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Why Nominative Is Special: Stem Allomorphy and Case Structures

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Why Nominative Is Special: Stem Allomorphy and Case Structures Why nominative is special: Stem allomorphy and case structures Generative Linguistics in the Old World 37 Brussels, April 4th, 2014 Thomas McFadden Zentrum für allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS), Berlin [email protected] In this talk I will look at instances of stem alternations in nominal inflection in a series of languages, along the lines of Latin hom-o¯, hom-in-is ‘man’ (Nom, Gen). + All of them involve allomorphy of a stem-forming element that is at least partly conditioned by case. + I will propose and defend the generalization that nominative has a unique status among the cases for such alternations. + Then I will develop an analysis in terms of context-sensitive exponence of little n, which allows us to probe into the structural representation of case, and of the nominative in particular. 1 An introduction to the pattern from Tamil The morphology of Tamil generally follows a typical agglutinative pattern, and the nouns are no exception: • Case and number markers are clearly segmentable, and essentially the same case- markers attach to all nouns (with some minor differences based on animacy). • The stems the case-markers attach to are also mostly constant, aside from the ap- plication of regular rules that ensure phonological well-formedness. • So in panju ‘cotton’, a -u is epenthesized in the nominative to satisfy the ban on word-final obstruents, while in ammaa ‘mother’ an epenthetic v is inserted before the vowel-inital case suffixes to avoid hiatus. ‘boy’ ‘cotton’ ‘mother’ Nom payyan panju ammaa Acc payyan-ai panj-ai ammaav-ai Dat payyan-ukku panj-ukku ammaav-ukku Inst payyan-aale panj-aale ammaav-aale 1 Thomas McFadden Why nominative is special: Stem allomorphy and case structures However, some nouns show more interesting alternations: ‘tree’ ‘house’ Nom maram viiãu Acc maratt-ai viiúú-ai Dat maratt-ukku viiúú-ukku Inst maratt-aale viiúú-aale • A large class of nouns including maram ‘tree’ end in -am in the nominative, but replace this with -att- before all of the case endings. • Another class including viiãu ‘house’ geminate their stem final ã outside the nom- inative (triggering phonologically regular devoicing). • Crucially, these alternations do not correspond to regular phonological rules in the language and have no synchronic phonological motivation. • Rather, at least descriptively we must recognize distinct morphological stems. Beyond their relevance for a treatment of Tamil morphophonology, why should these alternations interest us? + It turns out that similar patterns of stem allomorphy dependent on case are found in a series of languages. + Crucially, there is an apparent generalization characterizing how the allomorphs are distributed when case is the deciding factor: (1) Nominative stem-allomorphy generalization (NSAG) When there is stem allomorphy based on case, it distinguishes the nomina- tive from all other cases. + To the extent that this generalization is accurate, it should tell us something about the morphosyntactic structures involved in case-marking. 2 Morphological vs. phonological alternations The NSAG in 1 is not meant to apply to any old change in the form of a stem, but specifically to stem allomorphy, i.e. morphological alternations. + We can get a better idea of this distinction by looking at some Finnish patterns. Finnish is also highly agglutinative in its inflectional morphology, as exemplified e.g. by the (very abbreviated) declension of talo ‘house’ in the first column below: 2 GLOW 37, Brussels April 4th, 2014 ‘house’ ‘street’ ‘person’ Nom talo katu ihmi-nen Gen talo-n kadu-n ihmi-se-n Part talo-a katu-a ihmi-s-tä Iness talo-ssa kadu-ssa ihmi-se-ssä But as the other two example nouns show, we also find examples of stem alternations. However, the two examples here show crucially different properties: katu ‘street’ reflects a pervasive morphophonological alternation in Finnish known as ‘consonant gradation’. + CG is found in verbal and other paradigms as well as nominal ones, so we might not expect it to have anything directly to do with case or nominal stems. + The effects of the alternation can be characterized fairly easily in phonological terms – in this case a difference of voicing, in others of gemination or frication. + Its triggering environments can be characterized in (essentially) phonological terms: we get the weak variant (here d) in the onset of a closed syllable and the strong one (here t) in the onset of an open one.1 ihminen ‘person’ on the other hand does not reflect any independently motivated mor- phophonological alternation. + The pattern here is fairly common, but it is restricted to the declensions of a specific class of nouns. + The difference between -nen and -se- is not easily described in terms of a phonological rule. + There is no phonological characterization of the triggering for the two variants. Rather, it depends on the morphosyntactic features of case and number. The interesting thing to note then is that the only alternations in Finnish that would seem to violate the NSAG are ones of the katu type, never those of the ihminen type. ê In other words, if an alternation splits up case forms in some way other than what 1 predicts, it seems to be because it is actually phonologically implemented rather than being true stem allomorphy. ê Genuine morphosyntactically implemented stem allomorphy always puts the split between the nominative and everything else. Deciding whether a particular alternation is phonological or morphosyntactic is of course not a simple matter in general. In the course of the talk, I will make the distinction in- ceasingly precise, but the basic intuition is as follows: 1This is a (not entirely innocent) simplification. See e.g. Karlsson (1995) for details. 3 Thomas McFadden Why nominative is special: Stem allomorphy and case structures + We have to distinguish stem allomorphy from phonological readjustment of stem material. Only the former is governed by the NSAG. + For me, allomorphy implies that two (or more) distinct exponents alternate for insertion in a single node, conditioned by the morphosyntactic context, rather than a single exponent which is subsequently modified by phonological operations. + The term stem is used descriptively, on the one hand to contrast with root sup- pletion of the go/went type, and on the other to make it clear that the allomorphy involves a sub-part of the noun base rather than the case (or number) suffix. + So, again descriptively, in a form like G ihmisen, we have a root ihmi- (which also appears in the N form ihminen), followed by a stem-formative allomorph -se- (which alternates with -nen), followed by a case-marker -n. + In a form like G kadun, other the other hand, we have the same underlying stem katu- found in N katu etc., but with the application of a phonological rule voicing the final consonant, then followed by the case-marker -n. 3 Case or endinglessness? Note now that in the Tamil and Finnish examples we’ve seen, the nominative is distinct from all other cases in that it does not involve an overt case ending. + So based on what we’ve seen so far, it could be that stem allomorphy tracks not grammatical case categories, but the simple presence of an overt suffix. + In this scenario, it would be able to tell us nothing about the structure of case be- yond what we can alread see from its surface morphophonological manifestation. While this may be the correct characterization of some alternations, more data from Tamil and Icelandic (and later Latin) make it clear that it cannot be the general answer. Consider first Tamil again: • For most nouns, there are two distinct forms that can be used in what we might think of as genitive contexts: 1. A form bearing an overt suffix -ooãa, sometimes called the ‘Sociative’ 2. A form with no overt suffix, but crucially with the non-nominative stem form • So we find the following doublet: (2) mara-tt-ooãa elai tree-obl-gen leaf ‘the tree’s leaf’ 4 GLOW 37, Brussels April 4th, 2014 (3) mara-tt elai tree-obl leaf ‘the tree’s leaf’ • If the ‘oblique’ stem depended on the presence of an ending, we could make no sense of its appearance in 3. • But if it depends on non-nominative case, we can analyze 3 as having an underlying genitive case which triggers the oblique stem, but happens to have a null exponent. Icelandic furnishes a different kind of argument that stem alternations depend on mor- phosyntactic categories and not on the presence of morphophonological endings: • In many noun classes in Icelandic, the nominative singular is marked with an overt ending, e.g. -ur. At the same time, the accusative singular is often endingless. • So the word for ‘horse’, which is a member of the largest inflectional class of mas- culine nouns, is hestur in the nominative singular, but hest in the accusative. ê So we simply cannot equate endinglessness with nominative in the language. Nonetheless, in nouns that show irregular stem alternations like maður ‘man’, we again find the nominative distinguished from all other cases: ‘horse’ ‘man’ Nom hest-ur mað-ur Acc hest mann Gen hest-s mann-s Dat hest-i mann-i + As with the word for horse, we have an overt ending -ur in the nominative singular, but here it attaches to an irregular stem form mað-. + All other cases are built on mann-, crucially including the endingless accusative. 4 The lessons of the Latin 3rd declension Consider now some nouns of the Latin 3rd declension: ‘chief’ ‘stone’ ‘man’ ‘old man’ ‘name’ ‘kind’ ‘journey’ Nom pr¯ıncep-s lapi-s hom-o¯ senex nomen¯ gen-us it-er Acc pr¯ıncip-em lapi-d-em hom-in-em sen-em nomen¯ gen-us it-er Gen pr¯ıncip-is lapi-d-is hom-in-is sen-is nomin-is¯ gen-er-is it-iner-is Dat pr¯ıncip-¯ı lapi-d-¯ı hom-in-¯ı sen-¯ı nomin-¯ ¯ı gen-er-¯ı it-iner-¯ı pr¯ınceps ‘chief’ is a regular masculine noun of this declension.
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