10.6094/helden.heroes.heros./2014/QM/03 15 David A. Harrap A Saintly Rescuer for a Shakespearean Villain: The Hours of Richard III and Saint Ninian I II Richard III (1452–1485) is one of England’s Richard’s personality has captivated commenta- arche typal anti-heroes, a mendacious and am- tors and historians from his own time to this. Yet bitious, fratricide and infanticide whose usurpa- the awareness of the tenuousness of the myths tion of the crown incurred just punishment. His and models of his character has an almost equal reputation for wickedness had developed even longevity. Thomas More, for example, writing before he died and became an enduring cul- on Richard’s motivations for usurping the crown tural legacy in Shakespeare’s play (Hanham). opined that “whoso diuineth vppon coniectures, Despite historical criticism of this characterisa- maye as wel shote to farre as to short” (Sylvester tion, Richard’s anti-heroic notoriety remains the vol. 2, 9). This self-consciousness has extended context in which historians hoping to comment to some of the more recent commentaries on on Richard’s personality often work. Among the Richard’s religious beliefs. In their 1997 study fragments of information that allow the historian of what remains of Richard’s library, Sutton and to approach the issue of Richard’s psyche are Visser-Fuchs explicitly avoided using his books a number of documents pertaining to Richard’s to make more than very tentative claims concern- devotion to Saint Ninian of Whithorn (Galloway) ing Richard’s piety. Here the response to the cul- (4th–5th Century). Richard’s interest in this tural legacy of Richard was reactive, engende- ’Scottish’ saint is usually presented as having ring great, perhaps overmuch, caution into the origins in Richard’s ambition to conquer parts analysis of Richard’s religious behaviour. They of lowland Scotland. However, such an analysis concluded that while there are possible indica- largely sidesteps discussion of Richard’s char- tions of an independent mind, evidenced by his acter, except in implying political ambition, tacitly possession of an English paraphrase of the Old accepted to be uncontroversial. While these mo- Testament and a Wycliffite New Testament, his tives should not be wholly dismissed, they are books do not allow one to draw any definite con- unlikely to have been the sole or even the most clusions concerning his character (Richard III’s important grounds for Richard’s interest in Saint Books 82–85). By contrast, Jonathan Hughes Ninian. In worshipping Ninian, Richard displayed was more directly influenced by the idea of a a style of devotion that was, for his time and so- historical anti-hero, and he deployed Richard’s cial context, entirely conventional, suggesting book of hours to construct for the king a persona not political concerns, but pious motives. The through which his usurpation of the crown could only element of Richard’s religion that actually have been rationalised as the consequence of appears unusual was the choice of Ninian him- religious zeal and a sense of personal destiny. self, and even that may not have been particu- However, his claims are difficult to accept in full. larly odd in the context of late-medieval, north- They are based on the belief that a speculative ern-English devotion to the saint. This article reading, derived from a limited number of texts will address some of the issues that have arisen that survive from Richard’s library can be said to from Richard’s anti-heroic fame and will then be authoritative (Hughes 25–26, 131 and 104– proceed to analyse his devotion to Ninian and 153). Richard’s literary and cultural legacy has the possible and probable significance of this stimulated a fascination with personality that his manifestation of a particularly medieval Christian historians have always had to negotiate, even if form of ’hero-worship’ for our understanding of it is not the focus of their studies. Richard’s character. helden. heroes. héros. David A. Harrap – Richard III and Saint Ninian 16 Richard’s anti-heroic reputation need not con- the divine service as it was performed by mem- strain historical writing. In similar cases from the bers of the clergy. A book of hours would have later middle ages, where relatively substantial simultaneously enabled a kind of religious inde- documentation pertaining to the piety of an indi- pendence while signalling spiritual attachment to vidual exists, the evidence is usually perceived the forms and practices of the official church. by historians to function less problematical- ly as a window onto an individual’s religion, or Richard’s book of hours was unusual in a num- that of their immediate social milieu. Such evi- ber of particulars. Produced in the 1420s, it had dence tends not to engender such grandiose not originally been made for Richard himself; extra polations as some of those which have given the rather complicated and heavily abbre- de veloped out of analyses of Richard’s piety. viated instructions for seasonal variations in the Michael Hicks’s examination of the will of Lady hours of the Virgin on fols. 9–14, the first owner Margaret Hungerford (d.1478), for example, il- probably had clerical training. Before Richard lustrated that personal documents may be used acquired it, almost sixty folios of additional to reach conclusions on the religious complexion pray ers were added to the book (Sutton and of an individual without undue speculation. Simi- Visser-Fuchs, The Hours). Though none of them larly Kathryn Smith’s treatments of fourteenth was itself unusual, the prayers and their rubrics century books of hours demonstrates the poten- promised divine aid for a wide range of spiritual tial of these texts to shed light on the religious and worldly problems. Taken as a group, their lives of their users. While Hughes relied heavily number and comprehensiveness was uncom- on conjecture in his analysis of Richard’s book mon and may have formed part of the book’s of hours, he argued correctly that it was a docu- attraction for Richard. Sharing the belief of his ment that could shed light on his private religious contemporaries in the instrumentality of prayer, life. This book of hours and specifically the Col- that is to say in the intrinsic power of a particular lect of Saint Ninian (Lambeth Palace MS 474, form of words to request the help of divine grace, fol. 1r), when examined in relation to Richard’s Richard may have wanted a book of hours that religious foundations and to his policies in the offered a full range of choices (Duffy 218–20). north of England, can yield revealing insights into his personal beliefs and concerns, even if Richard acquired the book of hours after his ac- those beliefs and concerns should turn out to cession to the throne in 1483. Among his add- have been largely conventional. itions was an entry in the calendar for his birth- day on the second of October where he refers III to himself as Ricardus Rex, and a long prayer (fols. 181–83) in which he is again referred to as Richard acquired his book of hours at a time king. In addition to these changes, Richard also when such texts were at their most popular. added a long, litany-like devotion at the end of Books of hours were a remarkable fifteenth-cen- the book (fols. 184–184v). Yet the most promi- tury phenomenon; greater numbers of them sur- nent of his additions is the collect of Saint Nini- vive from this period than any other kind of book, an on the very first page (fol. 1). Translated, the including the Bible (de Hamel ch. 6; Wieck). prayer reads “O God who converted the people They were essentially an adaptation and abbre- of the Picts and the Britons through the teaching viation of ancillary devotions from the breviaries of holy Ninian your confessor to the knowledge used by monastic orders to celebrate the eight of your faith, grant of your grace that by the inter- liturgical hours of the day: Matins, Lauds, Prime, cession of him by whose learning we are deep- Terce, Sext, None, Vespers and Compline. Each ened in the light of your truth we may obtain the service consisted of a number of psalms, hymns, joys of heaven. Through Christ our Lord. Amen”.1 canticles, lessons and prayers with antiphons and versicles with their responses, arranged ac- IV cording to a ‚use’ particular to a given region or institution (Duffy 209–11). In England, the most As the collect states, Saint Ninian was re puted to common uses were those of Sarum (Salisbury) have converted the Picts in the fourth or fifth cen- and Eboracum (York), but there were uses pecu- turies before the arrival of Saint Columba (521– liar to the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Au- 597). His shrine was at Candida Casa (the White gustinians and others. The form of worship em- House) at Whithorn in Galloway. He is thought to bodied by the books of hours was modelled on have been a Northumbrian development of the official liturgy, but was also distinct from it. It was historical Finnian of Movilla, a sixth-century Irish flexible and adaptable; books of hours might be missionary to the Picts (Clancy). There is a short used in private but could also be used to follow record of Ninian’s life in Bede’s (c. 673–735) helden. heroes. héros. David A. Harrap – Richard III and Saint Ninian 17 Historia Ecclesiastica (c. 731), but the origins was part of his enculturation (Hicks).