes’ arm into a chair leg.137 In addition, the curtain is given a velvety texture, the floor is replaced by outdoor motifs, and a tree is placed in the background.

Muhammad Zamān’s version follows each of these particular additions in the tapestry’s depiction of the scene. He then modifies the backdrop, resets the tree and emphasizes the perspective by making the castle and hills more prominent in the background. Surprisingly, while atmospheric perspective is absent from the tapestry, Muhammad Zamān does employ it in his rendering, which testifies to his knowledge of European landscape painting. Also, Zamān took the liberty of using a different palette, with changes including making Judith’s blonde hair black, and turning the curtain red. But how and when did the Persian court acquire this tapestry?

Based on the present literature, two possible pathways can be conjectured, involving either ambassadors or European trading companies. Multiple European visitors to the Safavid court wrote about the sumptuous presents it received from ambassadors and companies during the

1660s-1680s. For example, in 1666 the delegate of the Dutch East India company, Hubert de

Lairesse, came to the court bearing splendid gifts. 138 In the same vein, in the 1680s an ambassador of the Dutch East India Company, Johan van Leenen, visited Shāh Suleymān to negotiate trade with the company and presented him with magnificent gifts.139 However, none of these texts specifies this particular tapestry.

It is more probable that the tapestry reached Persia via the Mughal court in India. In 1670, the

French East India Company presented a set of six Felletin tapestries depicting stories of famous

137 It was common for tapestries to be made after prints in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, and thus is it possible that the tapestry Judith with the Severed Head of Holofernes was itself copied after a print. To see examples of tapestries which were made after print designs see De Reyniès, Isaac Moillon (1614-1673), 212, 214, 232. 138 Chardin, Voyages de Mr. le Chevalier Chardin, en Perse, et autres lieux de l'Orient, vol 9-10, 127-28. 139 Nicolas Sanson, Voyage, ou relation de l’etat present du royaume de Perse, 158. The text says: “Ils envoyerent il y a auatre ans une celebre Amsbassade pour remedier à ce desordre. Van Leenen leur Amsbassadeur fit au Roy de presens tres magnifiques, pour obtenir quelque diminution sur le prix de Soyes”. 44/93 women from the Old Testament, including the Judith story, to the Mughal Indian court.140

Three years later, the delegate of the French East India company came to Persia via Surat with extravagant gifts for the shāh and his courtiers.141 However, as none of these texts explicitly mentions our specific French tapestry, further documentation must be examined in order to clarify when and how the tapestry reached Persia.

In the following the seventeen studies and their European sources will be discussed. The paintings are executed by aforementioned mentioned Persian royal artist 1590s-1680s.

3-2: Case studies

1- The Annunciation, d. c. 1590 by Sādiqi Beyg.142 This work was reproduced after a Flemish engraving by the Master of the Banderoles dated c. 1450-70 (fig 3-14).143

2- A maiden reclines, d. late 16th century, attributed to Rizā ʿAbbāsi (fig 3-6).144 This painting was executed after the engraving Cleopatra lying (c. 1515-27), by Italian artist Marcantonio

Raimondi.145

3- A sybil, d. 1609-1610, by Sādiqi Beyg (fig 3-5).146 The painting is in Italian-Netherlandish style, however, the original source is still unrecognized.

140 I thank tapestry expert Hillie Smit for bringing this note to my attention. This tapestry was owned by King Louis XIV of France in 1669 and was given to the Mughal court through the French East India Company. Chevalier, Les tapisseries d'Aubusson et de Felletin, 192. De Reyniès, Isaac Moillon (1614-1673), 282. 141 Chardin, Voyages de monsieur le chevalier Chardin, en Perse, et autres lieux de l’Orient, vol 1, 238. In the 1670s, Jean Chardin reported that the delegate of the French East India Company presented significant numbers of extravagant gifts to the shah, including six pieces of silk and gold Savonnerie carpets. However, Savonnerie carpet designs were mostly based on floral motifs and not figurative patterns, meaning it is improbable that the Judith tapestry was part of these gifts. Ibid, vol 1, 264. 142 The Persian miniature is held at the Harvard Art Museums (nr. 1999.289). 143 Gauvin Bailey (1994/1995), “In the Manner of the Frankish Masters: A Safavid Painting and its Flemish Inspiration”, pp: 29-34. 144 The painting is at the Harvard Art Museums (nr.2011.536). 145 The painting is preserved at The Metropolitan Museum of Art (17.50.16.30). 146 The painting is hosted at Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (S2014.21). 45/93

4- Hoopoe dated 1634-35, by Shafi ʿAbbāsi. 147 This work might be reproduced after the

Netherlandish print Two birds in a landscape, designed by Adriaen Collaert (died 1618) (fig 3-

9).148

5- Flower and a Butterfly, d. 1654-5 by Shafi ʿAbbāsi.149 This work may be produced after the

Netherlandish print Different flowers, d. 1635-1660, designed by Adriaen Collaert.150

6- European Landscape, d. 1649 by ʿAli Quli.151 This work was copied after the print Inn and a few houses at a bridge (1580-1629 and/or 1624-c. 1650) by Aegidius Sadeler II.152

7- Summer, from a series of the four seasons, dated c. 1660-70 by ʿAli Quli.153 I would believe that this work was copied from a print of Martha by Flemish artist Karel van Mallery (c. 1595-

99) (fig 3-11).154

8- Elizabeth visiting the Virgin, d. 1678-79 by Muhammad Zamān. 155 I propose that this particular painting was copied after Visitation (c. 1586-1650) by Cornelis Galle I, (fig 3-12).156

9- Venus and Cupid, d. 1676-77 by Muhammad Zamān.157 As Eleanor Sim proposed the work is a copy of Satyr lifting Venus’ veil (c. 1598-1632) by Flemish engraver Raphael Sadeler I, at the British Museum (fig 3-15). 158 Raphael Sadeler (1561-1632) was the uncle of the aforementioned Aegidius Sadeler II.159

147 The folio is in National Library of Russia (Dorn 489, fol.61). 148 The print is preserved at Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1892-A-17430). 149 The work is at Yale University Art Gallery (1937.4769). 150 The print is at Rijksmuseum (RP-P-2012-24-31). .(Acession number (VР-950 .”رقم کمینه علیقلی بن محمد 1059“ 151 152 Piotrovsky & Pritula (2006), p. 133. The print is at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-OB-5181). 153 The painting is preserved at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (30.95.174.24). 154 The print is preserved at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1887-A-11784). 155 The miniatures was formerly part of the collection of Fredrik Robert Martin. 156 The work is held at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-OB-6582). 157 The painting is in the St. Petersburg Album, in the St. Petersburg Album, at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, fol. 86r. To read about this miniature and inscriptions look at Sims (1983): p.76. 158 The print preserved with accession number (1937,0915.403). Sims (1983), 76. 159 For biography and prints of Raphael Sadeler, see Isabelle de Ramaix (2007), Raphael Sadeler I. 46/93

10- The Sacrifice of Ibrahim, d. 1682-83 by Muhammad Zamān.160 Muhammad Zamān copied this particular image after Sacrifice of Abraham by Dutch engraver Egbert van Panderen (c.

1590-1637).161 Van Panderen was a Dutch lesser-known artist of his time.

11- The Return from Egypt, d. 1689 by Muhammad Zamān.162 This painting is made after Flight into Egypt (d. 1620) by Lucas Vorsterman I.163 Vorsterman (1595-1675) was a skilled artist from Antwerp who at the age of twenty two joined the studio of Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640) as an apprentice. Later, in the 1630s he cooperated with another famed artist, Anthony van

Dyck (1599-1641), in the field of print publishing. Flight into Egypt is one of many prints that

Vorsterman did after Rubens.

12- Susanna and the Elders, dated c. 1670-80) by ʿAli Quli.164 The painting has a close affinity with a print by Lucas Vorsterman I, after a design by Peter Paul Rubens (fig 3-16).165

13- Judith with the Severed Head of Holofernes, dated c. 1680s Muhammad Zamān.166 I suggest this work is reproduced after a French Felletin tapestry (fig 3-13).167

14- Triumph of Truth dated the seventeenth century by Muhammad Zamān.168 Although the inscription has been scratched out, it is possible to discern the name of Muhammad Zamān. The

160 The miniature is in The St. Petersburg Album (E 14), fol. 89, the St. Petersburg Album, at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, For detailed views of this image and the album, see “The St. Petersburg Muraqqa: album of Indian and Persian miniatures from the 16th through the 18th century and specimens of Persian calligraphy by ‘Imad al-Hasani”, by Habsburg, Akimushkin, Ivanov, Pétrosyan & Welch (1996). 161 The print is preserved at the Rijksmuseum with accession number (RP-P-1889-A-14342). 162 The work is preserved at the Harvard Art Museums (1966.6). 163 The work is preserved at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-H-N-80). 164 The painting is in a private collection. 165 For a close-up of the inscription, see Schuckman, (1993), p.12. The print preserved at Rijksmuseum with accession number (RP-P-OB-33.003). 166 The painting is at the Nasir Khalili Collections. 167 The work is available on the Christie’s website: goo.gl/7e6eh7. To read about the tapestries of Felletin, see Chevalier (1988): Les tapisseries d’Aubusson et de Felletin: 1457-1791. 168 The painting is part of in the collection of Franz-Josef Vollmer. To read more about the artwork look at Langer (2013), p. 194. The date on the work is essentially illegible, though Sims (1983) in a note has hinted that it might read 1649, an assertion later repeated by Langer. In my opinion, 1649 is an improbable date for two reasons: (1) the features of this work fit Muhammad Zamān’s work in the 1670-80s but not earlier, (2) the date of 1649 does not match up with his biography, as he is believed to have been born in the 1640s and his earliest works date from the 1660s. 47/93 painting is copied from Power of Truth (d. 1595-96) by Dutch artist Zacharias Dolendo (figure

3-17).169 Zacharias Dolendo (1561-1601) was a Dutch engraver who trained and worked in the workshops of Jacques de Gheyn II (c. 1565-1629).

15- Madonna and child dated the early seventeenth century by ʿAli Quli.170 As Milo Beach has suggested this work was copied after Holy Family in Egypt (d. 1581) by Johan Sadeler I.171

Sadeler made this print after Maerten de Vos (1532-1603) and there are two more such prints after De Vos, Holy Family in Egypt (d. 1590) by Pieter Jalhea Furnius (1545-1610), and Stay in Egypt (d. 1581-1633) attributed to Theodoor Galle (1571-1633).172 These three prints differ in some of their details: Galle’s print omits two figures in the background and the cat on the floor; likewise, the angel on the left side of the Madonna is portrayed as a man, and the

Madonna, child and man each have a halo. It is difficult to determine which of the foregoing

Flemish prints ʿAli Quli used. He depicted the Madonna and child in a basket, while eliminating the angels and figures in the background. In the foreground, he portrayed a servant (or angel) in the European-Indian style, which he placed on the left side of the Madonna. ʿAli Quli illustrated a halo on the Madonna and child like in Galle’s work, while including the cat on the floor similar to the Sadeler and Furnius’s work.

16- Mary Magdalene, c. 1675, by ʿAli Quli. 173 As Axel Langer suggested the figure is reproduced after an engraving, Mary Magdalene, by the German artist Melchior Küsel (1626-

1684), d. 1646-83, interestingly in reverse form (fig 3-19).174 Mary Magdalene was the exalted

169 The print is at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1904-3467). 170 The painting is part of a folio from the Muraqqa’ Gulshan, preserved at Golestan Palace of Tehran. This particular folio has three other painting: at top-left is a copy of another European work, at top-right is ‘Ali Quli’s work, and at the bottom is a European-Indian painting. 171 Milo Cleveland Beach (1965), “The Gulshan Album and Its European Sources”, p. 80. 172 The works are preserved at the Rijksmuseum with accession number (RP-P-1979-19), (RP-P-2014-66-1) and (RP-P-1904-480). 173 The work is preserved under inventory number Indian Drawings Album No. 6. 174 The work is hosted in The Herzog August Library (MKusel AB3.7). 48/93 figure whose name was mentioned twelve times in the canonical gospels. However, her story does not appear in the Quran.

17- European Lady with Wine Glass d. 1674, by ʿAli Quli.175 As Langer suggested this work is inspired by print, Autumn, from series of the four seasons, d. 1621- 1669, produced by German print maker Peter Aubry the younger (b. 1596).176

The seventeen Persian paintings, have been presented alongside the original works. In copying, the painters did not simply imitate the work, they adjusted the composition innovatively and altered the background with the new setting. The result of the study and the origins of the artworks can be summarized as follow:

Table 1: Subject matters of the artworks

Biblical Mythical/allegorical Landscape Flora/still life Others

7 5 1 2 2

Table 2: The type of the European artworks

Print Engraving Others

13 3 1

Table 3: The origin of the artworks

Netherlandish French Italian German unclear

12 1 1 2 1

175 The work is part of the Collection of Hossein Afshar. Langer (2013), p. 204-5. 176 The engraving is preserved at The Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum (JM Moscherosch AB 3.3) 49/93

The tables show that the European prints significantly were available for the Persian artists. Of those the Netherlandish prints outnumbered. With the exception of one print that was executed by a lesser-known printer, Egbert van Panderen, prints were done either by a well-known printmaker or in a well-known print workshop in Netherlands.

Here the seventeen case studies were discussed, and I believe these works well present the

Europeanized painting of the Safavid period. Of those I had the opportunity to study the underdrawings of the four of the mentioned paintings, for the very first time through the Infrared

Reflectography (IR) images; European Landscape (d. 1649)177, Martha (d. 1660-70)178 and

Mary Magdalene (c. 1670s)179 and The Return from Egypt (d. 1620)180. These images give new insight to scholars on the method and skill of ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zaman.

A comparison of the final works and underdrawings show minor corrections in final paintings.181 In Martha, the corrections occurred in the watermill on the left side of the viewer,

(2) the hand of the European woman, and (3) the farmer (fig 3-20). In Mary Magdalene, the folds of the curtain and the right hand were modified (fig 3-21). According to the IR image,

ʿAli Quli changed his mind about the form of the light beam in the backdrop. While in the underdrawing the artist considered two beams that converge at the back of the head of figure, in the final version he depicted one wide beam.

The underdrawings on European Landscape and The Return from Egypt show very minor modifications. These observations testify to the virtuosity of ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zaman,

177 The Infrared Reflectogram was shot by Osiris Camera with the lens of 200mm. I wish to show my gratitude to Adel Adamova and Sergey Khavrin who arranged and performed this test for me in 2019. 178 The Infrared Reflectogram was shot a Sensors Unlimited Inc. SU320M-1.7RT Indium Gallium Arsenide (InGaAs) system digital Minicamera using a Nikkor f.2.8 55mm Micro AIS lens. I greatly appreciate Yana van Dyke who performed this test in 2019 for me. 179 The camera was a Phase One IQ 260 Achromatic camera equipped with 120mm or 80mm Schneider lenses. I do thank Gwen Riley Jones and Tony Richards who provided me with this image in 2019. 180 The camera was Video Spectral Comparator 8000. I do thank Penley Knipe and Rachel Parikh for executing this test. 181 This evidence is compatible with the report of The Straus Center for Conservation and Technical Studies, at the Harvard Art Museums in 2018, when they studied the underdrawings of a group of Persian miniatures at their collection. Look at Knipe&Eremin&Walton&Babini& Rayner (2018), p. 17. 50/93 as they must have practiced significantly beforehand and at the moment of executing the final version, they needed only minor corrections (fig 3-22, 3-23).

3-3: Patron of the Europeanized art

One may ask who was the patron of these Europeanized paintings? What made these paintings desirable during 1640s-1680s? Almost all pieces by Muhammad Zamān carry an exquisite border and inscriptions on miniatures and the patrons are mention with some adjective and formal terms, although without the exact name are not pointed out. For example in Elizabeth visiting the Virgin, the inscription says “For his royal highness, the noblest, most pious, exalted, loftiest Majesty”.182 In The Sacrifice of Ibrahim the inscription states: “God! For the most noble, most pious, most exalted Governor General and ruler whose retinue includes heaven”.183 This terms signify the works were sponsored by the shāh or nobles such as Fath-

ʿAli Khān Daghistānī, the Grand Vizier. The inscription on The Annunciation by Sādiqi Beyg says the work was done for one of the known man of the time, the royal textile waver, Khawje

Ghiyāth Naqshband (born c. 1530).184 On the other hand the rest of our case studies mainly do not have the name of the patron, nor the exquisite border. Therefore, one can conjecture that these works were produced for a non-royal patron or for the market. A known story about the royal painter Sādiqi Beyg, proves he sent his works for selling to India, although the customer is unknown.185 Also, Anthony Welch assumed that during the eminent painter Rezā ʿAbbāsi left the royal library and work in the market from 1605 to 1615.186 Shafi ʿAbbāsi’s works mainly carry the exquisite inscription that means he commissioned by the shāh. Nevertheless,

.”جهت سرکار نواب اشراف اقدس ارفع هم یون ی اعلی“ :The original text says 182 .”جهت سرکار نواب کامیاب سپهر رکاب اشراف اقدس ارفع همیونی اعلی“ :The original text is 183 184 To read about Ghiyāth al-Din Naqshband look at: Robert Skelton (2000), “Ghiyash al-Din Ali-yi Naqshband and and Episode in the Life of Sadiqi Beg”, pp: 249-263. 185 Nasr Ābādi Esfahāni (1938), pp.39-41. 186 Welch (1974), p.481, p.485. 51/93 some works by ʿAli Quli do not have any inscription such as European Landscape, that means he may have painted for a non-royal patron or for the market.

Based on these information we can surmise about the taste and the cultural-religious background of the patron. As the table one shows, the subject matter of the seventeen case studies were varied from biblical stories, mythical and allegorical scenes and landscape and still life. The biblical stories were the most popular, while I assume the patrons of the works were Muslim. The painters depicted topics such as the life of Mary, Christ and Abraham that were the popular Quranic stories. The scene of Sacrifice of Abraham frequently have been depicted in religious and general historic books, such as Majma al-Tavarikh in the fifteenth century.187 Similarly, Mary and Christ had been depicted for instance in Bahram Mirza Album in the sixteenth century (fig 3-3).188 Therefore, ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān represented the familiar subject matter, while they applied the new pictorial expression for depiction (fig 3-

24). 189 However, the biblical story of Martha, which does not mention in Quran, was neutralized. This alteration implies that the biblical story was not a major concern for patron and he may be interested only in the European female figure. We can look at this woman alongside other Persian paintings which depicted European women such as Susanna and the

Elders (c.1670-80) and Venus and Cupid (d. 1676-77). In these paintings painters took the main figures and represented them in a new mise en scène.

187 A sample is a miniature Sacrifice of Ismāʿīl dated c. 1425 in Walters Art Museum (fol. W.676Aa) in Majma’ al-Tavārikh by Hafiz Abru (d. 1430). To see more samples of depiction of The Sacrifice of Abraham (or To read about depiction of Sacrifice of Ismāʿīl look at Gutmann (2001): The Sacrifice of Abraham in Timurid Art. 188 The painting Virgin and child, date before 1563, preserved in Istanbul university library, (F.14 22,fol.17b). 189 Landau correlated the meaning and function of biblical paintings of Muhammad Zamān with belief of a theologian Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (1627-1698). Nevertheless, Landau did present any document proving Muhammad Zamān was in contact or affiliated with theology of Muhammad Bāqir Majlisi or his circle. Neither do we have any clue to discover the intention of the patron/painter as it was claimed. Landau (2014), p.74-75. 52/93

Langer, Landau and Habibi explained turning the seventeenth century depiction of reclining nude and seminude women became popular in Persian painting.190 Rizā ʿAbbāsi was a pioneer who painted A maiden reclines (d. late 16th century) and Reclining nude (c.1590) under inspiration of the European prints.191 It remained as favored theme and depicted in mural of

Chihil Sutun.192 In 1670s-80s subject matters of nude and seminude women were part of the

Persian patrons’ taste. Nonetheless, Muhammad Zamān and ʿAli Quli Jabbādār formulated a fresh convention for depiction of the nude woman via these Netherlandish prints. This model was used in decoration of Persian books later. For example the pose of Sussana in Sussana and the Elders c.1670-80 inspired the artist in the miniature Khusraw discovers Shirin bathing, d.

1675-76 in a copy of Khamseh of Nizāmi.193

Studying the European artworks

These days, almost all scholars of Persian art agree with that none of the mentioned Persian royal painters travelled to Europe nor India to study the European art.194 Rather, as scholars such as Landau, Langer and Diba pertained their experiences to the international milieu in which Persian painters worked in, and the foreign artworks that were available in Isfahan.195

Turning of the seventeenth century Isfahan became a truly cosmopolitan capital. The notes of the foreigners in this time prove the existence of the Western artworks in the capital and specifically in the royal library. The Italian traveler, Pietro Della Valle (1586-1652) who visited

Isfahan in 1617, reported that in the main Bazaar of the city “one could easily buy the Italian

190 Langer (2013), pp. 180-195, Habibi (2018), pp. 127-130. Landau (2013). Also it is worth to read about depiction of Europeans including the reclining and nude women in Persian painting during 1590s-1650s look at Babaei (2009), specifically pp. 117-119, pp. 124-125. 191 The works are at the Harvard Art Museums (nr.2011.536) and in Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution of art (nr.F1954.24). 192 In Chihil Sutun there is the picture a seminude women who is sitting beside a fountain. 193 The work is preserved in The Morgan Library (M.469, fol.90). 194 Specifically for many years the case of Muhammad Zaman was the focal point of many scholars. To read about him look at Ivanov, “Persidskie miniatiury”, 44-48. For the English translation of his opinion published in 1979, see Ivanov, “The Life of Muḥammed Zamān: A Reconsideration”, 65-70. 195 Landau (2009), pp: 184-198, Diba (1994), pp: 258-275, Langer (2013), pp: 170-237. 53/93 paintings”.196 Also, several paintings were presented to the court by European envoys, such as a painting of the Queen of France and the Daughter of Spain that were presented by the ambassador of Spain in 1618.197 Moreover, in 1637, Adam Olearius (1599-1671) reported that three European historic paintings were decorated the state administration office (Divan

Khaneh).198 In 1638, The portrait of the Queen of England and her children, presented to the

Persian court by the delegate of Charles I (r. 1625-1649).199 In the 1670s, French traveller Jean

Chardin (1643-1713) visited the court storehouse, reporting with fascination:

“… the finest works and the richest materials of the Universe, brought from

Germany, Italy, China and all the places where the most beautiful works of

this kind are made: Spheres, Globes, Glasses, Paintings, which are presents

of Kings of Europe or European Companies”. 200

In 1703, the Dutch painter Cornelis de Bruijn (1652-1726/1727) who was in Persia reported that a few Netherlandish watercolor books were accessible in the royal library.201 These few samples prove that Persian painters that the a wide range of European artworks were accessible to the Persian artists to study and practice.

Moreover, the Indian-European miniatures must be available to Persian painters. Prior to

Persian painters, the Mughal artists practiced through European and specifically the

Netherlandish prints in the court of Akbar (r.1556-1605) and extensively in court of Jahangir

(r.1605-1627). Examination of those paintings reveals that the Indian artists took up the subject,

196 “Le pitture, che eran quasi tutte ritratti di principi, di quei che si vendono in piazza Navona uno scudo l'uno, ma qui dieci zencchini l'uno almeno”, Pietro Della Valle (1843), vol 2, p. 26. 197 García de Silva y Figueroa (1667), L'ambassade de D. Garcias de Silva Figueroa en Perse, pp:231-2. 198 Adam Olearius (2006), Travelogue of Adam Olearius: Iran in the Safavids time through a German visitor, p.193 199 Ronald Ferrier (1970), “Charles I and the Antiquities of Persia: The Mission of Nicholas Wilford”, p. 54-55. 200 Chardin (1711), vol 3, 51. Jean Chardin reports several times about the extravagant gifts of European Indian companies to the court. 201 De Bruijn (1711), p 173. 54/93 adjusted the composition and replaced the background with a new vistas.202 Therefore Persian painters must be aware of their Indian counterparts’ experiences and used that.203

In 2009, Amy Landau suggested that Persian painters, in particular Muhammad Zamān and ʿAli

Quli may learn the European art technique via Armenian painters in New Julfa. I would think that her opinion is implausible. Undoubtedly Persian royal artists were acquaintance with the

Armenian painters in New Julfa and could cooperate occasionally with them, however, there is no document indicating the Armenian painters were actively commuted to the royal library or any of them carried out the training task there. Also, as it was shown the Persian painters studied the European prints, while to the best of my knowledge, there is no evidence proving the

Armenian painters followed the similar artistic route in Isfahan.204 Alternatively, the other source suggest that Persian painters may meet eleven Netherlandish painters who sojourned

Persia during 1610s-1700s. The next chapter is dedicated to their travel and in chapter five the possible connection between Netherlandish painters and the Persian artists will be argues.

202 A few examples of Indian works copied after the Netherlandish prints are; The Holy Family with the Infant Christ, St. John the Baptist and Three Angels, by Abul-Hasan, d. 1600-1605 in British Museum (no. 2006,0422,0.1), Roman Hero, attributed to Keshav Das, dated 1590-95 at Rijksmuseum (RP-T-1993-33). To read about compositional analysis of the Mughal miniatures after the Netherlandish prints look at Rice (2018): The Global Aspirations of the Mughal Album, pp. 62-68. Moreover, for further study about the correspondence between the Indian art and Netherlandish prints look at Koch (2000): Netherlandish Naturalism in Imperial Mughal Painting. 203 To read about Mughal painting after the European prints look at Rice (2009): The Brush and the Burin: Mogul Encounters with European Engravings, Rice (2017): Lines of Perception: European Prints and the Mughal Kitābkhāna. 204 Landau (2009), pp. 207-209, also pp. 214-218. 55/93

Chapter Four

The age of discovery: Netherlandish painters in Persia

n 1600, the first contact between the Netherlandish painter and Persians occurred. As it was mentioned in chapter two, turning the sixteenth century, coalition of anti-Ottoman became a mutual interest between Persians and Europeans. Therefore, in 1599, Shāh ʿAbbās I, dispatched a group for negotiation to the European Courts. The group visited the court of Rudolf II (r.1576-

1612), while his court was the art hub of Europe.205 There Persian envoys had opportunity to meet Rudolf’s artists, and they invited a Dutch painter, Cornelis Claez. Heda (c.1566- 1622), to join the service of Shāh ʿAbbās I. In 1605, Heda left Prague to Isfahan with the Persian group.

However, due to some unexpected troubles he could not reach Persia, instead he ended up in

India, in the court of Ibrahim Adil Shāh II (r.1580-1627).206

A while after in 1617 Jan Luicassen Hasselt, stepped in Isfahan and after a while he joined the service of Shāh Abbās I (r.1588-1629). His service for the king of Persia was momentous as he was not the first European and Christian painters who joined the royal library, that was the art hub of the country. After him ten more Netherlandish painters stepped in Persia, The names

205 To read about this mission look at Iranica: AUSTRIA i. Relations with Persia. 206 Later, on 15 May 1610, Cornelis Claez. Heda wrote a letter to VOC and explained what happened to him on this trip. To see the letter look at Adriaan van der Willigen Pzn (1870) Les artistes de Harlem: notices historiques avec un précis sur la Gilde de St. Luc, Supplement B. 56/93 and the time of their residency in Persia are as follow; Joost Lampen (c.1630), Barend van

Sichem (1635-1639), Hendrick Boudewijn van Lockhorst (1643-1647), Philips Angel (c.1650-

55), Romaijn (c.1655), Jan de Hart (c.1657), Adriaen Gouda (1660-61) Michiel Sweerts

(1660s), Hofstede van Essen (1693) and Cornelis de Bruijn (1703-1705). This chapter aims to reconstruct their career in Persia meanwhile some documents and attributable artworks to them will be presented.

4-1: Sources: VOC archive

Our knowledge about the Netherlandish painters in Persia are indebted to the archive of The

United East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, henceforth VOC). This company was the most important Dutch trade company established in 1602. The success of this company related to their intercontinental marine trade. In fact Netherlands was the country that was surrounded by the water and the ship industry had been developed in the sixteenth century.

Therefore, Dutch fleets proceeded to the seas around the world seeking the trade profit overwhelmingly. In these expeditions, the west Asia was one of the main destinations where transaction of spices, sugar, valuable stones, mineral stones and silk were so profitable. The

VOC sent her agents to Isfahan in 1623. After the negotiation with Shāh ʿAbbās I, they stablished their trade activities and in a short term the company could overtake her European rivals.207 VOC turned out to be a premier partner of Persia up to the fall of the Safavid in 1722 and yet after that till 1759.

The VOC used different strategies to enhance her profit in the trade. Art of the painting was a suitable option as in the seventeenth century the Golden Age of Dutch painting was going on.

VOC had the policy of building a good contact with the Netherlandish painters who were in the

East, also, the company herself, dispatched a few painters in company to work as a merchant-

207 To see the history of this company in Persia look at Iranica: Dutch-Persian Relations. 57/93 cum-painters. Therefore, the VOC archives is an invaluable source to study about Netherlandish painters in the east. Relying on these archives two researchers Pieter Arend Leupe (1873) and

Jeanne De Loos-Haaxman (1941) reconstructed the career of these artists in Persia.208 Later, in

1979 Willem Floor published a comprehensive paper about them.209 Recently Gary Schwartz investigated the artistic relation between Persia and the Netherlands in which he discussed these painters.210 I considered all these literatures in particularly Floor’s text, meanwhile, I refers to original documents and sources. Of Dutch documents, Hedrick Dunlop’s book, VOC archive and the data of ECARTICO were widely used.211

4-2: Sojourn of the painters

4-2-1: Jan Luicassen Hasselt (died after 1653)

In February 1617 Jan Luicassen Hasselt, stepped in Isfahan while he accompanied a noble

Italian man, Pietro Della Valle (1586-1652). A time between 1618-1621 Hasselt joined the service of Shāh Abbās I (r.1588-1629). His service for the shāh of Persia was unprecedented as he was not the first European and Christian painters who joined the royal library. Despite of

Hasselt’s long service in Persia our knowledge about his career is scant and laden with unclear and inaccurate information.

Nothing is known about Hasselt’s early education, and his name did not mentioned in any biography books of the Netherlandish painters that were composed since sixteenth century afterwards. However, during 1615-23 he was frequently mentioned in archives of VOC as a young man, therefore he must been born in 1590s. In two letters he introduced himself as Jan

208 Pieter Arend Leupe (1873), “Nederlandsche Schilders in Persie en Hindostan in de eerste Helft der 17e Eeuw”, pp: 260-266, Jeanne De Loos-Haaxman (1941), De landsverzameling schilderijen in Batavia: landvoogdsportretten en compagnieschilders. 209 Willem Floor (1978), “Dutch painters in Persia during the First Half of the 17th Century”, pp:145-161. 210 Gary Schwartz (2013), “Between court and Company: Dutch artists in Persia”, pp: 153-167, Schwartz (2015), “Terms of Reception: Europeans and Persians and Each Other's Art”, pp: 25-63. 211 Hendrik Dunlop (1930), Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der Oostindische compagnie in Perzië. ECARTICO is a data platform that is based in University of Amsterdam. 58/93

Luicassen Hasselt, meanwhile in other texts his name was appeared with different spellings such as Jan van Hassel, Jan Lucasz. van Hasselt, Johan van Hasselt, Giovanni Luycasz Hasselt and Sieur Johany.

The first known documents about him refers to 1610s when he served as the painter for an

Italian traveler, Pietro Della Valle (1586-1652). Della Valle was an adventurous Venetian noble who traveled to the East during 1614-1626. Through his trip from Venice to Constantinople in the mid-1614, he met a young Flemish painter and on August 1615 wrote:

“… with the occasion of being here in home of ambassador, a young Flemish

painter who came to the fore in Venetia in the same ship in which I came and,

as a friend of mine, I also want and hope to take it with me when I leave here

for all the travels I will do, just to make him paint many curious things that I

will find in different countries while still in this city we hold on and he is often

with me, I’ve made him several curious portrait of natural, canvas oil, in

great shape”.212

The painter accompanied Della Valle for the rest of the trip to the East including Persia.

Although Della Valle mostly addressed him as a Flemish painter, once in 1616 called him

“Giovanni, my painter, though Flemish”, Giovanni is a Latin form of John or Jan.213 In 1970s

Carswell and Floor identified Giovanni with our discussed Jan van Hasselt and there are two points to accept their opinion assuredly:214

o Based on a unique document in December 1617 Della Valle paid the salary to the Flemish painter Giovani Lucassen Hasselt in Isfahan.215

212 Della Valle, (1844), vol1, p.143. 213 “Giovanni, il mio pittore, pur Fiammingo”. Ibid, p. 156. 214 Carswell (1972), p. 77-78. Although the text shed light on Hasselt’s career, it contained some inaccuracies. 215 Venditti (2009), p. 103. 59/93

o In book Delle conditioni di Abbas Re di Persia, Della Valle explicitly wrote that his Flemish painter joined to service of Shāh ‘Abbās.216

4-2-1: Travel to Persia

Della Valle noted in his diary that the great fame of Shāh ʿAbbās and the strong wish of finding an alliance against the Ottoman Empire urged him to travel to Persia.217 In February 1617, he arrived in Isfahan, the capital of the time. While Della Valle passionately awaited to meet Shāh

ʿAbbās I, he was informed that shāh is in north west, engaged in a campaign against Georgians.

In absence of the shāh, Della Valle got the time to explore the capital. When he visited the wall- paintings and decorations in royal palaces he wrote: “I am afraid when Shāh sees the works of my painter, he may decide to keep him”.218

Presumably, the painter left his Italian patron at the end of 1617, although it is not clear when and why exactly it happened. Based on a striking signed note in 4th December, Della Valle asked a Carmelites Father, Father Giovanni Taddeo di Sant’Eliseo in Isfahan to “pay Mister

Giovanni Lucassen Hasselt Flemish painter, 107 Persian Ori (gold) as salary and received him receipt”.219 At the bottom part of this page, the painter confirms receiving this money as salary

(fig 4-1). 220 Shortly after the date of this letter, in 18th December 1617, Della Valle expresses his satisfaction of getting rid of his painter and this time is before his first meeting with the shāh.221

216 “Un pittor Fiammingo, ch'io conduceua meco, cioche mi dipingesse qualche curiosità d'miei viaggi, se ben'era giouane ancora, e srà i nostri de' principianti, con tutto ciò, perche tra' Persiani era unico nel disegno, lo uolse il Rè al suo servitio; e lo trattenne con prouisione di mille….”, Della Valle, (1628), p. 42. 217 Della Valle (1844), vol 1, p. 516-517. 218 Della Valle (1844), vol 1, p. 461. 219 The letter is preserved in Vatican Archive with nr. Arch. Della Valle - Del Bufalo 37, ff. 90r. The text is: … 220 The text is: “Ho Johan Lucassen Hasselt confessato di aver ricevuto dell signor Pietro Della Valle per pagamento di mio stipendio. 107 ori di Persia sento e setto e per la uerita l ho sotto scritto del mio nome. Johan Lucassen Hasselt ”. 221 “..alcuna appresso di me; non solo d’Italia, ma ne anche di Europa. Due soli mi erano restati, uno veneziano ehe persi in Aleppo, ed il pittor fiammingo; e di questi due ancora per buoni portamenti che mi han fatti sono stato costretto a liberarmene, com ultimamente mene son liberato…”. Ibid, p.540. 60/93

4-2-1-1: Hasselt in the royal library

Della Valle meets Shāh ʿAbbās I in 1618 in Farah ʿAbbād, the royal residency in north of Persia, without Hasselt, and it is still vague when and how the painter first met Shāh ʿAbbās. However, in 1621 the painter was in the royal library when a Carmelites' father wrote:

“At this audience there was present a Flemish painter, whom the king was

keeping in order to make use of him”.222

The presence of Hasselt in the court is the first decisive inclination of Persian court for European painting. A question may raise up why this tendency did not appear earlier especially in the time of Shāh Tahmāsp (r.1524-1576), grandfather of ʿAbbās I, who was the eminent art enthusiast of Safavid period and he commissioned the most exquisite paintings in his workshop?

Rudi Matthee pointed out a cultural obstacle in contact with Europeans people in Persian court before Shāh ʿAbbās I.223 Based on the Shi’i notion, the dominant branch of the Islam supported by Safavid dynasty, non-Muslims were deemed unclean (Najes), thus Muslim refrained from contacting Europeans. Based on the historic documents Shāh Tahmāsp was a great art devotee, nevertheless, very strict in religious. A British traveler, Anthony Jenkinson (died 1610-11), noted that Shāh Tahmāsp, avoided physical contact with him and other Christian men.224 Shāh’s successors followed his footstep till the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās I, who launched a tolerant policy toward Christians.225 Later on, in time of Shāh ʿAbbās I, Paul Simon, a Carmelite missionary in 1608 wrote:

222 Chick (2012), A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia and the Papal Mission of the XVIIth and XVIIIth Centuries, vol 1, p. 254. 223 Matthee (1998), 228. 224 Ibid, p. 227. 225 Shāh ʿAbbās I, launched the unprecedent easing policies of with abroad, because of the coalition with Europe in anti-Ottoman warfare, and expansion of the international trade between East-West. To read more look at Rudolph Matthee (1999): The politics of trade in Safavid Persia: silk for silver, 1600-1730. 61/93

“Nowadays, because the Shāh (ʿAbbās) shows great regard for Christians,

passes his time with them and sets them at his table, they [Persians] have

abandoned all this [behaviors] and act towards them as they do towards their

own people; only in some distant districts and among the common folk is it

still kept up”. 226

In this new tolerant backdrop Hasselt entered the royal library and Della Valle informed us that

Hasselt received “annual salary of 1000 zecchini (circa 3,840 guilders) and some other favors”.227

Later, Thomas Herbert, the delegate of England’s king in Persia in 1626-29 wrote briefly about

Hasselt, though in two versions of the book that published in 1634 and 1677 his notes are slightly different. In 1634’s version he writes: “a Dutch painter (who served the king of Persia twenty years… John the Flemming”.228 In the 1677, he modified his note as: “one John a

Dutchman (rather a Jew) a painter”.229

A series of notes in the mid of the 1620s signify Hasselt’s status increasingly elevates in the court of Shāh ʿAbbās. In 1623 the agents of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) visited the court of Shāh ʿAbbās to negotiate for stabilizing the office of the company in Persia. As Hasselt wrote later, the delegates of VOC came without any recommendation from the Netherlands that made the shāh surprised. Hasselt used his sway in favor of his countrymen to receive a free lodge and respect from Shāh for the companies’ agents.230 With help of Hasselt, in January

226 Chick (2012), p. 157. 227 Zecchini or Sequin was a gold Venetian coin. “Lo [Shāh ʿAbbās I] trattenne con prouisione di mille zecchini l'anno, e d'altri donatiui”. Della Valle (1628), p. 42. The equation zecchini-guilders is taken from Schwartz (2013), p. 160. 228 Herbert, (1634), p.125 229 Herbert (1677), p. 213. Also somewhere he wrote: “One John a Dutch-man (who had long served the king)”, p.175. In both versions Herbert’s note pertained to 1628 when a noblemen Sir Robert Shirley (1581-1628) died and Herbert claimed that Hasselt with Muhammad ʿAli Beyg (Mamet-Alley-beg) plotted to take the properties of this man from his widow. 230Dunlop (1930), p: 722-3, the letter is written in 1630 by Hasselt. To see the English translation of this part of the text look at Schwartz (2014), p. 31. 62/93

1623 Huybert Visnich, the head agent of VOC, accomplished to sign an advantageous contract with Shāh ʿAbbās for the company. 231

VOC’s correspondences between Isfahan and Amsterdam indicates the company is very delighted to have Hasselt’s help in the court:

“We have understood from your letter of January 18, 1624 that you have

been greatly assisted by a master painter, who has much credit with Shāh, to

get an audience with the Shāh and in getting permission to trade there.

Therefore, this master painter should not be offended on any occasion”.232

During these years Hasselt worked as a go-between man between the court and the company.

For example in January 1624 VOC’s annual report shows that Jan Lucassen Hasselt received the money for selling silk to the company, and we know that trade of silk was exclusively belonged to shāh.233 Again another note on March shows that Jan Luicassen Hasselt, the painter of king, dealt silk with VOC in Farah Ābbād.234

By stabilizing trade of the company the position of Hasselt was promoted in the court. In

February 1625, the director of VOC in Persia wrote about him respectfully “..a young man of good name and repute, very favored by His Majesty, named Jan Luyckassen Hasselt”.235

In this year Shāh ʿAbbās decided to expand his relation with Dutch via exchange of ambassadors between two countries. Presumably besides the trade benefit, Shāh considered

Dutch as a powerful ally to fight against Portuguese in south and put the pressure on Ottoman

231 To see the description of this contract look at Dunlop (1930), 677-679. 232Ibid, p.126. In Dunlop’s book there are two letters dated 18th January 1624 to Suratte and Batavia, but the content of none of them mentioned Hasselt, thus I assume there is another letter with this date that has not been recognized so far. 233 Dunlop (1930), p. 76. 234 Ibid, p. 81-82. 235 Dunlop (1930), p. 144. 63/93

Empire on the north. 236 Therefore a group of Persians including an ambassador, a few merchants and Hasselt were dispatched to the Netherlands. There are some letters and notes from this trip in Dutch and Persian.237 In 22 April 1625, Pieter van den Broecke (1585-1640), the prominent merchant of VOC in Surrat reported that these groups are on their way with ship

Dordrecht to the Netherlands. Van den Broecke introduced Hasselt as Johanni Lucassen Hassel, the servant of king of Persia and the second person in the group. He recommended the company to treat him with grace in the Netherlands.238

The Persian group arrived in the Hague in February 1626 but the mission was not successful and carried out with a serious strife among members. A significant problem happened over translation of the letter of Shāh ʿAbbās. Apparently after reading the first translation of the letter, Hasselt requested to see the original letter and insisted on re-translating it himself. The member of Bewindhebbers (local Directors of VOC) agreed with his request, nevertheless, later they stated that the second translation did not add any further information.239 The problem did not confine to Shāh’s letter and in three different letters the ambassador, Musā Beyg, wrote desperately that he neither knows Dutch nor is he sure whether what he said and meant has been translated properly (fig 4-2).240 In August 1626 Bewindhebbers in Amsterdam wrote:

“The Ambassador did not agree with Mr. Jan Luycaszs. Hasselt, also with the

merchant Ussain Begh [Husseyn Beyg], and the two last also have different

idea, and we have wished otherwise. It is against what all we wished”.241

236 A letter by Musā Beyg explicitly asked the Dutch government to help Persia to fight against Portuguese in Muscat and Lar. To see the letters look at Bayani (1971), I, p. 112-113. 237 The documents of this mission were transcribed by Hendrik Dunlop in Dutch and by Khan Baba Bayani in Persian. Dunlop, pp, 687-720, Bayani (1971), I. 238 Dunlop, p. 157. Meanwhile Van den Broecke pointed out that Hasselt is indebted to him sum of the money and in Amsterdam he should be asked to pay it to the Bewindhebbers. 239 Ibid, p.691-2. 240 Bayani (1971), I, p. 114-115. 241 Dunlop (1930), p. 201. 64/93

Among all notes of this mission a letter dated 12 September 1626 by a merchant Muhammad

Taqi is noteworthy, as it is one of a few cases that Hasselt’s name is mentioned by a Persian in the Safavids period. In this note Hasselt was mentioned as sieur Johanny, Jan van Haffes and

Jan van Hassel.242 Muhammad Taqi explained that Hasselt asked him to label some parcels on cargo from Amsterdam under his name, and although Muhammad Taqi was reluctant he did so for Hasselt.

Hasselt did not get along well with group and in 21 of September he informs the State-General

(the body of delegates representing the United Provinces of the Netherlands) about his decision to leave the group upon getting the response from them about Shāh’s letter. Shortly after, in 26 of September, the State-General handed over their response and the content conveys three points: (1) contrary to the request of Persia, the State-General will not confine their trade with

Turks (2) the Netherlands will send an ambassador to Persia and (3) the Dutch put pressure on

Portuguese via Dutch military that are settling between India and Persian Gulf. 243

The Persian envoys remained in the Netherlands and kept negotiating with the State-General, while Hasselt left to Persia in order to meet the shāh and “complain about the unhappiness and the inconsistent procedures of Musā Beyg”.244

In 1627-28 Hasselt was in the apex of his fame and luck in Isfahan. Visnich’s diary in 1628 indicates that Pieter de Carpentier (1586-1659), the eminent Governor-General of VOC, appreciated Hasselt overwhelmingly and said that the company has to give Hasselt favor as much as possible.245 Again in 1628 shāh decided to send Hasselt to Europe for negotiation. This time with the destination is Netherlands and France. In November 1628, Visnich mentioned

242 Ibid, p. 705. The letter is in Dutch that is published by Dunlop. 243 Ibid, p.707. To see the Persian translation of the letters look at Bayani (1971), I, p. 115-116. It should be noted that Bayani made the mistake about the date of the letter. 244 Ibid, p.724. The letter is written by Hasselt in 1630. 245 Ibid, p. 233, “Wy recommanderen UL. den persoen van Jan Lucassen van Hasselt die van de E. Heer Generael Carpentier op 't hoochste is geert. Sult hem soo veel faveur doen, als sonder preiuditie van de Compagnie sal connen geschieden”. 65/93 this mission and stated that Hasselt received a good recommendation from shāh in which he was addressed as the master painter (Osta Nakas), also the painter was asked to buy some rarities.246 Later, Hasselt confirmed that Shāh asked him to buy some valuable objects (sommige fraicheyden)247. Nevertheless, it is not clear what items he bought.

4-2-1-2: Hasselt and Shāh Safi

Hasselt’s luck does not take so long, as in 19 January 1629 Shāh ʿAbbās died. At the time of shāh’s death, two Persian envoys of the first mission were already on the way to Persia via

Batavia.248 Muhammad Taqi never reached Persia, as he died on Batavia and Musā Beyg arrived Isfahan in May. He was received with respect, contrary to what Hasselt wished.249

In February 1629, the planned mission to Europe sparks off while Hasselt had lost his main patron and all privileges that he had from Shāh ʿAbbās. Visnich warns the company that Hasselt seeks his own benefit from the trip to Europe. He reported that a group including him, ambassador Musā Beyg, Muhammad Taqi’s son, and Hasselt traveled to Batavia by the ship of the company but because of some disputes among the members, the Persians forced Hasselt to return back to Isfahan to response to his unclear affairs.250 Although the problem was between

Persians and Hasselt, presumably the action was provoked by Visnich. Therefore, upon the arrival to Batavia in July, Hasselt wrote reproachfully letter to Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587-

1629), the Governor-General of VOC in Batavia, about Visnich. He began the letter with

246 Dunlop (1930), 256. “'t Bestaet in brieven van recommandatie, onder den tytel van Osta Nakas twelck te seggen is den meester schilder…. ende kryge van Mamet Alybeyck, alsoock van sijnne secretario, tot antwoorde, dat den Coninck hem belast heeft, om eenige toffas ofte rariteyten voor hem te coopen…”. 247 Ibid, p. 725. This is the only letter that can be recognized as the recommendation of Hasselt for his second trip to the Netherlands. Despite of the nice words about Hasselt the content does not address Hasselt as “Usta Nakas”. Meanwhile no Persian document confirms Hasselt was honored with this title. 248 Musā Beyg traveled via Batavia. There, he accompanied Jan Smidt the first Dutch ambassador in Persia to reach the country. According to Smidt’s note they received the news of shāh’s death in February in Ormus. Dunlop (1930), p.731. 249 Ibid, p. 737. 250 Dunlop (1930), p.287. According to the content of this letter and notes of Jan Smidt I conjecture that the dispute was over the three packs that Muhammad Taqi labelled under his name for Hasselt on 12. September 1626 in the Netherlands. Look at page 17 in this article. 66/93 pointing out that Visnich, as the head of the Company, is indebted his good relation with shāh and advantages in the court to him.251 Apart from the content, this letter is noteworthy as it provides us with one of a few samples of his hand writing and signature (fig 4-3).252

Jan Pieterszoon Coen did not take any action, he passed away in September and Hasselt participated in his funeral as ambassador van Hasselt.253 It is not clear what happened between

Hasselt and the Persian envoys in Batavia, nevertheless, they were all in the Netherlands in

1630.254

In June 1630, Hasselt presented his recommendation to the States General. In the recommendation he was described as

“Johan van Hasselt, who is lucky to have our royal the letter of

recommendation, and is honored with our favor and grace, we have, trusting

on his experience, diligence, and faithfulness, sent to your lands with our

orders, to reside there for maintaining our friendship and mutual

communication and the promotion of that which might be found on both sides

to be the most beneficial and useful…”.255

Hasselt also submitted the proposal of Shāh Safi. This proposal requested to consider the rights and advantages for Persian merchants in the Netherlands equal to the same rights and advantages that Dutch merchants already had in Persia.256 Since June 1630 to October 1631 a number of letters exchanged between Batavia and the Netherlands arguing about the content of

251 Ibid, p.295. 252 The letter is in Nationaal Archief, 1.04.02, nr (1097). 253 Colenbrander (1934), p.434. Loos-Haaxman mentioned this point. 254 To see these notes look at Dunlop (1930), pp.721-728. 255 Dunlop (1930), p.721-2. This letter should be considered cautiously, as it was written in Italian and it is unusual that Shāh ʿAbbās prepared a letter in Italian and not Persia. I could not find the original letter, and the Dutch translation is preserved in Nationaal Archief in the Hague (12595.7). The letter ends with a short note “God is fullness, Shāh ʿAbbās”. 256 Ibid, pp. 722-725. 67/93 this proposal and the intention of Hasselt.257 Eventually this proposition was verified in 1631.

Meanwhile, Hasselt tried to take a favor for himself. However, his request “in order to be able to enjoy exemption from ordinary and extraordinary charges for the detention of his residence” was dismissed.258

Thereafter, the career of Hasselt is not clear and his name has been found only in two letters so far. The first one is a letter dated 1642 sent from the VOC office in Persia to van Hasselt the painter in Persia.259 In 1654, we hear again from Hasselt, when he sent a letter to the States-

General in which he invoked (and summarized) the articles of the 1631 commercial agreement between Persia and the Netherlands. Referring to this treaty he asked to be informed to which officials he had to address himself to have a house assigned to him and the Persian merchants, in accordance with the treaty.260 The destination of this note is not clear but content of the letter carried some information about trade of VOC in Gamron, a port city in the south of Persia.

Also, the title of painter in this letter suggests that Hasselt may be active as an artist by the end of Safi’s reign in 1642.

4-2-1-3:Jan Luicassen Hasselt’s artworks

During 1615-1617, Hasselt worked for his patron, Della Valle, and around 1620s-40s for the king of Persia. Despites of three decades of working as painter none of his artworks has been recognized assuredly by art historians. Meanwhile the notes of Della Valle cannot help us to conjecture about the quality of his art. In Isfahan, Della Valle feared to lose the painter by the shāh’s request and when Hasselt drew the portrait of his wife Della Valle complained about

257 For example in August 1630 a letter from Amsterdam to Batavia indicates that Hasselt seeks more advantage for himself and Persia in trade and warns Bewindhebbers about the possible loss of the company in the future, Ibid, pp.346-50. 258 Dunlop, p. 728. “Het versouck van den agent John van Hasselt, om te moogen genieten exemptie van ordinaris ende extra ordinaris lasten ter plaetse van syne residentie, is opgehouden”. 259 Coolhaas 1964, vol. 2, p. 167; Leupe 1873, p. 4. 260 The documents are preserved in Nationaal Archief, 1.04.02, nr (1138), pp: 56-67 and (12563. 30). 68/93

Hasselt’s inept work. Later when Hasselt left his service, he expressed his satisfaction to release him. Based on Della Valle’s notes Hasselt’s works can be divided in two groups:

(1) The works that Della Valle intended to ask the painter to make, but it is not clear whether the painter did it or not. For example in 1617, he talked about asking the painter to make a portrait of himself in Persian cloths and beard style. In the same year he liked to order the painter to draw a picture of Indian elephants.261

(2) There are some works that Hasselt executed certainly, although the location of these works are unknown. For example Hasselt drew a picture of Babylon in 1616.262 Later in Isfahan he painted a portrait of Sitti Maani, wife of Della Valle, and the painting was sent to Rome in

1619.263 Cristelle Baskins explained that this portrait was in the inventory of Della Valle in

1652, and later it was kept at the Palazzo Della Valle in 1709. Afterwards the location of the portrait has been unknown. Still we can have an idea about this portrait as in 1627, an Italian artist, Girolamo Rocchi, made a print after this painting and that was published in book

Funerale della signora Sitti Maani Gioerida della Valle: celebrato in Roma l'anno 1627(fig 4-

4).264

From his works during his service in Persia and onwards no work has been recognized assuredly. Based on the note of Thomas Herbert, Hasselt decorated the royal palace of Ashraf, in the north of Persia:

261 Della Valle (1844), vol.1, p. 433-434, 462. 262 Ibid, vol 1, p. 384. 263 Della Valle described this portrait in his letter VII, dated 21 October 1619, vol 2, p. 60-61. In the letter Della Valle wrote: “I am sorry that it is not as perfect as I would like, since it is not by a talented man, but rather by that young Flemish painter who used to be in my house, and for the fact that it is unfinished. The Flemish painter left it incomplete when he departed. . .”. the translation taken from Baskins (2012), pp. 60-61. 264 For more detail read Baskins (2012), pp. 253- 256. Baskins mentioned that “German visitors to the court of the shāh noted a painter named Jan Lucaszoon van Hasselt in residence”, nevertheless, he did not provide the reader with any reference, and to the best of my knowledge none of German visitors in Safavid period mentioned Hasselt’s name. 69/93

“But the chamber by the length it had was more resembling a gallery than a

room of state; the seeling was garnished with gold, and pencill’d with story

in lively colors; all which see’d to strive whether art or nature to a judicious

eye would be more acceptable. One John a Dutch-man (who had long served

the king) celebrated his skill here to the admiration of the Persians and his

own advantages”.265

VOC’s documents confirmed the presence of Hasselt in Ashraf at least twice in July 1624 and

August 1628 and he might decorate the palace in any of these times.266

Also, I would believe there is a sketch that can be attributed to him; Portrait of Shāh ‘Abbās I, dated c.1617 (fig 4-5).267 At the moment the drawing attributed to Mughal-Indian painter

Bishndas (d.1640) due to the fact that in 1610s the Mughal-Indian emperor, Jahāngīr (r.1605-

1627) sent his painter Bishndas to the court of Shāh ʿAbbās I. In this trip Bishandas painted a few portraits of shāh and some of his courtier. Nevertheless, comparison of three other versions of Shāh ʿAbbās’s painting done by Bishandas, confirms that the Harvard’s drawing cannot be the hand of Bishandas.268 While the Harvard’s sketch carries features of the European art, the

Bishandas’ versions show overwhelmingly the Mughal-Indian style. In the Harvard’s sketch the face and turban of Shāh ʿAbbās are illustrated much naturalistically specifically the lines around eyes and lip are etched finely. Considering the quality and characteristics of the Mughal

Indian and even the Persian style of painting in the first half of the seventeenth century,

Harvard’s sketch cannot be drawn by neither Bishandas nor any Persian royal painters that worked in 1610s-20s such as Rizā ʿAbbāsi or Sādiqi Beyg Afshār. Meanwhile, Hasselt is the

265 This quote is coming only in the version of 1677, p. 175, and in the version of 1634, in the description of Ashraf, he does not mention to wall-decorations of palace. 266 Dunlop (1930), p. 81, 276 267 The work preserved in Harvard Art Museums (1999.304). 268 The works are respectfully preserved in Institute of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (14.665), Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (fol. 79) and Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (F1942.16a). 70/93 only European artist who resided in 1617 in Isfahan, therefore presumably this drawing was executed by him.

There is still another work that can be painted by Hasselt. The work Wedding feast signed J

Hasselt fe 1636 (fig 4-6).269 In 1949 Pieter Swillens attributed this painting to Jacob van Hasselt

(died c.1674).270 In 1983, Leonard Slatkes attributed the work to our discussed Hasselt. In 2014,

Gary Schwartz cautiously admitted Swillens’s attribution, and say: “It seems reasonable to suppose that he [Jan Luicassen Hasselt] was involved in the conception if not the execution of the painting”.271 He pointed out that features of carpet has Shiraz origin and the dress of women who sits in the right side, can be made of Persian brocaded silk. Following Slatkes and

Schwartz’s idea, I believe the work is painted by Jan Luicassen Hasselt.

Besides the Schwartz’s points there is an object that is depicted in left side between a woman and inclined man, a Hookah that was a popular smoking device in Persia. The position of the man and his hand on Hookah indicates the man is responsible for preparing it. It is plausible that Jan Luicassen Hasselt, a man who spent a long time in Persia knew it and depicted that on his artwork. Meanwhile comparison between portrait of Sitti Maani and the woman in red dress indicates the similarity in physiognomy and depiction of hand. Interestingly in both figures the hands are depicted imperfectly and crudely.272

4-2-2:Joost Lampen (d.1617)

Joost Lampen was the second Netherlandish painter who resided in Persia, in 1630. We have a little information about his life and career. ECARTICO’s databases suggested that Joost was

269 The painting is in Centraal Museum in Utrecht (10046). 270 Swillens (1946). 271 Schwartz (2015), p.54. 272 I have to note that in 1941, De Loos-Haaxman attributed two more artworks to Jan van Hasselt. These works do not carry any signature, nor De Loos-Haaxman provided us with her evidence, therefore it is difficult to accept her opinion. 71/93 fully named Joost Barentsz. Lampen was a painter from Amsterdan. He was baptized on May

1596, and was son of Baerent Joosten Lampen (1570-1617).273

Joost Kampen (or Campen) was a painter from Amsterdam. From his activities in homeland a document indicates that in 16th October 1619 his painting that depicted a ship scene (een veerschip) was sold for 19-5 f in Amsterdam.274 Afterwards his name appeared in a document of the Bentvueghels, a society of the Netherlandish painters in Italy. In 1620 he lived with

Flemish painter Simon Ardé (1594-1638) in Rome. In a noteworthy drawing dated 1615-1625,

Joost was depicted besides three of his fellows a painter alias Braeff, Peter Groenwegen alias

Leeeuw and Sijmen van Antwerpen alias de Toovenaer, and Joost is depicting as the third one from left (fig 4-7).275 This drawing confirms he had alias Stokkade or Stoffade while his family name has been read differently as Lampen, Kampen or Campen since 19th century. Researchers such as Peter Schatborn (2001) considers this name as Campen while RKD (Netherlands

Institute for Art History) has suggested both Kampen and Campen.276 Researchers such as

Godfridus Hoogewerff (1952), Guido Jansen and Ger Luijten (1988) and Sandra Janssens

(2001) have read this word as Lampen.277 I believe that Joost Lampen in Bentvueghels’ sketch was the same painter who was in Persia in 1630.

Based on some documents during 1620s a few members of the group moved to other regions and presumably Joost moved to Constantinople and then to Persia. The name of Joost Lampen appeared in a letter dated 25 February 1630 in Gamron. The letter is a statement against Huybert

Visnich, the head of the VOC in Persia, and the paper was signed by Dutch ambassador Jan

273 ECARTICO is a comprehensive collection of structured biographical data concerning painters, engravers, printers, book sellers, gold- and silversmiths and others involved in the 'cultural industries' of the Low Countries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. To read more about ECARTICO look: goo.gl/zaR9Co. 274 Obreen (1884-1887), vol 6, p. 38. 275 The object preserved in Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen (inv. MB 291). 276 Schatborn (2001), p. 31. For link of his name on RKD look at: goo.gl/vpTFqj 277 Hoogewerff (1952), p. 52, 138, Jansen and Luijten (1988), p, 64, Janssens (2001), p.76. 72/93

Smidt and the painter Joost Lampen.278 In the statement Joost was introduced as a free man who did some paintings for Mulaim (Mylayem) Beyg, the head of merchants. The term of free man indicates that Joost traveled to Persia himself. Nevertheless, we do not know any further detail about his residency.279

4-2-3: Barend Van Sichem (died c. 1639)

Barend van Sichem was baptized on 1620 in Amsterdam. He came from the print making family. His father Christoffel van Sichem II (1582-1658) was known because of the third painter in Persia. He was from Amsterdam and His sojourn is confirmed by a note of the

Governor-general of the VOC to Adam Westerwolt (1580-1639), the director of VOC in Persia dated 15 March 1635:

“... We send with Your Honor a certain Barend van Sichem, who can draw

very well and who is also skilled with the brush as well as Claesz Andriesz.

of Amsterdam who is skilled in enamel work and the mounting of stones. Up

till now His Majesty has always liked such artists. Your Honor shall offer

their services and try to get as much favor through their persons as formerly

was bestowed upon the French and Italians. The requirements for them will

be sent in lots with you…”.280

In 10 April 1639 Van Sichem arrived in Gamron and he headed to Qazvin. However, henceforth the name of Van Sichem did not appear through any correspondents. Therefore it is assumed that the painter died.

278 Dunlop considered him as a portrait painter, p. LXXVIII. 279 ECARTICO suggests that Joost Lampen was in Batavia around 1639-40, but it does not mention any reference. 280 Pieter Arend Leupe (1873), “Nederlandsche Schilders in Persie en Hindostan in de eerste Helft der 17e Eeuw”, p. 262. 73/93

4-2-4: Hendrick van Lochorst (died after 1648)

Henrick Boudewijn van Lochorst or Lockhorst was a merchant-painter who served for VOC during 1630s-40s. nothing is known from his early life and education. The first evidence about him refers to VOC’s correspondence in India, in which his service in 1638 was appreciated and the company wished to have more qualified employees like them.281 Later a letter in 1643 proves that he was employed as a painter in the court in Persia:

“However, the junior merchant Hendrick Boudewijn van Lockhorst does not

oppose it by the i. d. for 3 years to be employed for the Shāh, at 100 thoman,

d. i. f 4000's year, because he was a good painter, with whom; with his

products His Majesty and the courtiers had great contention”.282

In January 1645 his name again was mentioned as a junior merchant (onderkooplieden), besides two other merchants Willem Batincq and Hendrick de Wit who resided in Isfahan.283

From his service for shāh there is a well-known note from the French traveller Jean-Baptiste

Tavernier who visited the Persian court in 1664. He wrote:

“…the king [Shāh ʿAbbās II] had learnt to draw very well from two Dutch

painters, one called Angel and the other Lokar, who had been sent to him by

the Dutch Company”.284

There are three letters written and signed by Lockhorst in Isfahan.285 The letters are dated 13th,

20th June and 14 July 1645 (fig 4-8).286 The contents of the letters are the political-commercial

281 Coolhaas (1964), vol2, p. 152-2. 282 Mac Leod (1927), vol2, p. 162. 283 Mac Leod (1927), vol2, p. 163. The content of this letter is about the dispute between Company and Mirza Taqi, the Grand Vizier. 284 Tavernier (1679), vol 1, p. 562. 285 De Loos-Haaxman mentioned these letters. She also noted some other letters about this painter though she did not mentioned the source of her notes and I could not find any of those materials. De Loos-Haaxman (1941), p. 42-3. 286 NA, 1.10.30: Inventaris van het archief van Wollebrand Geleynssen de Jongh, 291 A, 283. Wollebrand Geleynssen de Jongh was director of VOC in Persia during 1640-1643 and 1645-1647. 74/93 reports from Lockhorst to Claes Cornelissen Blocq, the commander, and Carel Constant, the director of VOC in Persia. Based on the letter 14th, there are some more letters by Lockhorst in

24th, 25th and 30th May that I could not find so far. In May 1647, Lockhorst was dismissed because of his misconduct and luxurious and loose life.287

4-2-5: Phillips Angel (died c. 1664-5)

Philips Angel was the fourth and the most eminent Dutch painter who came to Persia. Similar to Hasselt he had a successful career in the court. There is a few information about his early life, however, before 1638 he was an established painter as he was listed as a master painter in the guild of the Leiden. In 1641, he delivered a speech in St. Lucas guild of Leyden about aesthetic of European painting that printed the next year as a treatise. This book confirms his proper knowledge about European painting in his time. 288 In 1644 and 1645 Angle was appointed as the head of the guild. Afterwards he changed his career and joined to VOC, though the motivation behind his decision is unknown.

After some years working in Batavia in 1 June 1646, Angle traveled to Persia.289 The governor- general of VOC in Batavia wrote:

“… We also send the junior merchant Philips Angel with his wife who has

been a member of the Justice Council here for about 2 years as well as

serving in other ways. In these functions he has served well and to our

satisfaction. He is a person of high knowledge and of a virtuous lifestyle,

whom we trust can be of service for the Comp. in Persia and mainly at court.

You will teach him (our) trade and give him precedence over the other junior-

287 De Loos-Haaxman (1941), p. 43. 288 Marieke de Winkel (2006), Fashion and Fancy: Dress and Meaning in Rembrandt's Paintings, p.193. 289 Batavia is present-day Jakarta. 75/93

merchants and use him as your third man. If he does well you will leave him

in charge of the Comp. affair in Isfahan”.290

After three years working in Persia, the director of VOC's factory in Persia, Dirck Sarcerius, accused Angel of mistrust and proceeding the duty to his favor. Therefore, Angle was dismissed and in 21 August 1652 while he was about to leave Isfahan a courtier of Shāh ʿAbbās II, informed VOC about shāh’s interest to see Angle’s paintings. In this time shāh was in Qazvin and VOC provided a budget around 2,000 guilder for the painter to construct atelier. In this atelier Angle provided five works.291 When shāh returned to the capital, he acknowledged

Angle’s skill. Considering Shāh’s satisfaction, VOC allowed Angle freely to choose either to stay or leave Persia. Finally the Dutch painter was recruited with salary of 4,000 gold annually in the court. Unfortunately, there is no detail about the activity of his atelier afterwards.

At the court Angle was a successful painter. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689) confirmed

Angle’s sway in the court and he also stated that shāh practiced painting with Angle. Once

Sarcerius reported that shāh esteemed Angle with a robe of honor and 150 Toman, equals to

6,000 guilder, for some pictures.292

However, his fortune did not take for a long and around 1654 Angle got into trouble when

Sarcerius again sued him and send him to Batavia. The painter sought recourse to the shāh and that was to no avail. So Angel left Isfahan on July 10, 1655 to Bandar Abbas. In way to Bandar

Abbas he turned to some people such as Shāh’s Nazir, the chief of the royal house, Hakim

Bashi, royal physician and ʿAli Beyg, a famous painter to intercede with VOC. Nevertheless, his effort failed and he was forced to leave Persia.293

290 Floor (1978), p. 150. 291 Floor (1978), p.151. 292 Ibid. 293 Ibid, p.154. 76/93

Among the works Angle did during his residency in Persia, it can be mentioned to a panorama of Persepolis.294 Also, he did five portraits and a still-life called Persian still-life, that is one of the rare in this genre done in Asia. Moreover, presumably Angle cooperated in decoration of

Chihil Sutun. 295

4-2-6: Romaijn (died after 1655)

Romaijn or Romayn was the fifth painter who stepped Persia. The only information that we have about him is a letter dated on December 11, 1655. The letter proves that Romaijn spent some time in Isfahan, and VOC decided to release him: “We fully believe that the painter

Romaijn is still rather weak and we concluded that he will not be able to cure of his ailment there”.296

4-2-7: Michael Sweerts (1618-1664)

Michael Sweerts was a Flemish painter who traveled to Persia in 1662. He was an established painter who spent sometime during 1646-1652 in Rome (fig 4-9). Later because of unclear reasons he joined the French missionary society and proceeded the east.297

4-2-8: Jan de Hart (died after 1660)

Jan Ottensz de Hart was baptized in 1633 in Amsterdam. His sojourn to Persia is according to a letter dated March 30, 1657. In this letter the VOC’s office in Gamron informed the governor- general in Batavia about arrival of the two Dutchmen in Isfahan on September 5, 1656. The letter says that the first man is a merchant and:

294 Schwartz (2015), p.59. 295 Michael North (2010), “Production and Reception of Art through European Company Channels in Asia”, p.96. 296 Leupe (1873), p.262. 297 North (2010), p.94. To read about career of Michael Sweerts look at Lara Yeager-Crasselt (2015), Michael Sweerts (1618-1664): shaping the artist and the academy in Rome and Brussels. 77/93

“The second one, his companion born in Amsterdam is named Joan de Hart,

who is a painter, and whose travels on his art. He intends to go the

Coromandel coast in order to seek his fortune there”.298

Based on another correspondent dated August 21, 1660 de Hart was still in Persia and then he left Persia to India as a junior merchant.299

4-2-9: Adriaen Gouda (d. 1667)

The name of Adriaen Gouda or Adriaen Arentsz. Gouda was a painter from Delft. His name was appeared through the letters of the VOC in 24 May 1660 and 12 March 1661. Based on these notes he was essentially a book-keeper in VOC office meanwhile he had the expertise in painting. His name was mentioned only in 1661.300

4-2-10: Hofstede van Essen (died after 1703)

Hofstede van Essen was in Persia in 1693. From his works there are some drawings from Mount

Ararat, view of the cities like Qom, Shiraz, Isfahan and the ruins of Persepolis.301

4-2-11: Cornelis de Bruijn (d.1726-7)

Cornelis de Bruijn was born in 1652 in the Hague (fig 4-10). As a painter he was trained by

Theodoor van der Schuer (1634-1707) in this city. Cornelis’s name was mentioned as the painter in the guild of the Hague in 1674.

He is known due to his twice excursions to the East. In 1674, he set off his first journey that took almost six years. Again around 1693 he started his second trip wherein he visited Persia.

From his trips some drawings and plenty of engravings, illustrations and other objects have been remained.302

298 Leupe (1873), p.266. 299 Ibid, p. 266. 300 Floor (1978), p.156. 301 Albert Hotz (1911), “Over afbeeldingen van Persepolis en Palmyra door Nederlanders”, pp:25-34. 302 Jan de Hond (1994), “Cornelis De Bruijn (1652-1726/27): A Dutch Painter in the East”, pp: 51. 78/93

Similar to many contemporaries Cornelis left his hometown, in 1647 toward Italy in order to enhance his skill in painting. There he spent four years in Rome, Leghorn and Livorno. Then he decided to move on to the Levant. Relying on his notes it can be deduced that visiting historic monuments in Italy urged him to seek adventure in the East.303

De Bruijn moved towards Izmir via a Dutch trading fleet in 1678. In Izmir he visited ruins of

Ephesus, then turned to Egypt. In Egypt he visited the Pyramids and entered the Pyramid of

Cheops. Afterward, on 21 July, 1681, de Bruijn proceeded his adventure to Jerusalem, Lebanon,

Tripoli, Acre, Nazareth, Aleppo and return to Izmir. Eventually on 25 October 1684, he left the

Ottoman territory and stepped in Venice.

In Italy he resided for some years to promote his expertise in painting. He worked under the training of Johann Carl Loth (d.1698), a German painter, until 1693 when he returned to

Hague.304 His residency in the Netherlands did not last for a long and soon he set off his second journey. Besides his wanderlust, it is assumed that Nicolaas Witsen (1641- 1717) had a pivotal role in this journey. Within his career, Witsen became the mayor of Amsterdam thirteen times, also he served for the VOC. He had a great enthusiasm to extend his knowledge about geographical and historical matters of the far regions and he possessed a exquisite collection of the oriental objects. Based on a letter from Witsen in 1713, it seems that Witsen persuaded de

Bruijn to travel to the east.305

On 1701, de Bruijn started his second journey from Texel, in the North of Netherlands, towards

Russia.306 He reached Moscow, where he could meet Peter the Great sometimes in 1703.307

Eventually he sailed to Caspian Sea, in the north of Persia.

303 De Bruijn (1711), p.16. 304 Jan de Hond (1994), “Cornelis De Bruijn (1652-1726/27): A Dutch Painter in the East”, p.54. 305 De Bruijn (1711), p.164. De Hond (1994), P.54. 306 Texel now is in the province of North Holland in the Netherlands. Archangel or Arkhangelsk is a city now in north west of Russia. 307 De Hond (1994), p.55. 79/93

4-2-11-1: De Bruijn in Persia

On 21 July, 1703 de Bruijn stepped in Persia. There he joined a merchant caravan and moved to Isfahan and on 15 November he arrived the capital. After a short residency in Isfahan, he moved to the south to Persepolis, the historic site and the capital of the Achaemenid Empire

(550-330 BC). De Bruijn resided in Persepolis around three months wherein he provided numerous drawings from ruins and recorded the measurement of monuments accurately. In

Persepolis he scratched his name in the Gate of Xerxes that still existed there.308

After sometimes exploring the country, on 25 October 1705 De Bruijn left Persia to Batavia via water. His journey took four months and during this trip he contracted an illness. In Batavia his illness elongated, thus he decided to return to Gamron and proceeded his voyage via Caspian, in the north of Persia. On 5 December 1707, he arrived in Moscow and thereafter sailed to

Amstel.309 He finished his second journey at the age of 56 by arriving in the Netherlands.310

De Bruijn's activities in Persia was worthwhile. The scope of his works was very varied; collection of different types of natural objects such as dried plants, stuffed animals, fossils and minerals, collection of ethnological drawing and collection of human artefacts such as antique coins and fragments. Sometimes through the notes and sketches he mentioned to notable details.

Interestingly, somewhere he recorded the number of guns and the characters of fortifications in a drawing.

De Bruijn registered very accurate measurements of the monuments in his drawings, meanwhile, he reminded the mistakes of the predecessor’s travelers. In 1711 he published his book in two volumes; “travel of Cornelis de Bruijn through the most renown parts of Asia

308 The Gate of Xerxes or Gate of All Nations, was built by Xerxes I (486-465). 309 The Amstel is a river that flows through the city of Amsterdam. 310 De Hond (1994), pp:61-62. 80/93

Minor, the island Scio, Rhodus, Cyprus, Metelino, Stanchio, etc (1698)” and “Travel into

Moscowy, Persia and East- India (1711)”.

The book that overall contained more than 500 engravings. In the preface of the second volume he wrote:

“To which I may add, that I have made it an indispensable law to myself, not

to deviate in any respect from the truth, merely to give an ornamental air to

this work, in which there are no facts but what are related with the strictest

veracity... the reader may judge of my proceeding, by the number and beauty

of the plates distributed through the whole works, and which are executed

with all possible justice and accuracy”.

In Amsterdam, the house of de Bruijn became a haunt of enthusiast for the East; topographers, architectures, historians and Orientalists. Zacharias Von Uffenbach (1683- 1734), an eminent

German collector and scholar, visited de Bruijn’s collections in 1711 and found it very interesting. Also a military man, General Zas van Bossche, bought around 18 copies of de

Bruijn’s objects in the Netherlands. 311 Nevertheless, from his works only one original watercolor of Bandar Abbas has remained that preserved in collection of the National Archive in the Hague (fig 4-11).

311 De Hond (1994), p.58-63. 81/93

The trip of these painters can be summarized in below table:

The Name of painter Residency Reign of Safavid

(Arrival/Leaving) Shāh

1 Jan Luicassen Hasselt A:1617 Shāh ʿAbbās I

L: unclear Shāh Safi

2 Joost Lampen A/L: unclear. (c.1630) Shāh Safi

3 Barend van Sichem A: circa 1635 Shāh Safi

Died: 1639

4 Hendrick Boudewijn van Lokhorst A: 1643 Shāh ʿAbbās II

L: 1647

5 Philips Angel A: 1650 Shāh ʿAbbās II

L: 1655

6 Romaijn A/L: unclear. c.1655 was in Persia Shāh ʿAbbās II

7 Michiel Sweerts A/L: 1660s Shāh ʿAbbās II

8 Jan de Hart A: 1656 Shāh ʿAbbās II

L: before 1660

9 Adrianen Gouda A/L: unclear Shāh ʿAbbās II

c.1661 he was in Persia

10 Hofstede van Essen A/L: 1693 Sultān Husayn

11 Cornelis de Bruijn Arrival 1703 Sultān Husayn

Based on this table, Shāh ʿAbbās I, for the very first time changed the tradition of royal library by employing, a first European and Christian painter, Jan Lucasz van Hasselt. His cultural policy paved the way to accept more Netherlandish painters in the royal milieu. Some of the painters came to Persia under support of the Dutch Indian company, such as Barend van

Sichem, Hendrick Boudewijn van Lockhorst and Philips Angel. The reign of Shāh ʿAbbās II,

1642-1666, was the influx of the Netherlandish painters in Persia, in which six artist sojourned

82/93 while during the reign of his son, Shāh Suleyman I, 1666-1694, no Netherlandish painter came to Persia.

83/93

Chapter Five

Conclusion

The aim of this research was examining the impacts of Netherlandish art on Persian painting in the Safavid period the interval between 1588 to 1722. This impact was examined in two parts:

(1) studying a group of the Europeanized artworks that were executed by Persian royal painters, and (2) sojourn of eleven Netherlandish painters in Persia, specifically the service of three painters in the royal library. Each of these parts was argued separately. In chapter three, I explained how the specific form of Europeanized painting that is known as the Farangi Sāzi was developed in the seventeenth century. Firstly, during the 1590s-1630s, the two royal painters Sādiqi Beyg Afshār (died 1610) and Rizā ʿAbbāsi (died 1630s) played the key role.

Circa 1590 Sādiqi painted The Annunciation, d. c. 1590 after the Flemish work.312 In this painting, the wrinkles of the garments, fine shadow on the faces, physiognomy were quite fresh at that time. Later, Sādiqi executed A sybil, d. 1609-1610, most possibly after a Flemish-Italian print.313 In the same period, his counterpart, Rizā was inspired by the Europeans who lived in

Isfahan and depicted them in his works. Also, these two painters both were intrigued by realism.

312 The miniatures are held at the Harvard Art Museums (1999.289). 313 Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (S2014.21). 84/93

In several drawings they depicted the ordinary people, such as The Mashhad pilgrim, d. 1598 and Dervish leading a dog, dated the early seventeenth century.314 In the next generation of the royal painters, Shafi ʿAbbāsi (died 1660s), was the torchbearer of the Europeanized style. He was specifically interested in the flora genre and his drawings signify that he may study the flora genre through the Antwerp published book Avium vivae icons, dated c. 1580-1600, or the

British book, Therd Booke of Flowers, Fruits, Beastes, Birds, and Flies. Finally, the royal painters ʿAli Quli (died 1690s) and Muhammad Zamān (died 1700s), overwhelming paid attention to the Europeanized style and reached this style to the apex in the second half of the seventeenth century.

In 1649, ʿAli Quli depicted European Landscape after the Flemish print Inn and a few houses at a bridge (d.1580-1629 and/or 1624-c. 1650).315 This work is the first Persian painting in the

European landscape genre. ʿAli Quli mostly assembled a few European art scenes and represented them innovatively in his work. For example, as I discussed in Woman by a

Fountain, dated 1650-60, ʿAli Quli takes the woman figure from German emblem book

Atalanta Fugiens Emblem, d.1617, while for background he was inspired by the Netherlandish artworks about Flight to Egypt and the Italian print Gazelle Hunt, d. 1599.316

Meanwhile, Muhammad Zamān. Zamān produced the splendid pieces of Europeanized painting in his time. He illustrated Venus and Cupid (d. 1676-77) and Elizabeth visiting the Virgin (d.

1678-79) after the Flemish print.317 Muhammad Zamān surpassed his predecessors by paying

314 The works are in Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (F1953.12) and The Walters Art Museum (album W.668, fol. 69a), respectively. 315 The Persian work is held at the State Hermitage Museum (VР-950) and the print is at the Rijksmuseum (RP-P- OB-5181). 316 The Persian work is in Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, the Smithsonian Institution (LTS 1995.2.118). The Italian print is in Rijksmuseum (RP-P-H-H-689). 317 The painting are in the St. Petersburg Album, at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and F. R. Martin’s collection, respectively. 85/93 attention to the linear and atmospheric perspective. He is the only Safavid painter who rendered the atmospheric perspective.

At the end of chapter three I ended up to this crucial question; how these five royal painters learned and studied European art? Was their knowledge the result of the self-study, or was there any contact between the European painters and them? This issue led me to chapter four, wherein the sojourn of Netherlandish painters in Persia was reviewed. Based on the literature during the

1610s to 1710s, ten painters travelled to Persian. The names and the time of their residency are as follow; Jan Luicassen Hasselt (1617-c.1640s), Joost Lampen (c.1630), Barend van Sichem

(1635-1639), Hendrick Boudewijn van Lockhorst (1643-1647), Philips Angel (c.1650-55),

Romaijn (c.1655), Jan de Hart (c.1657), Adriaen Gouda (1660-61) Michiel Sweerts (1660s),

Hofstede van Essen (c.1693) and Cornelis de Bruijn (1703-1705). Of these, three painters served in the royal library: Hasselt, Lockhorst and Angel. Despite the unprecedented nature of these European painters’ service in the royal library, the details of their careers and sojourns have not been investigated thoroughly, and it is difficult to discuss their role in the possible training of Persian royal painters. In 2014, Amy Landau ruled out the possibility of training due to the language barrier. In 2013 and 2015, Gary Schwartz expressed the same opinion. Contrary to them, I do believe that most possibly Persian painters were in touch with Netherlandish painters in the court, although the detail of the contact is not clear. Specifically in the case of

ʿAli Quli and Muhammad Zamān, a few points are noteworthy to be considered.

In 1664 a French traveler, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689), wrote:

“...the king [Shāh ʿAbbās II] has learned how to draw very well from two

Dutch painters, one named Angel and the other Lokar, whom the Dutch

Company had sent”.318

318 Tavernier (1678), p. 562-53. 86/93

As Floor suggested Lokar can be identified with Lockhorst who was in the court during 1643-

1647.319 Also, a VOC letter from Gamron to Batavia dated 1655 confirms the contact between

Angel and a Persian painter named ʿAli Beyg.320 This ʿAli Beyg can be identified as ʿAli Quli, who was familiar with the Netherlandish art. In painting Summer ʿAli Quli got inspiration from the Flemish print of Martha, and for the background he used the Netherlandish print, presumably from Aegidius Sadeler II’s work.321 Besides, he executed the painting European

Landscape, d. 1649 and Mary Magdalene d. c. 1675 in the European watercolor technique of wet in wet that signifies he could learn that via the European artist in the court. 322 Therefore, it is quite possible that ʿAli Quli was trained by Lockhors or Angel who worked at the court and well paid by the shah.

The case of Muhammad Zamān is not so straightforward. Amy Landau suggested direct contact between Muhammad Zamān and Philips Angel. Although it is an appealing assumption, she does not provide persuasive evidence to support this hypothesis.323 Zamān’s Europeanized artworks are dated the 1670s-1680s while Angel left Persia in 1655, and the only connection between these two would therefore have been through Angel’s paintings in the royal library.

According to the VOC’s note in 1655, Shāh ʿAbbās II honored Angel for his painting Sacrifice by Abraham.324 We do not know any details about this painting, but Zamān depicted the same subject matter in d.1684-85. Although he inspired by a Flemish print, still it is reasonable to infer that he used this painting as the model for atmospheric perspective. It is worth to mention that Zamān rendered the atmospheric perspective in the Netherlandish manner, while he could

319 Floor (1978), p.149. 320 Ibid, p. 154. 321 The painting is preserved in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (30.95.174.24) and the print is in the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1887-A-11784). For the landscape I would suggest the print Rocky landscape with a watermill, by Aegidius Sadeler, after Pieter Stevens (II), d. 1597-1629, preserved in the Rijksmuseum (RP-P-1969- 178). 322 The works are preserved in the State Hermitage Museum (VР-950) and The John Rylands Library (Indian Drawings Album No. 6). 323 Landau (2011), pp. 120-122. 324 Floor (1978), p. 154. 87/93 not learn that through the back-white prints. Meanwhile scholars are almost unanimous that

Muhammad Zaman never left Persia, therefore the Netherlandish painters still can be the most plausible candidate as the source of Zaman’s study for the European art.

Besides the discussion about the tutorial connection between artists, the impact of

Netherlandish art can be discussed from another perspective, a group of prints that reached

Persia. Thanks to the international milieu of Isfahan in the seventeenth century, a wide range of foreign artworks got into the royal library. Since 1618 the Europeans who visited the royal palaces and the court reported the European paintings and superb artworks were available there.

These case studies in chapter three proved that Netherlandish prints were used widely as the source of the inspiration of the Persian artists to develop their style. Of seventeen paintings twelve works were inspired by Netherlandish print. The Persian painters used the Netherlandish prints to invent their own style. They introduced a new pictorial convention in depicting the landscape, the physiognomy of men and women, specifically they used the Netherlandish prints to practice the body of European women. Landau proposed that these European female figures became the subject of fantasy and eroticization in seventeenth century Persian painting.325 On the other hand, Habibi emphasized that these European paintings refer to the interest of Persians in the exchange of knowledge. I would like to highlight that Persian painters turned to these

European prints as the art model to practice the anatomy of the women. For the Muslim painter, who could not or was not allowed to study from the live women model, these prints worked as a unique inspirational source to practice the body and face of the women. These new conventions were widely used in Persian miniature, for instance, a copy of Khamseh of Nizāmi in The Morgan Library & Museum (M.469).

325 Landau (2013), p. 100. 88/93

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