The Evolution of Cleavages in the Indonesian Party System
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Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Indo 91 0 1302899078 215 216
Bernard Platzdasch. Islamism in Indonesia: Politics in the Emerging D em ocracy. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009. 452 pp. Julie Chernov Hwang To date, most of the published scholarship on Islamist parties in Indonesia has fallen into two main categories, either single case studies, often focusing on the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera), or articles that assess the grand sweep of Indonesian political parties, highlighting the most significant characteristics of individual parties and addressing the broad trends in party behavior. While many of those studies are highly insightful and theoretically grounded, comparatively few have succeeded in balancing depth with breadth. Islamism in Indonesia is a robust comparative study assessing the three most significant Islamist parties in the Indonesian political system: Partai Keadilan (PK, Justice Party; also, since 2003, PKS), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP, United Development Party), and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB, Crescent and Star Party). While Bernard Platzdasch's book spans the period from 1955 to 2009, the bulk of his analysis centers on the transition period, between 1998 and 2002. Platzdasch contends that Islamists endeavor to apply Islamic philosophy, law, and morality to politics for very specific doctrinal, theological, and historical reasons. Namely, Islamists believe that syariah law is more indigenous and better suited to Indonesia than is colonially derived civil law. Moreover, to varying degrees, Islamists view Muslims -
The Rise of Islamic Religious-Political
Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi THE RISE OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA The Background, Present Situation and Future1 Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi The Institute for Islamic Studies of Darussalam, Gontor Ponorogo, Indonesia Abstract: This paper traces the roots of the emergence of Islamic religious and political movements in Indonesia especially during and after their depoliticization during the New Order regime. There were two important impacts of the depoliticization, first, the emergence of various study groups and student organizations in university campuses. Second, the emergence of Islamic political parties after the fall of Suharto. In addition, political freedom after long oppression also helped create religious groups both radical on the one hand and liberal on the other. These radical and liberal groups were not only intellectual movements but also social and political in nature. Although the present confrontation between liberal and moderate Muslims could lead to serious conflict in the future, and would put the democratic atmosphere at risk, the role of the majority of the moderates remains decisive in determining the course of Islam and politics in Indonesia. Keywords: Islamic religious-political movement, liberal Islam, non-liberal Indonesian Muslims. Introduction The rise of Islamic political parties and Islamic religious movements after the fall of Suharto was not abrupt in manner. The process was gradual, involving numbers of national and global factors. 1 The earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “Islam and Asia: Revisiting the Socio-Political Dimension of Islam,” jointly organized by Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM), 15-16 October, Tokyo. -
Politik Santri in Indonesia
What is Political Islam? An Examination of its Theoretical Mapping in Modern Indonesia Bahtiar Effendy Introduction am not sure if remapping contemporary Indonesian Islam is any Imore urgent now than in the past –let us say twenty or thirty years ago. This is especially true if the reference point of the remapping is the general characterization of Indonesian Islam in modern times. The mid-forties or early fifties was a time when the archipelago was strug- gling to transform itself into a new state and because of that the gen- eral outlook of Indonesian Islam —other than the fact that it was a product of a relatively peaceful proselytization, signified by the will- What is Political Islam? ingness of its bearers (i.e. saint, merchant-da’i, etc.) to accommodate local culture — has always been associated with the country’s socio- cultural, economic, and political development. In that context, socio-religiously or theologically speaking, we have been accustomed to see Indonesian Islam in the light of tradition- alism versus modernism, syncreticism versus puritanism, and perhaps even orthodoxy versus heterodoxy. Politically speaking, the map of Indonesian Islam has shared a comparable complexity. The process of transforming Indonesia into a new state in the early until the mid- twentieth century resulted in many students of Indonesian Islam see- ing it in the light of nationalist versus religious group or santri versus abangan, outsider versus insider, secular versus Islamic, or structural versus cultural. Moving into the seventies and eighties it all came down to the deconfessionalized, domesticated, marginalized nature of Islam. De- feated ideologically, politically, bureaucratically, and electorally, but somehow one cannot say anything with certainty regarding the state of Indonesian Islam. -
Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake. -
Religious Diversity in Muslim-Majority States in Southeast Asia the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) Was Established As an Autonomous Organization in 1968
Religious Diversity in Muslim-majority States in Southeast Asia The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 00 RDMMS.indd 2 7/9/14 12:09:10 PM Religious Diversity in Muslim-majority States in Southeast Asia Areas of Toleration and Conflict EDITED BY Bernhard Platzdasch Johan Saravanamuttu INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Singapore First published in Singapore in 2014 by ISEAS Publishing Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace, Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] • Website: bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © 2014 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy. -
Indonesia | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
Indonesia | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 Indonesia freedomhouse.org Simultaneous parliamentary elections were held in April 2014 for national, provincial, and district level parliaments, and presidential elections took place in July, all amid sporadic election-related violence and limited voting irregularities. The Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) returned to power. Golkar, the party of former president Suharto, came in second, but won fewer seats than in the past. The Democrat Party (PD) of outgoing president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (also known as SBY) lost a significant number of seats. Jakarta governor Joko Widodo (Jokowi) from the PDI-P won the presidential contest against Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) candidate and former general Prabowo Subianto. Taking office in October, Jokowi was a relative newcomer to the national political scene. In September, Indonesia’s outgoing national parliament voted to pass an election law that rolled back significant democratic reforms that had been instituted since the authoritarian years of Suharto. The new law ended regional direct elections for administrative heads (governor, district chief, and mayor), returning to indirect election by local assemblies. While the law was defended on the grounds of saving money and reducing vote buying, most political observers agree it aims to increase the power of established parties, strengthen legislative control over the executive branch, and make it more difficult for political figures outside of the traditional elite to gain office. SBY issued two government regulations in October that negated the new law; however, the new parliament must vote to retain the regulations or to reinstate the law. The new parliament, which is comprised of a large proportion of parties that defended the new law, is expected to vote on the matter in early 2015. -
Constrained Hegemony: the State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia
Constrained Hegemony: The State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia Muhammad Ridha1 Abstract This paper aims to elucidate the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of post-authoritarian Islamic politics in Indonesia gained influence in the democratic process despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? It argues that Islamic politics is experiencing what I call “constrained hegemony.” It suggests that the current paradoxical situation of Islamic politics is the result of the failure of Islamic politics to politically dominate the state along with the resurgence of Islamic conservatism in post- authoritarian Indonesia. Both the failure and the resurgence are determined by two intertwined factors: the legacy of the New Order power structure and the adoption of a neoliberal free- market economy. The factors operate in different ways at the political and civil society levels of the state. At the level of political society, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism tends to weaken and subordinate Islamic forces that are organized through political parties. At the civil society level, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism leads to the reinforcement of Islamic forces that is regimented through conservative Islamic organizations. Introduction This project aims to examine the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of Islamic politics been able to gain influence in the democratic process of the state despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? Hamayotsu (2011) finds that the Islamic political agenda promoted by Islamic parties has failed to gain significant votes in the national electoral arena. -
Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism After Suharto
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 1, 2008, pp. 23–51 URL: http://jissh.journal.lipi.go.id/index.php/jissh/article/view/2 DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.2 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 1979-8431 (printed), 2656-7512 (Online) Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism after Suharto Noorhaidi Hasan Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta Abstract This paper examines the rising tide of ethno-religious conflicts and Islamic radicalism in the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia. In the climate of Reformasi that heralded freedom of expression, ethnic and religious violence flared up in various regions of Indonesia, threatening a society apparently imbued with a culture of tolerance based on harmonious inter-ethnic and inter-faith relations. In a flurry of conflicts, a number of militant Muslim groups arose and engulfed the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by calling for jihad and other violent actions. The rise of the groups gave a remarkable boost to the explosion of militant religious discourses and activism that threaten Indonesia’s reputation for practising a tolerant and inclusive form of Islam and threaten, too, the integrity of the Indonesian nation-state as well. Against the backdrop of the state–Islam relationship in the New Order, this paper looks at how this phenomenon is embedded in the state’s failure to manage properly religious diversity and civic pluralism. In the context of mounting competition among elites, religion has become tremendously politicised and has served more as a tactical tool used by political contenders in their own interests.