15.2 the Aztec Empire
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An Environmental History of the Middle Rio Grande Basin
United States Department of From the Rio to the Sierra: Agriculture Forest Service An Environmental History of Rocky Mountain Research Station the Middle Rio Grande Basin Fort Collins, Colorado 80526 General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5 Dan Scurlock i Scurlock, Dan. 1998. From the rio to the sierra: An environmental history of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. 440 p. Abstract Various human groups have greatly affected the processes and evolution of Middle Rio Grande Basin ecosystems, especially riparian zones, from A.D. 1540 to the present. Overgrazing, clear-cutting, irrigation farming, fire suppression, intensive hunting, and introduction of exotic plants have combined with droughts and floods to bring about environmental and associated cultural changes in the Basin. As a result of these changes, public laws were passed and agencies created to rectify or mitigate various environmental problems in the region. Although restoration and remedial programs have improved the overall “health” of Basin ecosystems, most old and new environmental problems persist. Keywords: environmental impact, environmental history, historic climate, historic fauna, historic flora, Rio Grande Publisher’s Note The opinions and recommendations expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USDA Forest Service. Mention of trade names does not constitute endorsement or recommendation for use by the Federal Government. The author withheld diacritical marks from the Spanish words in text for consistency with English punctuation. Publisher Rocky Mountain Research Station Fort Collins, Colorado May 1998 You may order additional copies of this publication by sending your mailing information in label form through one of the following media. -
The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec
Mesoamerican Ancient Civilizations The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec Olmecs of Teotihuacán -“The People of the Land of Rubber…” -Large stone heads -Art found throughout Mesoamerica Olmec Civilization Origin and Impact n The Olmec civilization was thought to have originated around 1500 BCE. Within the next three centuries of their arrival, the people built their capital at Teotihuacán n This ancient civilization was believed by some historians to be the Mother-culture and base of Mesoamerica. “The city may well be the basic civilization out of which developed such high art centers as those of Maya, Zapotecs, Toltecs, and Totonacs.” – Stirling Cultural Practices n The Olmec people would bind wooden planks to the heads of infants to create longer and flatter skulls. n A game was played with a rubber ball where any part of the body could be used except for hands. Religion and Art n The Olmecs believed that celestial phenomena such as the phases of the moon affected daily life. n They worshipped jaguars, were-jaguars, and sometimes snakes. n Artistic figurines and toys were found, consisting of a jaguar with a tube joining its front and back feet, with clay disks forming an early model of the wheel. n Large carved heads were found that were made from the Olmecs. Olmec Advancements n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican societies, and the first to cultivate corn. n They built pyramid type structures n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican civilizations to create a form of the wheel, though it was only used for toys. -
Introduction
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Portraying the Here it is told and put forth how the ancient ones, those called and named Teochichimeca, people of Aztlan, Mexitin, Chicomoz- Aztec Past toca, as they sought and merited the land here, arrived and came into the great altepetl, the altepetl of Mexico Tenochtitlan, the place of renown, the sign, the site of the rock tuna cactus, in the midst of the waters; the place where the eagle rests, where the eagle screeches, where the eagle stretches, where the eagle eats; where the serpent hisses, where the fish fly, where the blue and yellow waters mingle—where the waters burn; where suffering came to be known among the sedges and reeds; the place of encountering and awaiting the various peoples of the four quarters; where the thirteen Teochichimeca arrived and settled, where in misery they settled when they arrived. Behold, here begins, here is to be seen, here lies written, the most excel- lent, most edifying account—the account of [Mexico’s] renown, pride, history, roots, basis, as what is known as the great altepetl began, as it commenced: the city of Mexico Tenochtitlan in the midst of the waters, among the sedges, among the reeds, also called and known as the place where sedges whisper, where reeds whisper. It was becoming the mother, the father, the head of all, of every altepetl everywhere in New Spain, as those who were the ancient ones, men and women, our grandmothers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great-grandparents, great- grandmothers, our forefathers, told and established in their accounts -
Aztec Mythology
Aztec Mythology One of the main things that must be appreciated about Aztec mythology is that it has both similarities and differences to European polytheistic religions. The idea of what a god was, and how they acted, was not the same between the two cultures. Along with all other native American religions, the Aztec faith developed from the Shamanism brought by the first migrants over the Bering Strait, and developed independently of influences from across the Atlantic (and Pacific). The concept of dualism is one that students of Chinese religions should be aware of; the idea of balance was primary in this belief system. Gods were not entirely good or entirely bad, being complex characters with many different aspects and their own desires and motivations. This is highlighted by the relation between Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. When the Spanish arrived with their European sensibilities, they were quick to name one good and one evil, identifying Quetzalcoatl with Christ and Tezcatlipoca with Satan during their attempts to integrate the Nahua peoples into Christianity. But to the Aztecs neither god would have been “better” than the other; they are just different and opposing sides of the same duality. Indeed, their identities are rather nebulous, with Quetzalcoatl often being referred to as “White Tezcatlipoca” and Tezcatlipoca as “Black Quetzalcoatl”. The Mexica, as is explained in the history section, came from North of Mexico in a location they named “Aztlan” (from which Europeans developed the term Aztec). During their migration south they were exposed to and assimilated elements of several native religions, including those of the Toltecs, Mayans, and Zapotecs. -
Aztec PERSIAN Chart Key
Aztec PERSIAN Chart Key Aztec ERAS: 600 C.E. to 1750 (Mexica) POLITICAL City-state rules by head ruler Leaders/groups Unlikely candidate for power after the Toltec Empire fell Forms of government Rulers and warrior nobles took lands and tribute from conquered towns. Empires Consolidated power of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and a smaller city, Tlacopan, into a triple State building/expansion alliance, realistically controlled by the Aztecs (dominated their allies & controlled the Political structures major share of tribute and land taken) Courts/laws Empire extended from the Tarascan frontier about 100 miles north of Mexico City Nationalism/nations southward to the Maya area Revolts/revolutions Human sacrifice = political terror Divided into 7 calpulli, or clans, which expanded and adapted to an imperial position; no longer kinship groups but residential groups (neighbors, allies, & dependants); distributed land to the heads of households, organized labor gangs and military units in times of war, & maintained temples & schools Great Speaker – in effect the emperor with great wealth and public power Prime minister held great power; relative of the ruler Governing council Exerted political domination but not direct administrative or territorial control ECONOMIC Food demanded as tribute from captured areas Agricultural, pastoral Developed system of irrigated agriculture; Chinampas – beds of aquatic weds, mud, Economic systems and earth that had been placed in frames made of cane and rooted to the lake floor; Labor systems/ -
Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices
1 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 1.2 Spring 2014 Tanya Ball The Power of Death: Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices hrough an examination of Aztec death iconography in pre- and post-Conquest codices of the central valley of Mexico T (Borgia, Mendoza, Florentine, and Telleriano-Remensis), this paper will explore how attitudes towards the Aztec afterlife were linked to questions of hierarchical structure, ritual performance and the preservation of Aztec cosmovision. Particular attention will be paid to the representation of mummy bundles, sacrificial debt- payment and god-impersonator (ixiptla) sacrificial rituals. The scholarship of Alfredo López-Austin on Aztec world preservation through sacrifice will serve as a framework in this analysis of Aztec iconography on death. The transformation of pre-Hispanic traditions of representing death will be traced from these pre- to post-Conquest Mexican codices, in light of processes of guided syncretism as defined by Hugo G. Nutini and Diana Taylor’s work on the performative role that codices play in re-activating the past. These practices will help to reflect on the creation of the modern-day Mexican holiday of Día de los Muertos. Introduction An exploration of the representation of death in Mexica (popularly known as Aztec) pre- and post-Conquest Central Mexican codices is fascinating because it may reveal to us the persistence and transformation of Aztec attitudes towards death and the after-life, which in some cases still persist today in the Mexican holiday Día de Tanya Ball 2 los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. This tradition, which hails back to pre-Columbian times, occurs every November 1st and 2nd to coincide with All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ day in the Christian calendar, and honours the spirits of the deceased. -
Toltec.Html Toltec
Text and pictures adapted from http://www.crystalinks.com/toltec.html Toltec The Atlantes are columns in the form of Toltec warriors in Tula The word Toltec in Mesoamerican studies has been used in different ways by different scholars to refer to actual populations and polities of pre-Columbian central Mexico or to the mythical ancestors mentioned in the mythical/historical narratives of the Aztecs. It is an ongoing debate whether the Toltecs can be understood to have formed an actual ethnic group at any point in Mesoamerican history or if they are mostly or only a product of Aztec myth. The scholars who have understood the Toltecs to have been an actual ethnic group often connect them to the archeological site of Tula, Hidalgo which is then supposed to have been the Tollan of Aztec myth. This tradition assumes the "Toltec empire" to have dominated much of central Mexico between the 10th and 12th century AD. Other Mexican cities such as Teotihuacán have also been proposed to have been the historical Tollan "Place of Reeds", the city from which the name Tolteca "inhabitant of Tollan" is derived in the Nahuatl language. The term Toltec has also been associated with the arrival of certain Central Mexican cultural traits into the Mayan sphere of dominance that took place in the late classic and early postclassic periods, and the Postclassic Mayan civilizations of Chichén Itzá, Mayapán and the Guatemalan highlands have been referred to as "toltecized" or "mexicanized" Mayas. For example the striking similarities between the city of Tula, Hidalgo and Chichen Itza have often been cited as direct evidence for Toltec dominance of the Postclassic Maya. -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Figure 0.3
Contents Acknowledgments ix A Brief Note on Usage xiii Introduction: History and Tlaxilacalli 3 Chapter 1: The Rise of Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1272–1454 40 Chapter 2: Acolhua Imperialisms, ca. 1420s–1583 75 Chapter 3: Community and Change in Cuauhtepoztlan Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1544–1575 97 Chapter 4: Tlaxilacalli Religions, 1537–1587 123 COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL Chapter 5: TlaxilacalliNOT FOR Ascendant, DISTRIBUTION 1562–1613 151 Chapter 6: Communities Reborn, 1581–1692 174 Conclusion: Tlaxilacalli and Barrio 203 List of Acronyms Used Frequently in This Book 208 Bibliography 209 Index 247 vii introduction History and Tlaxilacalli This is the story of how poor, everyday central Mexicans built and rebuilt autono- mous communities over the course of four centuries and two empires. It is also the story of how these self-same commoners constructed the unequal bonds of compul- sion and difference that anchored these vigorous and often beloved communities. It is a story about certain face-to-face human networks, called tlaxilacalli in both singular and plural,1 and about how such networks molded the shape of both the Aztec and Spanish rule.2 Despite this influence, however, tlaxilacalli remain ignored, subordinated as they often were to wider political configurations and most often appearing unmarked—that is, noted by proper name only—in the sources. With care, however, COPYRIGHTEDthe deeper stories of tlaxilacalli canMATERIAL be uncovered. This, in turn, lays bare a root-level history of autonomy and colonialism in central Mexico, told through the powerfulNOT and transformative FOR DISTRIBUTION tlaxilacalli. The robustness of tlaxilacalli over thelongue durée casts new and surprising light on the structures of empire in central Mexico, revealing a counterpoint of weakness and fragmentation in the canonical histories of centralizing power in the region. -
Life Is a Journey: Easter Metaphors of Quetzalcoatl's Ancient World Journey
ANAIS V CIMLP PROCEEDINGS V CIMLP LIFE IS A JOURNEY: EASTER METAPHORS OF QUETZALCOATL’S ANCIENT WORLD JOURNEY Julia Elizabeth Lonergan, Ph.D. E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT: This paper looks at the cognitive mappings behind Easter metaphors of Quetzalcóatl’s ancient world journey, using material culture metaphors from historical artifacts and oral histories from Tula Mexico, Hopi New Mexico, and the Egyptian Old Kingdom. The religious metaphors behind the concept of Quetzalcóatl, the ‘Eagle- Snake’ Ruler’s journey are shared cross-culturally, and the abstract metaphorical entailments cohere around the conceptual metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY. Quetzalcóatl is a multimodal metaphor referencing a complex embodied understanding of two hybrid objects occupying the same time and space. Cóatl means ‘Snake’, and is the figurative word for ‘twin’. The Aztec language itself, Nahuatl is a proper noun that means ‘using the animal power’, and relates animals and categorical properties to the tribes of Meso-American peoples. Similarly, animal attributes stand in metonymic relation to the corresponding powers of Quetzalcóatl to the Legends of JOURNEY at EASTER to the East. The advanced knowledge of the stars, math, science is found in the living emotions and religious beliefs of the people. Quetzal-cóatl is a noun-noun compound that means ‘Precious Twins’ from the literal ‘Plumed-Flying Serpent’, implies the Flying Eagle. The quetzal bird of Guatemala has long colorful feathers that are very valuable and precious. The conceptual metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY mappings is used with evidences from petroglyph rock art, ancient cliff symbols and Egyptian and Mexican pyramid frescos. -
Quantitative Dynamics of Human Empires
Quantitative Dynamics of Human Empires Cesare Marchetti and Jesse H. Ausubel FOREWORD Humans are territorial animals, and most wars are squabbles over territory. become global. And, incidentally, once a month they have their top managers A basic territorial instinct is imprinted in the limbic brain—or our “snake meet somewhere to refresh the hierarchy, although the formal motives are brain” as it is sometimes dubbed. This basic instinct is central to our daily life. to coordinate business and exchange experiences. The political machinery is Only external constraints can limit the greedy desire to bring more territory more viscous, and we may have to wait a couple more generations to see a under control. With the encouragement of Andrew Marshall, we thought it global empire. might be instructive to dig into the mechanisms of territoriality and their role The fact that the growth of an empire follows a single logistic equation in human history and the future. for hundreds of years suggests that the whole process is under the control In this report, we analyze twenty extreme examples of territoriality, of automatic mechanisms, much more than the whims of Genghis Khan namely empires. The empires grow logistically with time constants of tens to or Napoleon. The intuitions of Menenius Agrippa in ancient Rome and of hundreds of years, following a single equation. We discovered that the size of Thomas Hobbes in his Leviathan may, after all, be scientifically true. empires corresponds to a couple of weeks of travel from the capital to the rim We are grateful to Prof. Brunetto Chiarelli for encouraging publication using the fastest transportation system available. -
The 1524 Nuremberg Map of Tenochtitlan, Its Sources and Meanings
Mapping the Aztec Capital: The 1524 Nuremberg Map of Tenochtitlan, Its Sources and Meanings BARBARA E. MUNDY ABSTRACT: The map of Tenochtitlan published along with a Latin version of Heman Cortes's letters (Nuremberg, 1524) was the first picture Europeans had of the Culhua-Mexica city, the capital of the Aztec empire. The source of this woodcut map is unknown, and the author argues here that it was based on an indigenous map of the city. Once published in Europe, the city map and its companion map of the Gulf Coast, while certainly documentary, also assumed a symbolic function in supporting Cortes's (and thereby Spain's) just conquest of the Amerindian empire. KEYWORDS: Aztec maps, Culhua-Mexica, New Spain, Hernan Cortes, Amerindian maps, Tenochtitlan [Tenochtitlan, Temistitan], Mexico, cartography, Pre-Columbian maps. The startling news of the Spanish conquistador 1524, the city it showed was as much a fantasy as Hernan Cortes's entry into Mexico and his encoun- Amadis: the devastating war of conquest, coupled ter with the Aztecs in 1519 fascinated Europeans, with the internecine hatreds that Cortes unleashed, and a large audience awaited the publication of the had reduced the city to smoking rubble by August conquistador's letters describing his initial adven- of 1521. None the less, the map was the first image tures.' When these letters were translated into Europe had of the fantastic capital and soon would Latin and published in Nuremberg under the title become the most widespread. Throughout the Praeclara Ferdinddi. Cortesii de Noua maris Oceani sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, pub- Hyspania Narratio . -
“Enclosures with Inclusion” Vis-À-Vis “Boundaries” in Ancient Mexico
Ancient Mesoamerica, page 1 of 16, 2021 Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0956536121000043 “ENCLOSURES WITH INCLUSION” VIS-À-VIS “BOUNDARIES” IN ANCIENT MEXICO Amos Megged Department of General History, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel, Haifa 31990, Israel Abstract Recent in-depth research on the Nahua Corpus Xolotl, as well as on a large variety of compatible sources, has led to new insights on what were “boundaries” in preconquest Nahua thought. The present article proposes that our modern Western concept of borders and political boundaries was foreign to ancient Mexican societies and to Aztec-era polities in general. Consequently, the article aims to add a novel angle to our understanding of the notions of space, territoriality, and limits in the indigenous worldview in central Mexico during preconquest times, and their repercussions for the internal social and political relations that evolved within the Nahua-Acolhua ethnic states (altepetl). Furthermore, taking its cue from the Corpus Xolotl, the article reconsiders the validity of ethnic entities and polities in ancient Mexico and claims that many of these polities were ethnic and territorial amalgams, in which components of ethnic outsiders formed internal enclaves and powerbases. I argue that in ancient Mexico one is able to observe yet another kind of conceptualization of borders/ frontiers: “enclosures with inclusion,” which served as the indigenous concept of porous and inclusive boundaries, well up to the era of the formation of the so-called Triple Alliance, and beyond.