The Afro-Argentine Payador Tradition: The Art of Gabino Ezeiza

by Donald S. Castro

I surface, the Rojas thesis appears to be at odds with the elitist view. This is not really true, and these This article will focus on the payador tradition two positions are not mutually exclusive. While in and the impact of the Afro-Argentine Rojas expressed a fascination with the based on this Rioplatine cultural form with particular culture in terms of the organization of his work on attention given to the payador Gabino Ezeiza (1858 Argentine literature, he demonstrated a preference 1916). The actual role in, and the impact of the for Euro-based literature and literary movements in Afro-Argentine on, Rioplatine culture is the subject Argentina in the balance of his study. Nevertheless, of much controversy. The use of the word "Rio even if unintentional, Rojas' work strongly sug platine" instead of Argentine is intentional because gests that Argentine culture was creole-gaucho it is the crux of the controversy: is Argentine based and therefore, by implication, regional, due to culture a product of an autochthonous experience a commonality of experience that produced the limited to the area west of the Rio de la Plata culture in the first place. estuary or is it a part of a broader regional exper The debate on the origins of Argentine culture ience inclusive of the geographic area today called greatly affects the role of the Afro-Argentine in the ? If we use the apparent definition of Argen eventual meld of what is called today "Argentine tine culture presented by Ricardo Rojas in his study culture" (cultura argentina). For example, if the on Argentine literature, then the underpinning of place of origin of Argentine culture is exclusive of that culture is gaucho based.1 While Rojas did not Uruguay, then the role of the Afro-Argentine is speak to the fact that the gaucho experience was not severely limited through the process of denial. An limited only to the area now called Argentina, Argentine base of origin is usually associated with clearly there were (are) in Uruguay and in a Euro-creole experience, while a broader base of Southern Brazil. Therefore, the conclusion that origin (inclusive of the Banda Oriental del must be drawn is that a gaucho based culture cannot Uruguay), includes a major contribution from an be limited to an Argentine experience only. In fact, African experience in the region. What is implied it is centered in a much larger area that is clearly in this aspect of the debate is the following: the "Rioplatine." area of modern-day Uruguay was the watershed for If the more traditional elitist porteno view is much of what is called Argentine culture; the im adopted, gaucho based culture is predicated on an ex pact of the Afro-Uruguayan was significant in clusive American experience that was viewed as terms of transmitting that culture to the city of backward. To the Argentine ruling and cultural Buenos Aires; and that the transmitted culture be elites after 1862 (point of national unification), came the basis for the Argentine puppet theatre, the only a European-oriented-and based-culture was Argentine circus, the Argentine theatre, and above acceptable. The elitist's view defined Argentine cul all, the origin of that supreme symbol of Argen ture as rooted in an initially Spanish and later more tina, the tango. The role of the Rioplatine black is general European culture base brought into the pivotal in the debate. However, in the discussion of geographic area on the western shore of the Rio de this role, it appears that the focus is on the Afro la Plata estuary. Therefore, the elitist view is not Uruguayan. When Argentines argue their counter only Eurocentric, it is as well, site specific. On the case, they include the Afro-Argentine only to deny

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Afro-Argentine Payador Tradition his participation. Therefore, regardless of the side la Plata were totally dislocated from their cultural taken, the role of the black in Argentina seems to African home with a loss of language, religion, and be minimized or ignored. While the Argentine tribal affiliation (Cosas de negros 9). From a position is Creole based, it is implicit that Creole in cultural point of view, Rossi suggested blacks the context of the debate is definable in terms of became perhaps more Creole than did the other com whiteness.2 ponents of Rioplatine society. In the rural areas, The primary focus, in all of the discussions on they became gauchos, were the backbone of the Argentine cultural origins, is on what is essentially montonera forces [irregular mounted troops], the culture of the city of Buenos Aires, and not that symbols of patriotism and local autonomy, and in of the interior. This is true even when the discus the city of Buenos Aires, they became the origi sion centers on the literature of the rural interior, nators of the tango. Rossi argued that there were e.g., the gaucho epic and the rural thematic theatre two musical cultural symbols of Argentineness, the productions. This debate has involved some of the urban tango and the rural payada musical tradition leading cultural figures of Argentina and Uruguay of the gaucho. and is far from being resolved. Many authors can be Clearly the Afro-Argentine played an important cited as participants in this debate. Only two are role in the formation of these symbols of Argentine most noted here because of their ideas' impact on ness: the tango and the payada. Even as shown by the perception of the cultural role of the Afro Rossi, as the gaucho became more a subject for lit Argentine (Afro-Uruguayan): Raul H. Castagnino erate authors and thus became a "folk hero," he was and Vicente Rossi. More modern authors are still whitened and shorn of his Indian and Black heritage. debating and reacting to the arguments presented by As stated by Rossi metaphorically, "...la herencia these authors as long ago as in the early 1900s. autoctona esta en la savia, aunque la nieguen las Raul H. Castagnino, the author of many hojas" ["...the intrinsic essence of a tree is in its books on the Argentine circus, early theatre, and on sap, even though the leaves deny their origin"] the tango, has argued specifically in favor of the (Teatro nacional 105). Yet this denial was impos idea of a regional culture and of the early identifi sible to maintain because the folk tradition of the cation of the tango-milonga with blacks. His only gaucho payador [gaucho troubador], the itinerant disagreement with Vicente Rossi is where the folk singer who was the preserver of oral traditions, Creole theatre originated, as a separate cultural phen includes the Afro-Argentine as shown, for example, omenon (Castagnino) or as part of the Creole circus in the second part of Martin Fierro ("La vuelta" (Rossi).3 Vicente Rossi, a long-term resident in Ar ["The Return"], 1879) and later with Gabino gentina of Uruguayan origin, was one of the first to Ezeiza. write on the role of the African in the culture of the A number of authors, including George Reid Rio de la Plata. He wrote three major studies in Andrews and Nestor Ortiz Oderigo, have arugued which he discussed the cultural role of blacks in the that the close association of the Afro-Argentine to Ri'o de la Plata: Teatro national rioplatense: the payador tradition is very understandable. Their Contribution a su analisis y a su historia [The arguments differ from the earlier Rossi view. Rioplatine National Theatre: Contribution to Its Rossi's arguments focus on an American cultural Analysis and to Its History] (1910); El gaucho: su origin and not on any African influence as such. origen y evolution [The Gaucho: His Origin and Therefore, the Afro-Argentine contribution is based Evolution] (1921), and Cosas de Negros [Things on an American experience instead of an African Related to Blacks] (1926). In these studies, he indi carry-over. This has generated controversy among cated the cultural debt owed to blacks by Argen more modern authors who have argued an African tines. By using the word "Rioplatine," Rossi made cultural origin transmitted by Afro-Argentines a forceful statement on the interconnectedness of because of their African roots and not due to exper culture in the Rfo de la Plata region. By using the iences gained in the Americas (Andrews 213).4 title Cosas de Negros, Rossi also made a definite These authors present the argument that the payador statement that things related to blacks were not fool tradition is African in origin. Wherever there was ish but were significant. This was at variance with an African presence in the Americas, a musical con the standard Argentine meaning of the term, cosas trapuntal tradition developed. It could take the form de negros, which equated it with foolish things or of either an instrumental or vocal counterpoint. with sex. In the Rossi thesis, blacks in the Rfo de Examples of the African inspired contrapuntal

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Donald S. Castro tradition range from the instrumental "duels" in conclusion. What is irrefutable, however, is the American jazz (cutting contests) and in Afro-Carib essential role the Afro-Argentine played in advan bean music (cf. tapada or drum duel) to the "answer cing this tradition, and in moving it from the back" songs of the American South, of Brazil countryside to the city. {canto de desafio), and of Argentina (payadd). These What is also clear from this debate is that the musical traditions, they argue, developed in a direct payador tradition was regional, that is, Rioplatine, lineal fashion from their African roots and were and not exclusively Argentine. This affected the brought to the Americas by slaves as early as the role of the Afro-Argentine. Because ethnocentric sixteenth century (Andrews 170-173 and Ortiz Argentines could not lay claim to an exclusively Oderigo 130-121). While Reid Andrews' sources Argentine origin, as was the case of the tango, they for his support of the African origin of the payador could be less proprietary and less concerned with tradition are second-hand, those cited by Ortiz the "whiteness" of the tradition. Thereby, it could include aged Afro-Argentine informants and original include blacks, and even originate with blacks. research in the area of ethnomusicology. However, Whether it came from a generalized Afro-creole if this conclusion is correct, it strongly supports origin or a more geographic specific Afro-Argentine the carry-over traditions of the African in the Rfo or Afro-Uruguayan origin, it did not matter. Yet, de la Plata region. However, Ortiz does recognize the significance of the payada in Argentine rural that there is no way to conclusively prove the culture is clear, and to be able to demonstrate an African origin of the payada (103). Nevertheless, African association or origin this most "creole circumstancial evidence supports the conclusion traditional" cultural phenomena is a triumph for drawn and provides "modern" support of the earlier those who argue a strong African presence in Argen conclusions drawn less scientifically by Vicente tine culture. Unlike other examples of Argentine Rossi of at least a significant role of the Afro culture, the puppet theatre, for example, which had creole in the payador tradition. their origins in the Ri'o de la Plata region (usually Unlike the tango, the circus, the puppet another way of expressing Uruguayan roots), the theatre, or even the popular theatre, the evidence of payador tradition clearly contains a well-defined Ar an Afro-Argentine contribution is irrefutable in the gentine base. This alone may support the argu payador tradition. If the evidence on the Afro-Argen ments of an Argentine origin versus an Uruguayan tine contribution was not conclusive, on the basis one and that origin may, in fact, be Afro-Argentine of what happened historically in other areas of Rio specific. platine culture, the contribution could (and would) be minimized and the tradition whitened.5 This did n not happen in the case of the payador tradition. There is no debate among Argentines on the signif The role the Afro-Argentine has played in the icance of this tradition in rural Argentina, nor of its payada is twofold: one negative-as a symbol of intimate relationship to the gaucho persona. evil, and the other positive-as the maintainer of Authors such as Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, in traditional gaucho-rural folk customs. The black as his classic work Facundo (1845), Jose Hernandez, evil, savage or wild, or as the personification of the in his gaucho epic Martin Fierro (1872), or devil, is a cultural heritage from Western Europe Leopoldo Lugones in his 1916 study El payador, and in Argentina these images took many forms. have noted the payador tradition as integral to the For example, the term cimarron means a wild gaucho experience. What is also clear is that many animal, especially a dog, or the bitter Paraguayan rural Afro-creoles were gauchos and were payadores. tea (mate amargo) [literally bitter tea or tea without What can be debated is the thesis suggested by sugar]. It also means a runaway slave who is per Nestor Ortiz Oderigo, and others, that the payada is ceived as a threat to society as a brigand, etc. As African in origin (103ff). For example, one author noted by Jose Hernandez in Martin Fierro ("La has suggested that the origin of the payada is to be vuelta," 1879): "Pintael bianco negro al diablo..." found in the customs of the Pampa-mapuche ["The white paints the devil black..."] (199). Also, Indians, others infer it came to Argentina as part of in popular Argentine Spanish, "mandingo" [a term the Spanish heritage (Roman 179).6 The origins of normally used to describe a cultural group from the payada, like the tango's origins, can be debated West Africa] means the devil. Perhaps the most without end and never with a satisfactory definitive common role given by whites to blacks to play is

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Afro-Argentine Payador Tradition as the devil character in the folk tradition of Santos originated in popular folk traditions, it became a Vega. morality lesson between good and evil, with the Santos Vega was a Creole gaucho payador of black as evil and the whitened gaucho as good. The supreme skill in the 1820s. His fame was enor shift of the literary black payador figure from the mous. One day, he was challenged by another time of Hernandez {Martin Fierro, 1872) to the payador to a contrapuntal duel, a payada. After two payador figure in the Santos Vega poems of Hilario full days and nights, Vega ran out of words, lost Ascasubi (1871) and Rafael Obligado (1883) the payada, and died. According to the popular through the novels of Eduardo Gutierrez (1881) up tradition that grew up after the real man died, only to the novel by Elbio Bernandez Jaques (1936), is the devil could have had enough skill to defeat the one in which the black payador becomes more evil. human Santos Vega. As the story circulated, Vega In Martin Fierro, Hernandez gives the reader a sense was made into a legend and the duel became symbol of pathos for the defeated black, while in the novel ic of the eternal battle between man (Santos Vega) of Jaques, the black is simply evil. The argument and the devil (sometimes euphemistically called can be made that the personification of the black in Juan Sin Ropa, or Naked John), or the battle in Martin Fierro is a far more accurate portrayal of the defense of the old Creole ways against the chal black in rural Creole tradition than is true in the lenges of the gringo and modernization. Santos more elite poetic form of the Santos Vega tra Vega became the symbol of the eternal gaucho, dition.9 While there is documentation that the epic who would live on, if not as flesh and blood, at Martin Fierro was a "best seller" in rural Argen least as a spirit of Argentineness.7 tina, it is unlikely that the rural population "read" Many Creole authors have used the legend as the creole Santos Vega poems. inspiration: Hilario Ascasubi, Bartolome Mitre, By using the image of the black as satanic, Eduardo Gutierrez, and Rafael Obligado, among white failure could be excused. This was especially others. In a series of four poems written in the true in the description of black payadores who were 1880s, Rafael Obligado described the life and death so skilled that they could defeat the best of the of the immortal payador. In "La muerte del Creole payadores in the contrapuntal duels of the payador" ["The Death of the Payador"], Obligado payadas (cf. Santos Vega tradition). How was this described the contrapuntal duel Santos Vega had possible when blacks were inferior to Creoles? The with Juan Sin Ropa. The poem ends with the death black payador must have had the assistance of the of Santos Vega: devil, or he must have been the devil himself. The underlying fact of this belief is the awe Creoles Y si cantando murio must have had for the skill of black payadores. This aquel que vivio cantando skill is borne out by the real-life black payadores. porque el diablo lo vencio. While the most famous black payador was [And if he died singing, Gabino Ezeiza, he was not the only Afro-Argentine he who lived singing. payador. One of the earliest references to a non It was bccause the devil beat him.] (199)8 literary black payador is in the Ventura R. Lynch work, La Provincia de Buenos Aires hasta la In the well-known version of Hilario Ascasubi's definicion de la cuestion Capital de la Republica Santos Vega (1872), the famous payador is defeated [The Province of Buenos Aires up to the Defining by the devil in the form of a black payador. This tra of the Question of the Capital of the Republic] dition was furthered by Eduardo Gutierrez in his (1883), where he made reference to a black payador novel Santos Vega (1881). Elbio Bernandez Jaques, Valentin Ferreyra ("un paisanito pardo," "a black in his novel El gaucho del Tuyu (1936), continued country boy") from the town of Nueve de Julio, the tradition well into the twentieth century by who was much valued in the province of Buenos presenting a payada between a gaucho and "el Aires (20).10 Other authors have referenced the exis mandingo," a duel between light (luz) and darkness tence of precursors to the payador tradition who (el noche), good versus evil with the black as evil. were noted black gaucho singer-story tellers, such The incorporation of the Creole Santos Vega tra as Guasquito from the outskirts of the city of dition into white literature furthered the use of the Buenos Aires, and Pancho Luna from the province Afro-Argentine as a negative force in Argentine of Buenos Aires. Both men lived in the time of culture. While the myth of Santos Vega may have Bernardino Rivadavia (circa 1820s) (Roman 179).

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Donald S. Castro

Ismael Moya, an Argentine who has written exten 1891 in what would prove to be a very popular sively on the payador, made note that there were event repeated for many years (1891-1894) as much many famous black payadores during the period publicized duels of skill (Podesta 72 and Moya 1874-1910, such as Facundo Galvan (b. circa 281). One of the most famous payadas in which 1830), Pablo Jerez, "El moreno" Puanes, and Felix these men participated took place at the Teatro Juarez.11 Other well-known black payadores were Florida to a sold-out house in the town of Higinio D. Cazon (1830-1914) from the province Pergamino, Province of Buenos Aires, in 1894. of Buenos Aires, and Luis Garcia (1875-1961), also This event was considered so important that the from Buenos Aires province. Both these men elitist Buenos Aires daily La Prensa [The Press] traveled extensively throughout the country, were sent its best reporter, the well-known essayist well-known poets and theatre artists (Ortiz Oderigo Joaquin B. Gonzalez, to cover the event.13 Fortu 110-113). But most black payadores were nately, somene had the presence of mind to steno remembered without a name, and recalled only as graphically record the entire event so that we have "un negro payador" (Roman 179).12 the complete contrapuntal duel, the only complete Regardless of other black payadores' fame, on payada of that era so preserved (Contrapunto). ly one has been called the "payador of the The event went on for two nights. It is evident payadores," and this was Gabino Ezeiza (1858 from an analysis of the verses sung during the 1916). If ever the spirit of the payador who had the payada that the payadores were not rough gauchos skill to defeat Santos Vega came back, it would but well-read men. The same techniques of improvi have had to be in the body of Ezeiza. Largely due to sation used by the gauchos were still used, but the his skill, the art of the payada moved from an enter topics of the payada (for example, the significance tainment found only in the rural bars (pulper'ias) of Christopher Columbus, idea of progress, patriot and at the gaucho campfire, to become part of cir ism, etc.) clearly proved that the audience was not cus and theatrical productions. One Argentine au composed of rude countryfolk. This fact was noted thor has described the fame of Ezeiza as follows: by Ezeiza when he greeted the audience as "...noble pueblo...nacionales y estranjeros" ["...noble ...su celebridad ensanchaba constantemente people...nationals and foreigners"] (Contrapunto las fronteras de su difusion. Su nombre se 56). In another part of the payada, in a long ex afianzaba en los distintos proscenios change on the future of Argentina, both Vazquez arti'sticos en que actuaban. Los sitios de and Ezeiza acknowledged the role of the immigrant diversion se disputaban su presencia... in the creation of the new modern fatherland (69 Habi'ase convertido en una figura inimada 73). This was cheered. Even though Vazquez noted en el ambiente del canto popular, [...his many times the fact he was a Creole, Ezeiza did not fame constantly defined the limits of his so note his own ethnicity. The color of his skin exposure. His reputation was made in the clearly told who he was. Furthermore, it was the many artistic places where he performed. pcrccpLive Ezeiza who noted the composition of the Entertainment sites fought over his appear audience when he initiated the topic on the role of ance.... He had been converted into the the immigrant in Argentina. Thus, he played to the most desired entertainer in the world of the audience's good will and left Vazquez alone in his popular song] (Ortiz Oderigo 113). self-contemplation. The art of the payada was now something far more sophisticated than in the days The gauge of the skill of a payador was found of Sarmiento or even of Hernandez. in the improvised contrapuntal poetic duel of the During the payada, in the heat of the exchange, payada. These became very popular in the period af the issue of race surfaced briefly as the frustration ter 1880 and were staged in theatres in provincial of Vazquez increased (cf. the exchange at the end of towns and cities and even in Buenos Aires. Many the first night, when he called upon Ezeiza to say theatre and circus impresarios saw this form of en things "a lo bianco negro," that is, use the white tertainment as a draw to their places of business and way and not the black way, e.g., honest versus offered it as a part of regular programs in the theatre devious way) (30). Ezeiza, as he went on to a new and circus performances. For example, Jose J. topic, passed off the Vazquez remark with the com Podesta brought together for the first time the ment that truth could be found if Vazquez were to payadores Pablo Vazquez and Gabino Ezeiza in "dccirle a lo negro bianco" ["say it the black way,

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Afro-Argentine Payador Tradition

White man"] (33). Also, one can ask why was lamentos del corazon. Vazquez so insistent in defining himself as a [This guilar that I play creole-was this an oblique way of raising the issue and with whom I have felt such harmony of Ezeiza's race? If so, apparently it had no effect is linked to my life on Ezeiza, who ignored the possibility of insult. by a secret union While Vazquez acknowledged the reputation of without my guitar I would not be able Ezeiza as the "rey de los payadores" ["Payador to sing as I do now King"], it would be Vazquez, he announced, who with its accompaniment would wear the crown at the end of the payada (38). my heartfelt laments.] Vazquez's hope was dashed. The judges ruled Ezeiza (Recuerdos 14-15) the victor. The crown as king would stay on Ezeiza's head and go with him to his grave in Perhaps this melancholy can be attributed to his 1916. He would never be defeated. life-long experiences of discrimination he suffered In another series of payadas, Gabino Ezeiza as an Afro-Argentine in his most beloved country. was pitted against another Creole payador, Nevertheless, issues of race, social criticism and Maximiliano Santillan, called "El payador de la comment are absent in most of his published Pampa" ["the Pampa Payador"]. In a final confron works. Yet he was not apolitical, he was a strong tation, held in the town of Rauch, Province of supporter of the middle class party Union Ci'vica Buenos Aires, in 1898, Ezeiza, after a grueling day Radical [Radical Civic Union] and of its leaders and night-long payada, defeated Santillan Leandro Alem (he composed a patriotic verse in his definitively. In the duel, Santillan's sense of defeat honor) and Hipolilo Yrigoyen.14 turned to the bitterness of racial slurs: What made his work popular, according to one author, was his skill in the use of words; he was ^Donde esta ese negro poeta able to communicate to the public through a que tanta fama le dan? "...persuasivo idioma cuajado de emocion" jDigale que Saniillan ["...persuasive idiom filled with emotion"] (Ortiz a ningun negro respecta! Oderigo 115). This was recognized by other [Where is this black poet payadores, such as Jose Betinotti, who dedicated who has been given so much fame? their own work to the "inmortal payador" (Ezeiza Tell him that Santillan Contrapunto 94-95).15 When the recording industry has little truck for any black!] began to operate on a fairly large scale in Argen (Moya 313) tina, the baritone voice and poetic vision of Ezeiza found a new method of dissemination. From 1905 Again, as in the payada of 1894, Ezeiza did not let until his death, he was a major recording star (Ortiz himself be drawn into a racial confrontation. Oderigo 120). As in the case of the tango, where What is evident from a review of the 1894 there is only one preeminent personality, Carlos payada, and from the published works of Gabino Gardel, Argentines think only of Gabino Ezeiza Ezeiza, is that Ezeiza did not present himself as a when the topic of the payada is discussed. Such was black payador, he was simply a payador. His poetry the talent of this man, this Afro-Argentine. is quiet and unassuming. The topics are traditional The Creole lower classes, both rural and urban, ones: patriotism, romantic love, country scenes, rcspecled and supported Gabino Ezeiza as a man and etc. (see Works Cited). There is also a sense of as an artist. He was part of their world, the world of melancholy in his work. For example, in his poem popular entertainment such as the cirucs and the "La Guitarra" ["The Guitar"]: rural theatre. He was not part of white defined Euro pcanized Argentine culture of his time. He could be Esta guitarra que toca black, there was no need to "whiten" him because y tiene tanta armonia his audience was of mixed racial background and it se liga a la vida mfa did not need to pretend to be anything other than por una secreta union, what it was. Nevertheless, the elite world of sin ella ya no podria porteno culture was fascinated by Ezeiza, as demon cantar en este momcnto, strated by La Prensa sending the Creole essayist como canlo con su acento Gonzalez to cover the 1894 payada. Even when

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Donald S. Castro

Ezeiza's audience became more sophisticated and Venezuela and the issue of white defined culture, see included immigrants, even if the content of the Winthrop R. Wright, Cafe con Leche: Race, Class, and National Image in Venezuela (Austin: University of payadas became more reflective of the interests of Texas Press, 1990). the demographically changing audiences, the format 3For a complete citation of Castagnino's works, see of the presentation remained true to its Creole ori Works Cited. For a discussion of the Rossi-Castagnino gins. dispute, see Raul Hector Castagnino, Circo, teatro Ezeiza was the personification of a real payador gauchesco y tango (Buenos Aires: Institute nacional de tradition, not an artificial construct for the porteno estudios de teatro, 1981), pp. 159-160. salon. In this latter instance, the black as evil be 4Rossi's point of view has generated much came a literary device used against the reality of the controversy and George Reid Andrews has taken exception to the Rossi contention. The points made by true rural tradition of respect for the black gaucho, Reid Andrews are well taken; however, the fact remains especially the gaucho payador. In addition, since the that Rossi's book is still one of the only comprehensive porteno elite could not lay exclusive claim to the studies on the Afro-Argentine. Perhaps this fact is payador tradition, it did not need to be exclusively sufficient commentary on the level of study the topic of white, nor did it need to be whitened, as in other the Afro-Argentine has generated among Argentine cultural symbols of "Argentineness," such as the scholars. tango. The black presence could be tolerated, even 5Probably the best example of this process of accepted, yet in almost a malicious sense there was "whitening" is to be found in the discussion of the a need to demean the Afro-Argentine payador origins of the tango. Cf. Donald S. Castro, The Argentine Tango as Social History, 1880-1955 (New through the Creole attribution of the literary black York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), Chapter 2. payador as satanic. Gabino Ezeiza proved the Creole 6Leopoldo Lugones sugggested that the payador authors wrong. As a flesh-and-blood payador, tradition was an extension of the Southern European Ezeiza did not need the devil to be great, he needed troubador tradition and the word payada came from only his sublime human-given talent. ballada. See Leopoldo Lugones, El payador (Buenos Aires: Editorial Huemul, 1972, 4th edition), p. 20. First printed in 1916. Contents of the book are based on a NOTES series of lectures given by Lugones in 1913. 7This symbolism of the gaucho is probably most beautifully expressed in the novel Don Segundo Sombra 1 This is most evident in the organizational plan of by Ricardo Giiiraldes, written in the 1920s. For a the work. Cf. Historia de la literatura argenlina: Ensayo filosdfico sobre la evolucion de la cultura en la Plata discussion of the gaucho in general, see Richard W. (Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1948), 7 vols. First Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier (Lincoln: printed in 1917-1922. University of Nebraska Press, 1983). In his article on 2Creole in Argentine usage takes on a number gauchoof banditry "Images of Social Banditry on the meanings and at times its usage is contradictory to Argentinethe Pampa," lie presents a brief but interesting more traditional usage describing a person of European comment on the Santos Vega myth. See Richard W. parents, or (later) white ancestry, born in the Amcricas. Slatta, ed., Bandidos: The Varieties of Latin American It also came to mean a person bom in the Americas Banditryand (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), pp. 60 a product of the "American" experience-nativist culture 61. In 1938, in recognition of the centenary of the versus European oriented culture. The term when used publication of the poem "Santos Vega" by Bartolome in that case became a cultural and not necessarily Mitre, a The Argentine Folkore Association presented a racial descriptor. Therefore, it was possible to have special a program on the significance of the Santos Vega Creole (white person) denouncing Creoles (persons tradition of in the Argentina of that time. The basic theme mixed racial ancestry and products of the American of the program was how Mitre was able to identify the experience) for being blocks to progress (e.g., the universal truths of the myth and inspire other authors to importation of European values and culture). When further the tradition in which the mythic Vega became Creole is used in the subsequent text, it will either thebe symbol and the essence of the true Argentine spirit. capitalized (Creole) or written in lower case (creole). See Asociacion Folklorica Argentina, El mito de Santos When capitalized, it will be used in the traditional sense Vega, por Santos Fare. En el centenario de la primera of white (versus mestizo, mulatto, zambo, Indian, etc.) evocacidn de Santos Vega, por Elbio Bernarde2 Jacques and when used in lower case, it will mean a person who(Buenos Aires: Imprenta Mercali, 1939). is a product of the American experience, regardless of SJuan Sin Ropa after his victory turns into a snake. ethnic or racial make-up. Afro-Argentine is also given 9Nicolas Shumway argues that the image of the as Afro-creole and mestizo is also given as Euro Afro-Argentine portrayed in Martin Fierro is completely Indian. For a comparative discussion of conditions in negative and the duels between Martin Fierro and the

AFRO-HISPANIC REVIEW FALL 1994

This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Afro-Argentine Pay ado r Tradition moreno, and later with El negro, are clear indications of Argentina de Americanistas, n.d. (1953). the disdain Martin Fierro had for the Afro-Argentine. Bernardez Jacques, Elbio. En el centenario de la While I do not agree with this evaluation, the number of primera evocation de Santos Vega. Buenos Aires: black gauchos and other rural personas and their Asociacion Folklorica Argentina, 1939. interaction with their non-black counterparts is a subject El gaucho del Tuyu (Romance). Era del 1800. for further study. What is significant is the words that Buenos Aires: Imprenta Ferrari, 1936. Hernandez used in blacks' dialog which convey a sense Betinoti, Jose. De mi cosecha, coleccion completa de las composiciones del malogrado payador Jose of pathos for the plight of the rural Afro-Argentine. See Betinoti. Buenos Aires: Editorial Andres Perez Shumway, The Invention of Argentina (Berkeley: Uni Cuberes, n.d. Betinoti died in 1915 and this was versity of California Press, 1991), pp. 140, 271-272. published shortly after his death. lOAlso cited in Nestor Ortiz Oderigo (104). Lynch Castagnino, Raul Hector. Centurias del circo criollo. in his essay included a discussion of the origin of the Buenos Aires: Editorial Perrot, 1959. contrapuntal payada and suggested that it came from the El circo criollo. Datos y documentos para su Argentine province of Cordoba (7). historia, 1757-1924. Buenos Aires: Editorial Plus liSee Romancero (Buenos Aires: Imprenta de la Ultra, 1969. First printed in 1953. Universidad, 1941), pp. 342-344. See also Ismael Circo, teatro gauchesco y tango. Buenos Aires: Moya, El arte de lospa.yad.ores (Buenos Aires: Editorial Instituto Nacional de Estudios de Teatro, 1981. P. Beruti, 1959), pp. 277-279, 311-313. Official publication of the Argentine Ministry of l2This seems to be another example of not giving Culture and Education. importance to the person because of his race. Sociologia del teatro argentino. Buenos Aires: 13Nestor Ortiz Oderigo, Aspectos de la cultura Editorial Nova, 1963. africana, p. 113. Teatro argentino premoreirista, 1600-1884. l4The verse was written in 1896 and entitled "La Buenos Aires: Editorial Plus Ultra, 1969. sombra de Alem." Ezeiza died on the day of the El teatro en Buenos Aires durante la epoca de inauguration of Hipolito Yrigoyen as President in 1916. Rosas. Buenos Aires: Instituto Nacional de ISThis poem is also contained in Jose Betinoti, De Estudios de Teatro, 1944. Doctoral dissertation of mi cosecha, coleccion completa de las composiciones Castagnino. del malogrado payador Betinoti (Buenos Aires: Editorial Castro, Donald S. The Argentine Tango as Social Perez Cuberes, n.d.), p. 39. As can be seen by this History, 1880-1955. The Soul of the People. New payador's name (seems to be spelled two ways), even York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. Italian immigrants could now be payadores. The edition Ezeiza, Gabino. Coleccion de canciones del payador used of Ezeiza's payada of 1894 was a reprint published argentino. Buenos Aires: N. Tommasi, Editor, n.d. to commemorate Ezeiza's death in 1916. Printed circa 1910. Recuerdos del payador. Composiciones populares. Buenos Aires: Editorial Andres Perez WORKS CITED Cubres, 1916. Collection dates from before 1916. and Pablo Vazquez. Contrapunto entre los Andrews, George Reid. The Afro-Argentines of Buenos famosos payadores Gabino Ezeiza y Pablo Aires, 1800-1900. Madison: The University of Vazquez. Buenos Aires: M. Alfredo Angulo, Wisconsin Press, 1980. Editor, n.d. Stenographic copy of the payada that Ascasubi, Hilario. Aniceto El Gallo-gacetero prosista y took place in Pergamino, Province of Buenos Aires gaucho-poeta argentino. Extracto del periddico de in 1894. Edition used was probably printed in 1916 este titulo publicado en Buenos Aires el ano de in honor of Ezeiza at his death. 1854 y otras poesias ineditas. Buenos Aires: Casa Fare, Santos S. El mito de Santos Vega. Buenos Aires: Editora de Jacobo Peuser, 1900. 2nd edition. Asociacion Folklorica Argentina, 1939. Paulino Lucero, o los gauchos del Rio de la Plata Gtiiraldes, Ricardo. Don Segunda Sombra. Buenos cantando y combatiendo contra los tirano de las Aires: Editorial Losada, 1939. First published in Republicas y Oriental del Uruguay 1926. (1839-1851). Buenos Aires: Casa Editora de Gutierrez, Eduardo. Santos Vega. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Jacobo Peuser, 1900. 2nd edition. Editorial "El Boyero," 1951. Paulino Lucero, Aniceto el Gallo, Santos Vega. Hernandez, Jose. Martin Fierro. Buenos Aires: Editorial Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Losada, 1963. Aires, 1960. Lugones, Leopoldo. El payador. Buenos Aires: Editorial La primera version del "Santos Vega" de Huemul. 4th edition. First published in 1916. Ascasubi. Un texto gauchesco desconocido. With Lynch, Ventura R. Cancionero bonaerense. Buenos forward and commentary by Felix Weinberg Aires: Inprenta de la Universidad [de Buenos Buenos Aires: Compama General Fabril Editora, Aires], 1923. S.A., 1974. Careful reconstruction of the original La provincia de Buenos Aires hasta la definition text published in in 1850. de la cuestion capital de la Republica. Buenos Becco, Horacio Jorge. Negros y morenos en el Aires: Imprenta de la Universidad, 1925. Facsimile cacionero rio-platense. Buenos Aires: Sociedad reproduction of the 1883 edition.

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This content downloaded from 164.73.224.2 on Sat, 24 Nov 2018 02:47:39 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Donald S. Castro

Moya, Ismael. El arte de los payadores. Buenos Aires: Editorial P. Berruti, 1959. Romancero. Buenos Aires: Imprenta de la Universidad, 1941. Obligado, Rafael. Santos Vega. Introduction and commentary by Maria Antonia Oyuela. Buenos Aires: Municipalidad de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1937. Ortiz Oderigo, Nestor. "Africanismos en la coreografi'a del tango," La Prensa [de Buenos Aires] (December 9, 1979). Sunday supplement. Aspectos de la cultura africana en el Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires: Editorial Plus Ultra, 1974. Calunga croquis del candombe. Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires, 1969. - Historia del Jazz. Buenos Aires: Ricordi Americani, 1952. Panorama de la musica afro-americana. Buenos Aires: Editorial Claridad, n.d. Rostros de bronce. Miisicos negros de ayer y de hoy. Buenos Aires: Compania General Fabril Editora: Los libros del mirasol, 1964. Author's name is spelled incorrectly as Ortiz Oderico. Podesta, Jose. Medio siglo de farandula. Buenos Aires: n.p., 1930. Roman, Marcelino M. Itinerario del payador. Buenos Aires: Editorial Lautaro, 1957. Rodriguez Molas, Ricardo. La musica y danza de los negros en el Buenos Aires de los siglos XVIII y XIX. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Clio, 1957. "El negro en el Rio de la Plata," [Buenos Aires] Polemica, 1 (May 1970), pp. 38-56. "Negros libres rfoplatenses," Revista de Humanidades [de Buenos Aires], 1 (September 1961), pp. 99-126. Rojas, Ricardo. Historia de la literatura argentina: Ensayo filosofico sobre la evolucion de la cultura en la Plata. 1 vols. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1948. Rossi, Vicente. Cosas de negros: Los origines de tango y otros aportes al folklore rioplatense. Rectificaci ones historicas. Cordoba, Argentina: Editorial Imprenta Argentina, 1926. El gaucho: su origen y su evolucion. Cordoba: Inprenta Rio de la Plata, 1921. Teatro nacional rioplatense: Contribucion a su analisis y a su historia. C6rdoba, Argentina: "Imprenta Argentina" de Beltran y Rossi, 1910. Shumway, Nicolas. The Invention of Argentina. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. Slatta, Richard W., ed. Bandidos: The Varieties of Latin American Banditry. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987. Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. Wright, Winthrop R. Cafe con Leche: Race, Class, and National Image in Venezuela. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990.

AFRO-HISPANIC REVIEW FALL 1994

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