'WE WORRY ABOUT SURVIVAL': AMERICAN INDIAN WOMEN, SOVEREINGTY, and the RIGHT to BEAR and RAISE CHILDREN in the 1970S Meg

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'WE WORRY ABOUT SURVIVAL': AMERICAN INDIAN WOMEN, SOVEREINGTY, and the RIGHT to BEAR and RAISE CHILDREN in the 1970S Meg ‘WE WORRY ABOUT SURVIVAL’: AMERICAN INDIAN WOMEN, SOVEREINGTY, AND THE RIGHT TO BEAR AND RAISE CHILDREN IN THE 1970s Meg Devlin O’Sullivan A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Theda Perdue Michael Green Jacquelyn Hall Kathleen DuVal Valerie Lambert ©2007 Meg Devlin O’Sullivan ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Meg Devlin O’Sullivan: ‘We Worry About Survival’: American Indian Women, Sovereignty, and the Right to Bear and Raise Children in the 1970s (Under the direction of Theda Perdue and Michael Green) This dissertation examines the political activism of American Indian women during the 1970s. Confronted with racism from the dominant society and sexism from both within and outside of their communities, these women constructed a feminist agenda that addressed their concerns as Indians and women. In particular, they worked to end coerced sterilization and the rampant removal of Indian children from their communities and homes. Building on new scholarship that has argued the struggle for reproductive freedom included the right to bear children as well as prevent births, ‘We Worry About Survival’ looks at the crucial role Indian women played in arresting sterilization abuse and defining American women’s struggle for reproductive justice. At the same time that Indian women’s activism to end coerced sterilization informed the goals of the feminist movement, their activism to reform adoption and foster care processes shaped the meaning of tribal sovereignty in the late twentieth century. The project describes not only the tangible achievements of these women in effecting federal regulations and legislation, but also their influence on mainstream American feminist ideology and Indian Country’s interpretation of women’s and children’s rights as sovereign rights. iii DEDICATION To Sam, whose birth helped me understand this project in immeasurable ways. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation was a collaborative effort. I thank my advisors Theda Perdue and Michael Green, for helping me conceive, construct, and complete the project. I also thank them for their patience. Jeanne Boydston encouraged me to pursue a Ph.D. in History while I was an undergraduate at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and she gently reminded me at a crucial point in my graduate career that whatever professional path I chose would be the right one. I appreciate how Jacquelyn Hall, Kathleen DuVal, and Valerie Lambert gave me and this project their time and guidance. Funding from the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and the American Philosophical Society assisted me throughout the endeavor, for which I am very grateful. I thank the archivists of the Sophia Smith Collection in Northampton, Massachusetts, the Rockefeller Archive Center in Tarrytown, New York, The Seely G. Mudd Manuscript Library in Princeton, New Jersey, and the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, in Washington D.C for their time. The inter-library loan staff at Emory and Henry College, Emory, Virginia, in particular Patty Greany and Jane Caldwell, truly made the completion of the project possible. I thank the 2004-2006 staff of the Writing Center at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, for their insights, wit, and companionship. Thanks to Christina Snyder for her role as friend and colleague, always in that order. My family, Ellen Devlin, Charles Devlin, Michael Devlin, Sharon Scully, Wayne O’Sullivan, and Mary Jo O’Sullivan, were kind enough to read drafts of this project at the eleventh hour. Their support of me is endless. Carolyn Levy, Corrine Chamberlain, Tara v Kehoe and countless friends in North Carolina, Virginia, and New York have listened patiently and lovingly as I walked this path. I am grateful to them all. Finally, I thank Michael O’Sullivan. He is husband, historian, friend, formatter, and now, father, extraordinaire. And thanks to you too, Samuel Myles O’Sullivan, just for being. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES...........................................................................................................viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.............................................................................................ix Chapter INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................1 I. RED POWER AND WHITE FEMINISM: THE EMERGENCE OF INDIAN WOMEN’S ACTIVISM.…......................10 II. TWENTIETH-CENTURY EUGENICS, POPULATION CONTROL, AND INDIAN WOMEN….............................................................................40 III. INDIAN WOMEN’S FIGHT AGAINST COERCED STERILIZATION ....72 IV. IN THE “BEST INTERESTS OF THE CHILD”: NON-NATIVE INTERVENTION IN INDIAN CHILDREN’S WELFARE........................ 105 V. THE CRISIS OF INDIAN CHILD WELFARE AND THE SOLUTION OF SOVEREIGNTY........................................................142 CONCLUSION..........................................................................................................177 EPILOGUE................................................................................................................181 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................186 vii LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. American Indian Policy Review Commission Statistics on Indian Child Foster Care and Adoption................................................................................................................... 176 viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AAIA Association on American Indian Affairs ACLU American Civil Liberties Union AIM American Indian Movement AIO Americans for Indian Opportunity AIPRC American Indian Policy Review Commission ARENA Adoption Resource Exchange of North America BIA Bureau of Indian Affairs CARASA Committee for Abortion Rights and Against Sterilization Abuse CESA Committee to End Sterilization Abuse DRUMS Determination of Rights and Unity of Menominee Shareholders GAO Government Accounting Office HEW (Department of) Health, Education, and Welfare IAP Indian Adoption Project ICWA Indian Child Welfare Act IHS Indian Health Service IWY International Women’s Year LDS Latter-Day Saints NAC Native American Committee NAIWA North American Indian Women’s Association NCAI National Congress of American Indians NWHN National Women’s Health Network NOW National Organization for Women ix RCAR Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights WARN Women of All Red Nations WOCPP Women of Color Partnership Project x INTRODUCTION During the 1960s and 1970s, American Indian women participated in the Red Power movement and overwhelmingly dismissed the women’s liberation movement as white women’s struggle. These activists found, however, that issues of sexism as well as political sovereignty affected them. Although white women’s feminism did not appeal to many of these activists, their experiences as Indian women made clear to them that their fight for tribal rights manifested itself in distinctly gendered ways. Indian women’s activism combined elements of both the Red Power and women’s liberation movements, and it centered on two issues that most concerned the Indian women activists: the coerced sterilization of Indian women and the placement of Indian children in non-Indian foster and adoptive homes. This dissertation describes the specific histories of coerced sterilization and the removal of Indian children from their families, details Indian women’s activism in the 1970s to end both practices, and makes a case for the role Indian women played in defining the meaning of reproductive justice and tribal sovereignty. Few published works have looked specifically at Indian women’s activism during the 1970s. Scholars have described the history of Red Power and women’s place within it, but fail to examine what political issues beyond the larger goals of tribal sovereignty and political autonomy were germane to Indian women. For example, Troy Johnson and Joanne Nagel have written extensively on the subject and documented the major efforts of the Red Power movement, such as the seizure of Alcatraz Island and the Longest Walk. 1 Paul Chat Smith and Robert Allen Warrior used a similar framework in Like a Hurricane. 2 Autobiographical accounts by Red Power activists such as those by Russell Means, Dennis Banks, and Stanley David Lyman, also have looked at the goals and achievements of the movement as a whole and focused on individual men’s experiences.3 As these works acknowledged, Indian women participated actively in the struggle for sovereignty, but their activism during the 1970s extended beyond the seemingly male- dominated Red Power movement. Mary Crow Dog’s memoir Lakota Woman , Devon Mihesuah’s article on Mikmaq activist Anna Mae Pictou-Aquash, and Elizabeth Castle’s dissertation on African American and American Indian women activists are among the only investigations of Indian women’s political work during the era of Red Power. 4 These activist women worked on issues specific to them as Indians and women within the Red Power movement and as a part of the larger women’s movement for reproductive freedom. For Indian women as well as other feminists of color, reproductive justice included the right to bear and keep children rather than merely the goal of 1 Troy Johnson, Joanne Nagel, Duane Champagne, eds., American Indian Activism: Alcatraz to the Longest Walk
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